National Security, Democracy, & Good Governance in Post-Military Rule Nigeria, Volume One

By Dr. Dan Mou

This book shows that the security, economic, political, and social problems challenging national security, democracy, and good governance currently in Nigeria would get better or worse, depending on what happens to the seventy-one percent (71%) of Nigerias population still living below poverty line. This is in spite of the billions of petrodollars that Nigeria garnered as revenue over the past few decades.

It reveals that one does not need to be a political prophet to predict that if these challenges are not successfully addressed through good governance and inclusive growth, this country will witness the worst civil disobedience, violence, revolts, militancy, breakdown of law and order, more kidnappings, and more of the citizens trying to check out of the country to other parts of the world in future.

It concludes, however, that under such intense pressures, the Government of Nigeria, even if it is simply for its self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions to move against the interests of the dominant groups and classes in Nigeria. These are the ones who have, for long, captured and hijacked state power and the resources of the country for their exclusive use.

• Language: English
• Publisher: AuthorHouse UK
• Release date: Dec 30, 2016
• ISBN: 9781524668013

Dr. Dan Mou

Dr. Dan Mou holds a B.Sc. Hons. Political Science (1979), University of Ibadan, Nigeria; M.A. (1982) and Ph.D. (1986), University of Wisconsin, Madison, U.S.A. specializing in Public Policy Analysis and African Politics; Ph.D. (Honoris Causa), International Law and Diplomacy (2013), Pacific Western University, Colorado, U.S.A. and another Ph.D. (Honoris Causa), Business Administration (2013), Cornerstone University, Jerusalem, Israel. He lectured at the University of Jos, Nigeria and the University of Wisconsin, Madison, U.S.A., before joining the Presidency in Nigeria in 1989, where his positions included: Director (Narcotics Drugs Control); Director (Special Duties), Director (Monitoring and Evaluation), and later appointed the Secretary, National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP). He also served as Director, Nigeria Air Force, and Director (Human Resources) Ministry of Defence, as well as Director (Human Resources, Inspectorate and Management Services), Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Dr. Mou further served as Special Adviser (National Security Affairs) to the National Security Advisers in the Presidency, under three consecutive Nigerian Governments. He has published extensively in scholarly journals and books. His bestsellers are: National Security and Democratic Governance in Nigeria; State Power, Agrarian Policies and Peasant Welfare; National Security, Good Governance & Democracy in Africa; Making of An African Giant: State, Politics and Public Policy in Nigeria, Vol. 1 & 2; Girl Child Education, Democratic Governance & Sustainable Development in Africa. His blessed marriage to Mimidoo Osewe is rewarded with children. E-mail: [e-mail].

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Published by AuthorHouse 12/29/2016

ISBN: 978-1-5246-6802-0 (sc)

ISBN: 978-1-5246-6801-3 (e)

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Contents

Endorsements of Dr. Dan Mou, The Author’s Books

Acknowledgements:

Preface:

Abbreviations:

PART I:    NATIONAL SECURITY AND DEMOCRATIZATION AGENDA: PRELUDE TO CIVIL RULE

Chapter 1:   Introduction

Chapter 2:   The Military, Political Development And Political Transitions: Can The Military Nurture Democracy?

Chapter 3:   The Politics Of Constitutional Conferences And Restructuring In Nigeria

Chapter 4:   Demilitarization Strategy Adopted In The Democratization Process

Chapter 5:   National Security And Human Rights: The Transition From Military Rule To Democracy

PART II:   NATIONAL SECURITY, DEMOCRACY AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN POST-MILITARY RULE NIGERIA

Chapter 6:   National Security, Democracy And Good Governance In Post-Military Rule Era: Conceptual Issues

I.     Introduction

II.     National Security, Good Governance And Democracy: A Framework For Analysis

(i) Scope Of National Security

(ii) Nature Of Good Governance

(iii) Concept Of Democracy

III.     National Security, Good Governance And Democracy: The Nigerian Experience In Post-Military Rule

(i) The National Security Dimension

(ii) Good Governance Dimension

(iii) Democracy Dimension

IV.     Towards The Making Of An African Giant: The Experience Under Obasanjo, Yar’adua And Jonathan Administrations

V.     Conclusion

PART III:   NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF POST-MILITARY RULE NIGERIA

Chapter 7:   Political Leadership And Democracy In Post Military Era

Chapter 8:   Nature Of Party Partnership, Democracy And Good Governance In Post-Military Era

Chapter 9:   National Security, Democracy And Drug Problems In Post-Military Era

Chapter 10:   National Security, Human Rights And Poverty Eradication In Post-Military Era

Chapter 11:   National Security, Public Interest And Mass Media In Post-Military Era

Chapter 12:   Youth, Politics And Good Governance In Post-Military Rule Era

Chapter 13:   The Girl Child, Education And Politics In Post-Military Rule Era

Chapter 14:   Developing A Methodology For Good Governance In Post-Military Rule Era: A Case For The Establishment Of National Poverty Eradication Commission

BIBLIOGRAPHY

APPENDIX I

SUGGESTIONS ON HOW THE INTERIM GOVERNMENTS ARE TO BE CONSTITUTED: Private Memo for Mr. President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Ibrahim B. Babangida, GCFR, on the Current Political Impasse in the Country dated 28th July, 1993

APPENDIX II

RETHINKING OUR ECONOMIC POLICIES: SUGGESTIONS ON HOW THE NEW REGIME CAN QUICKLY REVAMP THE ECONOMY: A Private Memo to General Sani Abacha, new Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Nigerian Armed Forces on the Strategies for Revamping the Nigerian Economy dated 23rd November, 1993

APPENDIX III

THE STATE AND CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEWS: SUGGESTED LIMITATIONS AND MODALITIES FOR THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONFERENCE. A Memorandum Prepared and Submitted to the Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Sani Abacha, CFR., on the Impending Constitutional Conference in Nigeria dated 10th March, 1994.

