Summary of Our Enemies Will Vanish by Yaroslav Trofimov: The Russian Invasion and Ukraine's War of Independence

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Summary of Our Enemies Will Vanish by Yaroslav Trofimov: The Russian Invasion and Ukraine's War of Independence

 

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Yaroslav Trofimov's "Our Enemies Will Vanish" is a detailed account of Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the heroism of the Ukrainian people in their resistance. Trofimov, a Ukrainian chief foreign-affairs correspondent for The Wall Street Journal, has spent months at the heart of the conflict, often on its front lines. He traces the war's decisive moments, from the battle for Kyiv to the gruelling arm wrestle involving the Wagner group over Bakhmut. Trofimov's account is deeply personal, blending the stories of everyday Ukrainian citizens with expert military analysis. The war is unfolding on another continent, and the United States and NATO allies have become deeply implicated. The book is both heart-breaking and inspiring, highlighting the fight for justice and democracy.

• Language: English
• Publisher: BookRix
• Release date: Jan 11, 2024
• ISBN: 9783755467250

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Summary of Our Enemies Will Vanish

A

Summary of Yaroslav Trofimov’s Book

The Russian Invasion and Ukraine's War of Independence

GP SUMMARY

Summary of Our Enemies Will Vanish by Yaroslav Trofimov: The Russian Invasion and Ukraine's War of Independence

By GP SUMMARY© 2024, GP SUMMARY.

All rights reserved.

Author: GP SUMMARY

Contact: [e-mail]

Cover, illustration: GP SUMMARY

Editing, proofreading: GP SUMMARY

Other collaborators: GP SUMMARY

NOTE TO READERS

This is an unofficial summary & analysis of Yaroslav Trofimov’s The Little Liar: A Novel designed to enrich your reading experience.

DISCLAIMER

The contents of the summary are not intended to replace the original book. It is meant as a supplement to enhance the reader's understanding. The contents within can neither be stored electronically, transferred, nor kept in a database. Neither part nor full can the document be copied, scanned, faxed, or retained without the approval from the publisher or creator.

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Copyright 2024. All rights reserved.

PROLOGUE

On February 23, 2022, Kyiv was a peaceful city with billboards advertising concerts and cherry-liquor bars filled with folk-rock music. Ukrainian lawmakers debated emergency wartime legislation. Petro Poroshenko, a chocolate-industry tycoon battling corruption charges, reminisced about Ukrainian society's unity after the 2014 revolution against President Viktor Yanukovych's authoritarian rule. Russia had captured Ukraine's Crimean Peninsula and attempted to annex Ukraine's southeastern half, but Moscow's attempts failed. On February 21, Putin recognized the Donetsk and Luhansk people's republics and signed mutual-defense agreements with them.

Shelling intensified along the cease-fire line through Donbas, and tensions between Ukrainian President Poroshenko and Russian President Zelensky grew. The two politicians had met to discuss the looming threat from Moscow, a topic that has caused national catastrophes throughout Ukrainian history. Poroshenko emphasized unity around the nation and called for a moratorium on anything that undermines unity. His party's lawmakers were about to vote on a government bill to expand Zelensky's powers. The meeting was scheduled for tomorrow after four a.m., warning the public about the looming threat from Moscow.

Poroshenko confirmed that the war is over, and parliament is meeting to vote for pro-Russian measures. Many Ukrainians, including senior officials and billionaire oligarchs, were flying out of Kyiv, fearing their country would collapse. Western intelligence services predicted a Russian victory within days, and President Joe Biden's administration had shut down the US embassy compound in Kyiv. Zelensky publicly played down the likelihood of a full-scale Russian invasion, believing that Ukrainian soldiers would not surrender and that the assembled Russian force would be insufficient to capture Kyiv or the entire nation.

The author reflects on the situation in Ukraine, comparing it to a bluff attempt by Putin to extract last-minute concessions from the West. They note that Russian troops had been camping out in harsh winter conditions, suffering from diarrhea, respiratory infections, and vehicle breakdowns. The author questions if young people in bars were unaware of the gathering storm or savoring their last moments of peace. In Washington, foreboding is palpable as Ukraine's foreign minister, Dmytro Kuleba, visits Biden. They stock up on essentials and advise friends to jump on a train west to avoid being trapped on the wrong side.

