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Nigeria Fourth Republic National Assembly
Nigeria Fourth Republic National Assembly
Nigeria Fourth Republic National Assembly
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Nigeria Fourth Republic National Assembly

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Nigeria Fourth Republic National Assembly: Politics, Policies, Challenges and Media Perspectives provides profound but incisive insights into the first eight years (1999-2007) of the Fourth Republic National Assembly. The book critically appraises the eras of all the Senate Presidents and four Speakers, focusing essentially on their leadership dexterousness and the challenges, intrigues, brinkmanship, debilitating drama, power play and nights of long knives and consensus-building approach that characterized the two Chambers during the period under focus. Reflecting extensively on practical examples, images and cases, it underlines in the most graphic and digestible fashion the many blistering issues that perceptibly touched-off persistent face-offs that for long underscored the relationship between the executive arm of government and the National Assembly.

In eleven chapters and several distinct segments, the book establishes fundamentally the intrinsic partnership that should exist between the parliaments and the mass media in the promotion of democracy and nation-building. It puts in context and perspective the nexus between National Assembly and the media in the first eight years. The book identifies media strengths, gaps, failings and challenges in the coverage of the National Assembly, offering perspicaciously realistic suggestions on how to mitigate the challenges, in so doing, advancing media role in parliament.

The book is fundamentally enriched on parliamentary politics, engaging and lively; it is indeed the first authoritative book on Fourth Republic National Assembly.
LanguageEnglish
PublisherXlibris UK
Release dateNov 22, 2014
ISBN9781499088762
Nigeria Fourth Republic National Assembly
Author

Austin Uganwa

Austin Nnamdi Uganwa holds a Doctorate Degree in Media Arts obtained in 2007 from the University of Abuja. His area of specialization is development communication. He obtained his Masters Degree from the University of Ibadan and First Degree from the Enugu State University of Science and Technology. He has had a long stint in the Fourth Republic National Assembly, occupying strategic positions. At inception in 1999, he covered National Assembly for Comet Newspaper and was elected by his professional colleagues as Chairman of the influential House of Representatives Press Corps. He was in 2003 appointed Special Adviser, Media Relations by Rt Hon. Austin Opara, Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives (2003-2007). He later became consultant to some principal officers of the National Assembly and was re-appointed Special Assistant, Media and Public Affairs in 2011 by Rt. Hon Emeka Ihedioha, Deputy Speaker, House (2011-2015) Evidently, his lasting sojourn in National Assembly provided him a rare reservoir of knowledge to prolifically embark on this scholarly expedition. This is instructive of the stunning output which can only be achieved by a discernible insider like the author. He started his career on the Features Desk of The Guardian headed by Mrs. Harriet Lawrence who turned out to be his professional mentor. When The Guardian was shut down by Gen. Sani Abacha, he joined The News and Tempo Magazines where he was later arrested by the agents of Abacha’s dictatorial regime and was incarcerated for three months in Alagbon Police base in Lagos which constituted the maximum detention camp for those opposed to Abacha’s Military’s regime. Before his re-appointment in National Assembly, he was Coordinator of UNDP, CIDA, Federal Ministry of Environment and Henrich Boell’s funded National Climate Change Adaptation Strategy and Plan of Action Project. He hails from Umugakwo Eziama, Ngor Okpala Local Council, Imo state, South East Nigeria.

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    Nigeria Fourth Republic National Assembly - Austin Uganwa

    Copyright © 2014 by Austin Uganwa, Ph.D.

    All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the copyright owner.

    Any people depicted in stock imagery provided by Thinkstock are models, and such images are being used for illustrative purposes only.

    Certain stock imagery © Thinkstock.