APPENDIX IV

RETHINKING THE TRANSITION PROGRAMME AND CURRENT ECONOMIC POLICIES: Suggestions for the Way Forward: Private Memo for the new Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Abdulsalami Abubakar on the State of the Nation, dated 15th June, 1998

APPENDIX V

WORKERS, PROBITY AND DEMOCRACY: DEREGULATING THE NIGERIAN WORKERS AS LASTING SOLUTION TO THE MINIMUM WAGE CONTROVERSIES, BRAIN DRAIN, PUBLIC CORRUPTION & LOW WORKER PRODUCTIVITY IN NIGERIA. A Memorandum on the STATE OF NIGERIAN CIVIL SERVICE AND CURRENT EFFORTS AT PREVENTING CORRUPTION AND PROMOTING PRODUCTIVITY: Prepared for the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR. May 30, 1999

APPENDIX VI

PRESIDENT OBASANJO AND NIGERIA’S NEW FOREIGN POLICY: TOWARDS A DYNAMIC CONDUCT AND MANAGEMENT OF OUR EXTERNAL RELATIONS UNDER A DEMOCRATIC ORDER. A Private Memorandum Proposing Strategies and Procedures for a Dynamic Conduct and Management of our External Relations under a Democratic Order, Prepared for the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR, dated 10th June, 1999.

APPENDIX VII

PROPOSAL FOR THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A NATIONAL ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL CRIMES AGENCY (NEFCA) Prepared for the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR, as A Reaction to The Growing Negative Impacts of Economic and Financial Crimes on Nigeria, dated 19th July, 1999.

APPENDIX VIII

PREPARING THE FEDERAL CIVIL SERVICE TO COPE WITH THE CHALLENGES OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE, UNCERTAINTIES AND OPPORTUNITIES OF THE 21ST CENTURY WORLD. A Private Memorandum Prepared for the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR, on the Need to Quickly Modernize the Federal Civil Service to Face the Challenges and Opportunities of the 21st Century World, dated December, 1999.

APPENDIX IX

TOWARDS THE NEED FOR THE COMPUTERISATION OF THE FEDERAL CIVIL SERVICE. A Private Memorandum on the Need for the Computerization of the Operations of the Federal Civil Service in Preparation for Future E-Governance in Nigeria. Prepared for the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, GCFR, 30th January, 2000.

APPENDIX X

NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE BREWING CATASTROPHE IN NIGER DELTA: RETHINKING CURRENT AGENDA FOR RESTORING ORDER IN THE NIGER DELTA AND FAST-FORWARDING THE ATTAINMENT OF PRESIDENT YAR’ADUA’S VISION FOR NIGERIA. Being a Private National Security Policy Memo to Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, GCFR, President and Commander-in-Chief of Nigerian Armed Forces, State House, Abuja, Nigeria, dated 18th August, 2008.

APPENDIX XI

THE TRANSFORMATION AGENDA AND NIGERIA’S NEW FOREIGN POLICY: TOWARDS A DYNAMIC CONDUCT AND EFFECTIVE MANAGEMENT OF OUR EXTERNAL RELATIONS UNDER PRESIDENT GOODLUCK JONATHAN’S ADMINISTRATION. A Private Memorandum Proposing Strategies and Procedures for an Effective new Foreign Policy That Will Help Accomplish the Transformation Agenda. Prepared for the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, President Goodluck Jonathan, GCFR, dated 30th August, 2011

APPENDIX XII

RETHINKING AND PERFECTING THE ONGOING PUBLIC SERVICE REFORMS: DEREGULATING THE NIGERIAN WORKERS AS LASTING SOLUTION TO THE MINIMUM WAGE CONTROVERSIES, BRAIN DRAIN, PUBLIC CORRUPTION AND LOW WORKER PRODUCTIVITY IN NIGERIA. A Private Memorandum on the Need to Deregulate the Nigerian Worker as a Lasting Solution to the Minimum Wage Controversies, Brian Drain, Public Corruption and low Worker Productivity in Nigeria to the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, President Goodluck Jonathan, GCFR., dated 25th August, 2011

APPENDIX XIII

THE PUBLIC SERVICE, PUBLIC CORRUPTION, JOB CREATION AND PRODUCTIVITY: ESTABLISHING THE FOUNDATIONS FOR UNLOCKING PART TIME AND TEMPORARY WORKFORCE BY DEREGULATING WORKERS IN NIGERIA. Being a Policy Position Paper on the Need to Create the Necessary Framework to Support the Robust Development of Part Time and Temporary Workers in Nigeria, Submitted to the Vice-President, Arch. Namadi Sambo, GCON, and Chairman, Presidential Jobs Board (PJB), State House, The Presidency, Abuja, 26th November, 2014.

APPENDIX XIV

THE PUBLIC SERVICE, PUBLIC CORRUPTION, JOB CREATION AND PRODUCTIVITY: DEREGULATING WORKERS AS LASTING SOLUTION TO MINIMUM WAGE CONTROVERSIES, BRAIN DRAIN, PUBLIC CORRUPTION AND LOW WORKER PRODUCTIVITY IN NIGERIA. A Memorndum on the State of Nigerian Public Service and Current Efforts at Preventing Corruption, Creating more Jobs and Promoting Productivity. Prepared for the President-Elect of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, General Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR; dated 24th April, 2015.

APPENDIX XV

RESTORING NIGERIA’S PROGRESSIVE FOREIGN POLICY IN CONTEMPORARY INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENT: A PROPOSAL TO CONSTITUTE A PRESIDENTIAL COMMITTEE TO REVIEW AND PRODUCE BLUE PRINT FOR A NEW PROGRESSIVE FOREIGN POLICY FOR NIGERIA UNDER PRESIDENT MUHAMMADU BUHARI ADMINISTRATION. Being a Private Memorandum to His Excellency, Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR., President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, Federal Republic of Nigeria, Presidential Villa, Abuja, dated 25th August, 2015.