The author recounts their experience in Kyiv during World War I, where they were stranded in Uman, where their grandmother was born. They tested their satellite phones and stowed body armor and helmets. The presidents of Poland and Lithuania visited Kyiv, and the news of war spread. The city was filled with anxiety, and the phone lines went offline. The author's hotel was empty, except for journalists and Sean Penn, who had just spent the afternoon with Zelensky. Zelensky made his late-night address on TV, wearing a smart charcoal suit and a white shirt and black tie.

Ukraine is ready to negotiate with Moscow, but Putin refuses to take his calls. Zelensky argues that the Ukrainian people want peace and that they are not enemies. He speaks directly to Russian citizens, stating that if soldiers try to advance, they will defend themselves. The invasion began on February 24, with Russian missiles and bombs hitting Ukrainian military bases, airfields, and government installations. Despite predictions of a shock-and-awe bombing run, Kyiv remained intact, with phone networks, internet, and electricity. The war has left little resistance, and the city remains unaffected.

The Ukrainian domestic intelligence agency (SBU) headquarters in Kyiv were filled with spies burning files to prevent Russian control. The city was deserted, with only a few people gathered by a tent. Jets rumbled above, and security personnel demanded strict COVID mask rules. The war did not emerge suddenly, but it was hard to believe that Putin had launched it. Putin appeared on Russian TV, cocky and confident, announcing a special military operation to denazify and demilitarize Ukraine.

Putin emphasized the importance of Ukraine and Russia as a common whole and urged Ukrainian soldiers to surrender instead of following the criminal junta in Kyiv. He threatened that any interference or obstacles for Russia would provoke immediate consequences. The author compared Kyiv to fallen capital cities like Baghdad, Tripoli, and Kabul, predicting that most Ukrainian soldiers would follow Putin's plan.

PART ONE

DIGNITY

THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLICS

Russia's war against Ukraine began eight years earlier, with the initial divorce in December 1991 being surprisingly bloodless. Russia recognized Ukraine's sovereignty over lands that many Russians considered rightfully theirs. The breakup was largely ignored by Moscow, as it expected Ukraine's independence to be nominal at best. In Belarus, the 1994 election of Aleksandr Lukashenko and the 2004 election of Yanukovych failed to steer the country westward. Lukashenko brought Belarus into a confederation with Russia and suppressed the democratic opposition. The Ukrainian people revolted twice, and in 2004, Yanukovych attempted to steal a presidential election, leading to another round of elections.

In 2010, Ukrainian President Yanukovych won the presidency due to unchecked graft and infighting in Ukraine's pro-Western camp. He promised closer ties with the European Union but unexpectedly pulled out of the deal and moved to join a customs union with Russia. This led to protests, which turned violent when Yanukovych ordered riot police to open fire. The Ukrainian parliament intervened to outlaw the use of force against protesters, and on February 21, Yanukovych agreed to form a government of national unity with the opposition and hold presidential elections under international supervision by December.

Russian special forces began a military offensive on February 27, 2014, from the headquarters of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in Sevastopol. The Ukrainian military was hardly a fighting force, and many military leaders joined the Russians. The interim government in Kyiv passed legislation to limit the use of the Russian language in public, making it easier for Putin to posture as the defender of Ukraine's Russian-speakers.

Pro-Russian protesters attempted to seize government buildings, clashing with rival, pro-Ukrainian activists. The police mostly stood by or even tacitly helped the pro-Russians. In April 2014, Putin proclaimed that all of eastern and southern Ukraine wasn't historically Ukrainian and should henceforth be known as Novorossiya, or New Russia. Pro-Russian militants seized regional government headquarters and other administrative buildings in Kharkiv, Donetsk, and Luhansk, hoisting Russian flags and proclaiming three supposedly independent people's republics. However, things turned out differently in Donetsk and Luhansk, as local police and intelligence services refused to act or switched sides, leading to the occupied government compounds turning into fortresses, plunged into war.

In April 2014, Igor Girkin, a retired Russian intelligence colonel, led a group of Russian military veterans to capture a police station in Slovyansk, revealing the weakness of Ukraine's regular army. This led to the formation of unruly militias and a network of volunteer groups. The war that spread through Donbas was bloodier than expected, with Ukrainian forces retaking Slovyansk and thousands of heavily armed volunteers entering Donetsk and Luhansk from Russia.

Russian intervention brought devastation to Donbas,