APPENDIX XVI

PROPOSAL FOR ESTABLISHMENT OF A NATIONAL EMPOWERMENT AND INCLUSIVE GROWTH COMMISSION TO CARTER FOR 71% (SEVENTY-ONE PER CENT) OF NIGERIANS STILL IN MASS POVERTY, EXCLUDED FROM ENJOYING DIVIDENDS OF DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT IN THEIR OWN COUNTRY. Prepared for the President and Commander-in-Chief, Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, His Excellency President Muhammadu Buhari, GCFR, as a Reaction to the Growing Number of Nigerians Still Living in Mass Poverty and Excluded from Enjoying the Dividends of Democracy and Development in Nigeria, dated 16th March, 2016.

About the Book

About the Author

Other Recent Books by the Author

ENDORSEMENTS OF DR. DAN MOU,

THE AUTHOR’S BOOKS

• These books are a must read. Dr. Dan Mou, a world-class trained political scientist, who has served at various Ministries and parastatals in Nigeria before retirement, has made stoning revelations. Lead Times Africa Magazine

• Dr. Dan Mou, a varsity don and seasoned civil servant, (who) spent over two decades working in Nigeria’s Presidency, provides deep insights in these books, into the intractable security situation in Nigeria and Africa, among other issues. Daily Trust

• Dr. Dan Mou, an accomplished political scientist and public servant with a firm grasp of national security and public policy … has revealed a lot in his new book: Making of an African Giant: State, Politics and Public Policy in Nigeria, Volumes 1 & 2. Public policy and the state of affairs in Nigeria is the focus of this excellent and well researched book filled with the authors contributions toward a better and prosperous Nigeria … Dr. Mou rightly predicted what we are currently witnessing in Nigeria in this excellent book that all Nigerians should read. The Nation

• I did not only get autographed copies of the book … which incidentally is filled with the author’s contributions toward a better and prosperous Nigeria. … how would I have known that this was the man that wrote a personal Memo to former President Olusegun Obasanjo that led to the establishment of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)? How would I have also known that he was equally the brain behind a personal Memo that led to the establishment of the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and the Amnesty Programme that brought relative peace to that hitherto restive region? … It can be quite painful doing the ‘donkey job’ without being appreciated. In all this, did I detect any hint of bitterness in Dr. Mou? Not at all. He is still contributing his quota to ensure Nigeria gets back on the right track. This is surely one optimistic Nigerian. The Nation.

• Having successfully designed and masterminded many workable national schemes in the past in Nigeria, like the memoranda that led to the establishment of the EFCC (Economic and Financial Crimes Commission), Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs, the Amnesty Programme for the Niger Delta Region Militants, to mention just a few … Dr. Dan Mou, in these books, has (proposed) permanent solutions to these public policy challenges. … it is no fallacy to say that no one else could have done it better. Dr. O.W. Bashorun, Provost, College of Education, Lagos, Nigeria

• "There is this perception that Nigerians don’t write and read. This perception is deep seated, even among intellectuals who see our authors as shallow researchers. But Making of an African Giant by Dr. Dan Mou, has debunked that myth and shown that Nigerians can write well researched and detailed books. So we have to ensure that readers know the book exists … It is quite prophetic in its assessment of the Nigerian State." Agbo Agbo, Columnist, The Nation Newspaper.

• "Dr. Dan Mou’s Making of an African Giant: State, Politics and Public Policy in Nigeria Volumes 1 & 2 which cover 1,860 pages, are not just mere books. They are clearly encyclopedia. Everything you want to know about the State, Politics, economy and society in Nigeria is there!" Dr. Yima Sen, Senior Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Baze University, Abuja, Nigeria.

• Dr. Dan Mou … Thanks for contributing to knowledge. Your books are highly expository and full of discoveries … We are very proud of you. S.A. Raofu, Chairman, Committee of Deans, AOCOE, Lagos, Nigeria.

• "I have bought and read these Dr. Mou’s books. It is clear now that I am one of his quiet admirers … Dr. Mou is certainly one of the best scholars we have on the African continent … As an educationist myself, before I became a Traditional Ruler, I agree totally with his analysis and conclusions in these books. In particular I recommend these books to governments, politicians, policy makers, educationalists and the general public.

I share the optimism Dr. Mou has expressed in these books, that once the recommendations therein are adopted and meticulously implemented, with proper monitoring and evaluation of such resultant policies and programmes, Nigeria and indeed Africa, would be able to solve most of the challenges currently associated with national security, good governance and democracy on the continent.

Buy these books, read these books and above all, take the necessary steps to implement the policy recommendations Dr. Mou has offered therein all over the continent of Africa. Well done, Dr. Mou." HRH Alh. (Dr.) Sheban Audu, Nizazo III, Etsu Kwali, Etsu Kwali’s Palace, Abuja, Nigeria.

• "The purpose of Dr. Dan Mou in these books is certainly to stimulate international policy debate on the problems associated with sustainable development, national security, good governance and democracy in Africa. Dr. Mou, a reputable public policy expert of world-class standing, who had also worked for three decades at the highest level in the Public Service of Nigeria, and currently serves as a Member of the Presidential Jobs Board in the Presidency at Abuja, has done an excellent work in these books.

I am very thankful to God and to Dr. Mou that these seven books are now available for all to read. I hope that the rich content of these books will generate the needed debate, awareness and stimulate concrete policy actions to tackle these issues in Africa that would guarantee maximum positive results.

I recommend these books as a must-read for educationists, scholars, policy makers, politicians and the general public." Dr. Edet B. Ekpenyong, President, Pan African Girl Child Education Foundation, Abuja, Nigeria.

• "I thank God for having the opportunity to read four of Dr. Dan Mou’s recently released books on different subjects relating to Nigeria and Africa as a whole. The ones I have so far read are:

Making of an African Giant: State, Politics and Public Policy in Nigeria, (Volumes I and 2); National Security, Good Governance and Democracy in Africa; State Power, Agrarian Policies and Peasant Welfare in Nigeria – all published by AuthorHouse in Bloomington, Indiana, USA; and Girl Child Education, Democratic Governance and Sustainable Development in Africa, published by Pan African Publishing House, Abuja, Nigeria.

Dr. Dan Mou has proven himself a world-class scholar and an intellectual colossus. His reputation as an internationally renowned public policy expert has continued to soar…

Dr. Mou’s books are meant to solve African problems and they surely would. These books of a literary icon are strongly recommended for intellectuals, policy makers, and even for the general readers. I congratulate him for these remarkable achievements." Professor Justice Abdul Fatai Kuti, First Justice of Abuja High Court; and former Dean, Faculty of Law, University of Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State of Nigeria.

• "Dear Prof. Dan Mou,

Congratulations for these stimulating and wonderful books. Yes, this is you! … I believe these books would make landmark contributions to knowledge! Well done… Best Regards." Gen. Chris A. Garuba, CFR., Former Military Governor of Bauchi State, Nigeria.

• "Professor Dan Mou,

Congratulations for these two outstanding text books: Making of an African Giant: State, Politics and Public Policy in Nigeria, Volumes I and 2. This is what Professors should be doing to promote academic excellence. Your achievements do not come as a surprise to me. You are really worth this! Warm Regards." Dr. Elijah Apine, Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Sciences, University of Jos, Nigeria.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

A ccomplishing any task in life, small or big, I have always believed, requires God moving other men and women to make contributions to it. This book has not been an exception. It is impossible to even mention all the persons who helped me in the course of writing this book.

My intellectual fathers: Professors Crawford Young, Murray Edelman and Fred Hayward, especially during my graduate studies in the early nineteen eighties at the Department of Political Science, University of Wisconsin – Madison, U.S.A., have continued to influence me with their critical intellectual tradition. This has become quite observable in most of my writings, including the present book. For this, I am ever grateful to them.

It is one thing to be involved in the study of national security and good governance as a scholar. It is yet another to be offered series of opportunities to actually put in practice, some of your theories and perspectives. God has kindly afforded me the chance to do both over the years.

Since 1989 when I joined the Presidency in Nigeria from the academia, I became involved in one way or the other, with the practical policy issues of national security and good governance under virtually all Nigerian Governments to date. I am, therefore, very grateful to the following Heads of States or Presidents: General Ibrahim B. Babangida, Chief Earnest Shonekan, late General Sani Abacha, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, late Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan and President Muhammadu Buhari. I am thankful and appreciative to all of them for the opportunities and privileges they gave me to be involved in their administrations and governments.

I wish to also acknowledge the Vice-Presidents of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, especially Architect Namadi Sambo for his able Chairmanship of the Presidential Jobs Board in the Presidency. It was a great honour for me that I was also appointed to serve as a Member of this Presidential Jobs Board with him by the then President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, for which I am most grateful. I am also grateful and appreciative to Professor Yemi Osinbajo for commending me in writing for the little contributions I have so far made to the President Buhari’s Government, of which he is a key pillar.

To my former immediate bosses, the National Security Advisers to the Presidents and Commanders-in-Chief, The Presidency, Abuja, Nigeria, namely Alhaji M.A. Gambo, General Aliyu Mohammed Gusau and Alhaji Ismaila Gwarzo, whom I served as their Special Adviser (National Security Affairs) consecutively in that order under different Nigerian Regimes, I am ever grateful for the trust and opportunity to serve. Those practical experiences have, no doubt, impacted on my views in this book.

I am also very grateful to Engr. Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, former Hon. Minister of Defence, during President Olusegun Obasanjo Administration. I served under him as the Director of Nigerian Air Force. Engr. Kwankwaso gave me a free hand and total support to preside over the Affairs of Nigeria Air Force in a manner I never thought possible under any Minister. He and President Olusegun Obansanjo deserve the greatest appreciation for restoring the Nigerian Air Force to an enviable Force after years of degeneration, surprisingly under the long period of Military Rule in Nigeria. I also appreciate the former Chief of Air Staff, Air Marshall J.D. Wuyep. He proved to me to be the best CAS. He was, of all those CAS who worked with us, more dedicated to his job as a professional and an apolitical officer, with the highest level of transparency and integrity. No wonder the remarkable results he accomplished to the great administration of us all, especially the Air Force officers and men.

In the main Federal Civil Service, two of my mentors deserve special thanks. First is Dr. Yayale Ahmed, the Former Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, under whom I also served. He was not just a boss to me but became my father in the Service whom I could run to for advice and assistance. This fatherly relationship has continued till date. I wish to also thank the former Permanent Secretary, Public Service Office, Late Mallam Umaru Aji. He was my boss and confidant when I served under him as the Director of Special Duties.

I must acknowledge and appreciate the remarkable contributions of Gen. Chris A. Garuba (Rtd.) and Assistant Inspector General of Police, Dr. Rose Abang-Wushishi (Rtd.) to this book and my career generally. I first met both of them as my students. I lectured Gen Garuba (then Lt. Col.) and supervised his Master’s thesis in Public Policy and Strategic Studies at University of Jos, Nigeria. I also taught Assistant Inspector-General of Police, Dr. Rose Abang-Wushishi (then Commissioner of Police), National Security Policy during her Executive Course for Commissioners of Police at the Police Staff College, Jos, Nigeria.

Later, they became my friends, co-authors, mentors, biggest fans and cheerleaders, whenever I felt discouraged. Indeed, they have over the years, formed my most valuable support system, expressing more faith and confidence in my ability to accomplish tasks than I have in myself. They made the completion of this rather huge book possible.

Professor Magnus Kpakol, the former National Coordinator of the National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP) also deserves special appreciation. I served under him as Director, Research, Monitoring and Evaluation, and subsequently as the Secretary of NAPEP. I had a cordial working relationship with him and constant intellectual situation for which I remain appreciative.

I must also not fail to acknowledge two other special people here. First, my Senior Friend, to use my nickname for him, Professor Justice Abdul Fatai Kuti, First Justice of Abuja High Court in Nigeria, and former Dean, Faculty of Law, University of Ado Ekiti, Ekiti State of Nigeria. Professor Justice Kuti has been a model, mentor, Senior Friend and Father to me. His total commitment to values of justice, fairness, integrity, humility and anti-corruption in public service drew us together miraculously.

When he heard from high governmental circles that I had in fact been the main author of the private security policy memorandum to former President Olusegun Obasanjo that led to the establishment of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) in Nigeria, as well as the one to late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua that gave birth to both the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs in Nigeria and the Amnesty Programme for the Niger Delta Militants that brought about relative peace to that crises-prone region of our country, he sent for me. I was in fact, going to see him with substantial apprehension in me wondering what I must have done for a Justice of Abuja High Court of Nigeria to be sending for me. I had never met him in my life before this particular incident.

On arrival, he jumped from his seat and hugged me. He then explained how he learnt from some key officials of the Nigerian Government about the role I had played in bringing about the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and even the Amnesty Programme for the Niger Delta Militants that brought about relative peace in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria. He thanked me for my patriotism and expressed his shock that none of those Presidents I did these things for or the Federal Government of Nigeria, thought it wise to give me even a National Honour for the remarkable achievements or compensated me with any significant appointment when the EFCC and the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs were established.

He expressed his total disappointment that I was not even invited to serve on the Amnesty Committee that was set up to implement the Amnesty Programme that arose from a private security policy Memo that I was the main brain behind it. He told me what the Federal Government did was very unfair and gross injustice to me. I told him how I was frankly honoured and appreciative of his action of inviting me to let me know his feelings. I informed him that I was grateful to God for the opportunity and grace He gave me to be part of the history of the emergence of the EFCC, Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and the Amnesty Programme in Nigeria.

Moreover, I told Justice Kuti that I was sincerely grateful to the various Presidents, especially Chief Olusegun Obasanjo and late Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua who, saw the merit in these private proposals and graciously accepted and implemented them during their regimes for the benefits of Nigeria and Nigerians. I am truly thankful to Professor Justice Kuti for the action he took to encourage and appreciate the modest roles I had played in bringing about the EFCC, the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and the Amnesty Programme in Nigeria.

The second person I would also like to acknowledge is Dr. Sam Oga, Editor-in-Chief of Lead Times Africa Magazine. Dr. Oga learnt of my role in the emergence of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and the Amnesty Programme for the Niger Delta Militants in Nigeria. He was equally shocked and disappointed that the Newspapers even in Nigeria, had not carried these stories detailing my key roles in these clearly worthwhile ventures in Nigeria.

He sought and obtained my phone numbers, called me and booked an appointment to come from Lagos with a team of Journalists from Lead Times Africa Magazine to interview me on these matters in Abuja. I granted his request. After the interview, they brought out the stories on these issues comprehensively in the Lead Times Africa Magazine issue of June-July, 2013 Vol.5, No.3 and carried my full portrait on the Cover of this issue of the Africa Magazine under the caption: "What Wushishi and I, had in Mind When we Conceived the EFCC – Dr. Mou".

The Magazine again did another interview with me a few months later, seeking to know my views, among other things, on how the massive Public Corruption in Nigeria can be controlled. Again, it carried this interview comprehensively in the Lead Times Africa Magazine’s issue of September-October, 2013, Vol.5, No.4. My portrait was again carried on the front Cover of the Africa Magazine under the caption: "Tackling Corruption in Nigeria by Monitoring and Evaluation – Dr. Mou".

I thank Dr. Oga and his team for these very kind gestures. I understand from those who know that one is normally expected to pay the Magazine or Newspapers to have these full and comprehensive coverage with ones portrait on the front Covers. Yet, they did not ask me for any kobo for giving me such extensive and sustained publicity. This has made me even more appreciative to Dr. Sam Oga and his team of Editors.

Ever since these stories broke out, I have had similar free extensive coverage severally, from Lead Times Africa Magazine, The National Chronicle Magazine, The African Guardian; The Weekly Trust, The Nation, The Vanguard, among others, including the Social Media. For all these show of support and free publicity, I am very grateful to the Editors of these Newspapers and Magazines. I am even more grateful to those who anchored these stories, namely, Dr. Sam Oga, Publisher/Editor-in-Chief of Lead Times Africa Magazine; Dr. (Amb.) Godwin T.I. Nyitse, Publisher/Editor-in-Chief of National Chronicle Magazine; Dr. Monday Evawomaha of The Guardian; Terfa Doki of Daily Trust; Agbo Agbo, Deputy Editor, of The Nation and Hugo Odiagor of The Vanguard, among others, who have covered me several times. I am most grateful to all of them.

In a recent review of my new book titled: Making of an African Giant: State, Politics and Public Policy in Nigeria Volumes 1 and 2 (AuthorHouse UK Ltd.: London and Bloomington, Indiana, 2015), Agbo Agbo once again stated in The Nation of January 14, 2016 and January 21, 2016 what has now become a recurring decimal that:

Dr. Dan Mou, an accomplished political scientist and public servant with a firm grasp of national security and public policy … has revealed a lot in his new book: Making of an African Giant: State, Politics and Public Policy in Nigeria, Volumes 1 & 2. Public policy and the state of affairs in Nigeria is the focus of this excellent and well researched book … Dr. Mou rightly predicted what we are currently witnessing in Nigeria in this excellent book that all Nigerians should read …

I did not only get autographed copies of the book … which incidentally is filled with the author’s contributions toward a better and prosperous Nigeria … How would I have known that this was the man that wrote a personal Memo to former President Olusegun Obasanjo that led to the establishment of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC)? How would I have also known that he was equally the brain behind a personal Memo that led to the establishment of the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and the Amnesty Programme that brought relative peace to that hitherto restive region? … It can be quite painful doing the ‘donkey job’ without being appreciated. In all this, did I detect any hint of bitterness in Dr. Mou? Not at all. He is still contributing his quota to ensure Nigeria gets back on the right track. This is surely one optimistic Nigerian.

Not only do I thank Mr. Agbo Agbo for his positive review of my books, I agree totally with him that I am surely one optimistic Nigerian, who was simply making his modest contributions and sacrifices to the development, progress and prosperity of Nigeria and Nigerians. There were no other motives whatsoever in my actions. I was simply being patriotic and overtly concerned for the precarious conditions that existed in the country at that time that were affecting negatively our national security and development, hence I took the initiatives to do the things I did. Besides, I am very grateful to God for the Grace and thankful for the opportunity kindly given to me by the various Presidents to make those inputs into their Administrations by implementing those private policy suggestions, I and my close friends, Dr. Rose Abang-Wushishi and Gen. Chris A. Garuba, made to them.

This attitude to contribute whatever I can to the progress, peace and development of our Nation even when not in power, has prompted me to even write a book advising my fellow Nigerians and others, titled: SERVING THE NATION AS A CALLING: How Experts can Influence Public Policies Even When Not in Power (AuthorHouse UK Ltd.: London and Bloomington, Indiana, forthcoming). I believe strongly that this book will encourage many Nigerians and even other Nationals to make whatever contributions they could freely to their Governments and leaders regardless of whether they will be rewarded or not. This certainly is not to be seen merely as performing a ‘donkey job’, as even I initially believed. If nothing else, God does reward us for such selfless services and sacrifices, not just now, but even in eternity.

My Special Assistant, Dr. Joseph Wanshe, read the draft of this book when I completed it and made useful suggestions. My Secretary, Paul Ojulo Ibejiro and son, Truth Tine Mou, did the typing, proofreading and final touches. It was also my son, Tine, who produced the cover designs for the books. I am thankful for their time, efforts and talents.

I also appreciate the contributions of the wonderful team at AuthorHouse Publishing Company in Bloomington, Indiana, U.S.A., especially my Publishing Consultant, Cesar Lambo, Check-in-Coordinator, Valerie Raines, and the Design Consultant, Kim Cavannah.

As with every book I have ever written, my wife Mimidoo Osewe Mou and our wonderful children have always shown support, love and understanding that made it easy for me to write. For this, I am very grateful to them. The ultimate gratitude for this book, however, goes to God. It is His Empowerment and Divine Direction that made it all possible. His Amazing Grace over my life shall endure forever and ever in Jesus Name, Amen.

Dr. Dan Mou

Aso Rock Villa

Abuja, Nigeria

November, 2016.

Email: [e-mail]

PREFACE

T his book shows that groups and social classes which had hitherto been docile in Nigeria, especially under military rule are now becoming very active or even militant. They are demanding for dividends of democracy and development. These have long eluded the seventy-one percent (71%) of the country’s population still languishing below the poverty line, according to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS). This is in spite of the Billions of petrodollars that Nigeria has garnered as revenue over the years.

The book warns that the demands of these Nigerians still living in poverty, which include poverty eradication, job creation, human rights protection and inclusive growth, must be quickly and successfully addressed through good governance and inclusive growth. Otherwise, one does not need to be a political prophet to predict that the country will be confronted with severe security, political, economic and social problems more than what is happening at the moment.

It concludes, however, that under such intense pressures, the Government of Nigeria, even if it is simply for its self-preservation, will be forced by the objective conditions, to move against the interests of the dominant groups and classes in Nigeria. These are the ones that have for long captured and hijacked state power and the resources of the country, for their exclusive use.

This will entail significant policy and ideological changes on the part of the Government to carter for the welfare and the well-being of the seventy-one per cent of Nigerians still living below the poverty line. It is only then that national security, good governance and democracy in the post-military era will be regarded as a total blessing to Nigeria and her peoples. It is also when this happens that Nigeria would have been on the road to becoming truly the African Giant which she hopes to be by destiny.

Dr. Dan Mou

Aso Rock Villa

Abuja, Nigeria

November, 2016.

Email: [e-mail]

GLOSSARY OF ABBREVIATIONS

PART I

NATIONAL SECURITY AND DEMOCRATIZATION AGENDA: PRELUDE TO CIVIL RULE

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

W e are now living witnesses to the collapse of despotic and unpopular regimes the world over, including those on the African continent. Subordinate groups, classes and other social cleavages that were hitherto docile, have sprung up with agitations for participation in the affairs of their nations and societies. There is clearly a participation revolution going on the world over.

There is no doubting the fact that the participation revolution has engulfed the Nigerian society as well. What still remains in doubt, and this book seeks to address, is the particular forms this participation revolution has assumed within the Nigerian society. Particularly limited, it seems, is our knowledge of how and why these agitations and demands for participation in their national affairs, have come to affect and are affecting national security, good governance and democracy in Nigeria, especially in this post-military era.

Besides, these developments have brought about severe consequences and challenges to Nigerian government, leaders and the citizens that need to be properly investigated, understood and addressed. This is what this book has attempted to do with special reference to post-military rule Nigeria. I have demonstrated in this book that national security and good governance under a democratic setting are opposite sides of the same coin. As good governance under a democracy goes up or improves, national security also goes up in that challenges to national security become lesser and lesser in such a society. Whenever one side suffers, the other side is inevitably bound to suffer as well. Managing the state apparatus or exercising political power therefore, becomes always striking a favourable balance between the imperatives of national security and good governance in a democratic social order.

Nigerians must be proud of the fact that the military leadership realized the need to return the country voluntarily to democratic civil rule in 1999. They did not wait for further unpleasant developments to occur and take Nigerians unawares. This is already happening, say in the Arab nations, which is tagged as the Arab spring.

Thus, Nigeria is clearly in the fore–front of the democratization processes going on in Africa. These processes promise to create favourable conditions for the emergence of the appropriate political institutions and leadership. The evidence is already mounting in this country to the effect that these can better guarantee national security and good governance that will promote social justice and democratic rights, such as human rights, press freedom and economic prosperity for the citizens of Nigeria.

My over three decades of association with, researching into and practical direct involvement in the national security affairs of my country, Nigeria, have generally led me to certain basic conclusions regarding the question of national security, good governance and democracy. I propose to also share them in this book.

The first relates to the mistaken view held by many people that national security and good governance in a democracy are diametrically opposed. The truth is, as I have already stated above, they are mutually reinforcing and complementary. Without one, the other cannot in fact be possibly guaranteed.

The second is that socio–economic and political conditions do affect the attainment of national security objectives as well as good governance in a democracy. Yet, in the contemporary world, a democratic setting offers a far better environment for the pursuit of the goals of national security and good governance on a long term basis.

Third, the problems of poor national security and bad governance in a democracy, arise more in contexts where, and periods when, there are weak political institutions and bad or weak leadership. The nature of the political institutions and leadership, thus determine the quality of national security, good governance and democracy.

Fourth and finally, under severe economic hardships resulting from natural or other causes, there tend to be more challenges to national security, good governance and democracy. This is because deepening economic crises tend to generate more societal conditions and conflicts based on social cleavages. By social cleavages here I mean divisions in the society that are based on class, ethnicity, region, language, race, religion, gender and even caste. Each one or a set of them can attempt to capture the state and state policies to favour their exclusive interests. This tends to affect the autonomy of the state, the emerging policies and their impacts.

As the economic fortunes of a society shrink, these class and cultural pluralist cleavages tend to increase. The struggle for the scarce economic and other resources becomes more intense. Social cleavages or factions thereof attempt to hijack the national cake or even the state for their exclusive use. Corruption also increases as office holders engage in primitive individual accumulation of capital for their private benefits. These developments greatly challenge the national security system, good governance and democracy. If not tackled immediately, they can lead to a failed state and anarchy. To some extent even Northern Nigeria, is already heading in that direction under the intense challenge from the Islamic group, Boko Haram. A similar situation existed in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria before the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs and the Amnesty Programme were instituted to address the challenge and bring about order. This book has closely examined the consequences of these developments for peace, progress and prosperity in Nigeria since the transition to democracy after years of military rule.

The book concludes that regardless of how one defines or conceives national security, good governance or democracy; policies dealing with these issues must cater for the welfare of the majority of the citizens. This is the only guarantee that they can stand the test of time and be sustained. As this book shows, this is ultimately what governments, especially democratic ones, are all about.

The book reveals that in Nigeria, this is not happening as fast as the citizens would appreciate. Some may say, they are not happening at all. For instance, while it is true that the general national economic growth indices, such as gross domestic products (GDP) and income per capita (IPC) are going up, the reverse is the case with those indices relating to the issues that mean the most to the public: poverty eradication, job creation, human rights protection and security of their lives and properties. They have seen that unemployment, poverty, human rights abuses and insecurity are still high and going up.

Consequently, not only are the accumulations by the dominant classes and groups – local and international – going up, disparities in incomes are widening. This has created legitimacy crises for the State. They have also created grounds for the citizens, especially the youths, to resort to self–help measures, some of which include violence and militancy all over the country, especially in the North-East and Niger Delta Regions.

Yet, as the book shows, the Nigerian State and leaders are increasingly being captured and made dependent on these same dominant classes and groups. This in turn, is denying them the opportunities to take those decisions and implement policies that will cater for the welfare of the majority of citizens. Nigerians all over, are beginning to see the fallacy in the view that as democracy and economic development progress, there will be a trickle – down effect that will cushion their sufferings. The dividends of democracy, as they say it in Nigeria, are not being felt as quickly as they were made to expect.

Because the state managers are constrained, as the book demonstrates, by the dominant classes and groups; they are unable to take drastic measures that will radically provide for the general welfare of their citizens. Unemployment, non-inclusive growth and poverty especially, are becoming unbearable for most Nigerian citizens. Meanwhile, the cost of living and inflation as reflected in the prices of basic goods, food items and services are rising speedily, making them to rise above their reach. Thus, urgent actions need to be taken by the political leaders and the state managers to control these unfortunate developments.

Some analysts, the book exposes, seen that the emergent crises have been left to fester; have blamed it all on the character of leadership which we have in Nigeria. They argue that because the leaders are predatory and corrupt, they have tended to preoccupy themselves, only with their interests, which are primitive accumulation and luxury life-styles; while the rest of the citizens are suffering.

This book, takes the position that while such character defects may indeed exist in some or even a majority of the Nigerian leaders and state managers; these can be controlled with effective Monitoring and Evaluation (M&E) Systems and the comprehensive, not selective, application of sanctions when caught. They are not, however, the main reasons or causes for their inability to act. In this book, I have tried to point out that our leaders in Nigeria, as well as their weak and ineffective political institutions; have largely lost control over the state and state policies. These have been captured by the dominant classes and groups – local and international.

Thus, the agents of international capital placed strategically in key Governments’ Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) in Nigeria; may not all be operating with the required patriotism and concern for the welfare of the citizens. They may have indeed, become the real problem. The Nigerian leaders, their Governments and the citizens are all victims of the state capture that has occurred across the board. The problem, therefore, is not just one of character defects of the leaders. It is mainly one of structural defects resulting in the loss of state autonomy.

Nonetheless, the book concludes that as the security, economic, political and social crises intensify, the Nigerian leaders, even if it is simply for their self–preservation and other selfish reasons, will be forced to move against the interests of these dominant classes and groups as well as their collaborators, strategically placed in Key Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs), across Nigeria.

Once these events happen, the book postulates, there will be significant policy reversals to cater for the welfare of their citizens. It is these later developments that the Nigerian leaders and the citizens may be looking forward to with reasonable courage, optimism and hope. It is only with the total reversal of some of the current policies which are not working in the interests of the majority of citizens that national security, good governance and democracy can hope to survive and thrive in post-military rule Nigeria. It is in this that lies the hope for Nigerians now and in the future.

CHAPTER TWO

THE MILITARY, POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND POLITICAL TRANSITIONS: CAN THE MILITARY NURTURE DEMOCRACY?

INTRODUCTION

T he prolonged dominance of the military in Nigeria’s political landscape was a matter of debate and concern for all Nigerians and lovers of Nigeria. The growing awareness of the gains of democracy sweeping across the continent of Africa made all Nigerians and their sympathizers desire democracy until it finally came in 1999. This compelling desire to return the country to a civil democratic rule and keep the military permanently out of politics, was in itself a testimony to the realization that military administration is an aberration; while acknowledging the superiority of government of the people, by the people and for the people - which is generally seen as democracy.

In Nigeria, the military had ruled for the greater number of years since independence as of 2016. Nigeria became independent on the first day of October, 1960. For the past fifty six years since Nigeria’s independence, the civilians have ruled for only twenty six years, that is, between 1960 to 1966; and between 1979 to 1983. Civilians also took over governance from 1999 till date (2016). The military has occupied the political landscape of Nigeria for thirty years since independence in 1960.

The intention in this chapter is to assess the contributions of the military to the political development of the country, if any, especially in terms of stabilizing the polity, nation building and democratization from military to civil democratic rule, that is, political transitions. The task appears simple at first but it is no doubt a complex one. This is because unless certain background historical facts as well as conceptual and historical issues are made clear, the role of the military in the political development of Nigeria and transition to democratic rule, cannot be well appreciated. To save the reader from any misconceptions and misinterpretations, the task is systematically handled. First, I have tackled the definitional problem of the military and provided a historical background to the military institution in Nigeria.

Second, the relationship between the military and society is briefly examined. Is the military an isolated organization quite apart from the society? These questions need explication, for they help to clarify whether or not the military can completely be kept out of politics. They will also shade some light on how civilian control of the military can be effectively enforced.

Also, for clarity of issues involved and for a more comprehensive analysis, there is a discussion of the structure of political crisis – the forces acting and reacting in the environment in which the military belongs. There is, thus, an overview of federalism, constitutionalism, and the role played by the colonialists and nationalists in an attempt to prevent the nature of political conflicts and the crisis of democracy that have dominated Nigeria since its inception as a nation-state in 1914.

The military has repeatedly intervened in the politics of African states, including Nigeria. Several scholars have devoted much of their time in trying to explain the causes of direct military intervention in the politics of these countries. These explanations are investigated and analyzed. Development as a concept has been given different definitions by different scholars. The chapter will not be perhaps well understood if this central concept is not defined in the sense it is being used here. The discussion of these issues has been done in section one of the chapter which has to do primarily with historical and background clarifications and conceptual definitions.

In section two, the main issue of the military’s contribution to political development, and democratization in Nigeria, is addressed. In what ways has the military contributed to the political development of Nigeria? Has the military in Nigeria as an institution been able to foster democracy? The contributions of the military to political development are first generally presented. Second, we address specifically the contributions of the military to democratic process in the country. Finally, in this section, the role of the military and the survival of the democracy has been discussed. With these preliminary clarifications done, we turn to the issue of the historical background of the military in Nigeria.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE MILITARY IN NIGERIA

The Military, simply defined, consists of the coercive arm of the state. It includes the Army, the Navy and the Air Force. Its main pre-occupation is defence of the territorial integrity of the state against external attacks and the maintenance of internal peace and order.

Given this professional pre-occupation, the military is invested with the monopoly over the means of coercion. This is a major characteristic of the military. The second characteristic of the military which gives it a peculiar identity is its imposed isolation in barracks where it exists in a world of its own. The third identifiable feature of the military is its organization, in a hierarchy of commands. Strata are identified by ranks, denoted by insignias to which loyalty and obedience is held. Each hierarchy of command is invested with specific power and authority which determines its relationship with the stratum above and below it.

These hierarchy of commands are strictly obeyed and this leads naturally to another feature of the military - the expected high level of discipline within the military set up. A forth feature of the military set up is the high level of professionalism within it. Like other professions, they develop a sense of corporate unity. The task of organizing and equipping a force, training it, planning its activities, and fighting in combat against the enemy, is a fulltime one and thus calls for special skills and demands heavy training. How the military emerged as an organization within the Nigerian society perhaps, calls for explanation.

The military, like other intuitions in Nigeria, is an inherited force, a legacy of our colonial experience. In fact, looking at the history of the emergence of the military in Nigeria is like looking at the history of colonialism itself. Of course, this is not surprising since the military was a crucial element in the success of colonialism in Nigeria, as in other African countries. Tracing the origin of the military then means going into its roots in the process of British colonization of Nigeria.

The Royal Niger Company (RNC) was the leading British trading Company and was a major instrument of the British colonization of West Africa.