    Rev. date: 11/18/2014

    Xlibris

    0-800-056-3182

    www.xlibrispublishing.co.uk

    645970

    Contents

    Acknowledgements

    Foreword

    Preface

    Chapter 1 Introduction

    Chapter 2 Parliament And Media In Context And Perspective

    Parliament: Scope And Perspective

    The Configuration, Procedure And Power Of Fourth Republic National Assembly

    The Relevance Of Parliamentary Committees

    Power To Impeach President Or Vice President

    Conceptual Framework Of Media

    Classification Of Media

    Print Media

    Electronic Media

    Nigeria Electronic Media

    Chapter 3 Parliament, Politics And Media: Anexus

    Partnership In The Cause Of Democracy

    Marriage Of Convenience

    The Seething Ideological Debate

    Nigeria Perspective

    Political Class And Media Ownership

    Government, Legislation And Media

    Final Note

    Chapter 4 Media Theory And Principle In Parliamentary Democracy

    Social Responsibility, Libertarian Versus Authoritarian Media Paradigms

    Roadmap To Assessing Nigeria Media Adoption Of Social Responsibility

    Meeting Point And Dividing Line Of The Basic Theories

    Independent And Free Press

    Access To The Media:

    Agenda Setting:

    Development Journalism:

    Chapter 5 An Overview Of Mass Media Effect On Pre-Fourth Republic Nigerian Legislatures And Polity

    Colonial And First Republic Era

    Military Regimes Of Generals Ironsi, Gowon, Muhammed And Obasanjo

    Shagari’s Second Republic Administration

    Military Regimes Of Buhari, Babangida, Abacha And Abubakar

    Chapter 6 The Politics, Challenges And Intrigues Of Fourth Republic Senate And Media Power

    The Rise And Fall Of Enwerem

    Okadigbo’s Ascension, Leadership Dynamics And Downside

    Okadigbo’s Era And Media Role

    Anyim: Complexities And Plausible Headship

    Anyim And Media: A Crisp Reflection

    Wabara’s Bumpy Rise, Intrepid Method And Sharp Drop

    Ken Nnamani And The Quest For The Restoration Of Senate Confidence

    Nnamani As A Media Bride

    David Mark’s Baptism, Cleansing Balm And Aliyu’s Conundrum

    Power Of Live Coverage Of Parliamentary Activities.

    Chapter 7 The Sweltering Eight Years Of House Of Representatives And Media Influence

    The Early End Of Salisu Buhari’s Tenure

    Na’abba’s Era And Battle Of Legislative Autonomy

    Masari’s Wit And Competent Deputy

    The Storm And The Sudden Ouster Of Etteh:

    Media As Purveyor Of Death Of Third Term

    Chapter 8 Critical Evaluation Of Media Coverage Of Fourth Republic Parliament And Manifest Contents

    Uses And Issues Of Media Importance

    Media Surveillance And Guard Dog Role

    Adoption Of Objectivity, Fairness And Balance

    Abuse Of Media Canon Of Objective, Fair And

    Balanced Reporting

    Chapter 9 Managing Information, Public Communication In National Assembly And Polity

    Managing Public Communication

    Monitoring Information Product

    Information Process In National Assembly

    Political Class And Information Management

    Principal Officers’ Image Makers

    Bureaucrats And Information Regime

    Managing The Media: Cases And Options

    Chapter 10 Global Perspective Of Media Impact On Parliament And Politics

    United States: Cases And Images

    United Kingdom Parliament, Politics And Media Mix

    Media Influence On Philippines And Malaysia

    Philippines

    Malaysia

    Chapter 11 Constraints In Media Coverage Of National Assembly And Forward Looking Approach

    Limitations To Effective Parliamentary Media Practice

    Insufficient Grasp Of The Beat:

    Poor Professional Training And Skill:

    Inadequate Provision Of Professional Toolsand Facilities:

    Low Aptitude For Investigation:

    Draconian Media Laws:

    Ethnic Leaning:

    Financial Inducement:

    Low Level Of Information Flow From Principal Officers, Committee Heads, Information Officers And Other Bureaucrats To Media Personnel:

    A Checklist Towards Enhancing Media Practice In National Assembly

    Commonwealth Resolutions

    Appendix Fourth Republic Senators Of The Federal Republic Of Nigeria

    Appendix Fourth Republic Senators Of The Federal Republic Of Nigeria

    Appendix Fourth Republic Senators Of The Federal Republic Of Nigeria

    Appendix Senators Of The Federal Republic Of Nigeria

    Appendix Nigeria Fourth Republic House Of Representatives Members

    Appendix Nigeria Fourth Republic House Of Representativesmembers

    Appendix Nigeria Fourth Republic House Of Representatives Members

    Appendix Nigeria Fourth Republic House Of Representatives Members

    DEDICATION

    To: Almighty God, and memories of my late Mother, Mrs. Monica Uganwa and late brother, Mr. Sylvester Uganwa

    This is a robust, impressive account of the first eight years of the Fourth Republic National Assembly. The book is what it has epitomized; a reference volume, a documentation of our legislature and how the media covered it at a momentous period of our national history.

    Distinguished Senator Ken Nnamani, GCON

    President of the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria

    2005-2007

    This is a well written, concise, thought-provoking and authoritative book on the first eight years of the Fourth Republic National Assembly; the first of its kind. This is indeed instructive realizing the author’s profound involvement in the National Assembly since its inception in 1999. I am deeply gratified to endorse the book as a reference piece on Fourth Republic National Assembly.

    Rt. Hon. Ghali Umar Na’Abba, CFR

    Speaker, House of Representatives, Federal Republic of Nigeria

    1999-2003

    It is a well researched, properly rehearsed piece that has manifestly cast the Fourth Republic National Assembly unmistakably; providing an inexorable link between the media and National Assembly. As a perceptive insider, the author has through this scholastic work filled a yawning gap that has resulted from rareness of reference materials on National Assembly.

    Rt. Hon. Austin Opara, MFR

    Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives,

    Federal Republic of Nigeria

    2003-2007

    ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

    Incontrovertibly, academic accomplishment of this nature is intrinsically a success story cast by different people, playing an assortment of roles. It is therefore fitting to give credits and express profound appreciation to all those who participated in the expedition that crystallized in the actualization of this book. First and most momentously, I thank the Almighty God for granting me the divine mercy and intellect that goaded me amazingly into the attainment of this feat.

    Dr Onukaba Adinoyi-Ojo and Dr Deolu Akande deserve special thanks for providing time to read through the manuscript. The edifying suggestions and shock therapies they accordingly offered resulted in the improvement of the work.

    My father, Emmanuel Uganwa and other members of my family - George Uganwa, Mrs Roseline Nwamadi, Rev. Fr. Charles Uganwa, Kenneth Uganwa, Ngozi Uganwa and Nwauju Uganwa- also merit particular mention for their encouragement in the course of the work.

    Similarly, I express my profound appreciation to my former boss, Rt. Hon. Austin Opara, MFR, Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives (2003-2007) and current boss, Rt. Hon. Emeka Ihedioha, CON, Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives (2011-date) for granting me time and space.

    I am particularly indebted to Distinguished Senator David Mark, GCON, President of the Senate (2007-date) and Rt Hon. Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, CFR, Speaker, House of Representatives (2011-date) for accepting to put together the book’s foreword and preface respectively in spite of many arduous parliamentary and other national matters they incessantly grapple with.

    Besides, Rt. Hon. Ghali Umar N’Abba, Speaker, House of Representatives (1999-2003) and Rt. Hon. Wakil Mohammed, Leader of the House (1999-2003) must also be specifically appreciated for conceding time to reflecting on on-stage and off-stage realities that characterized their audacious four years. In fact, Speaker N’Abba’s guileless and insightful revelations during my interview with him in his Kano home provided desirable materials that impacted fundamentally on the richness of the book.

    I must not fail to express my gratitude to Mr. Yomi Ogunyomi, Clerk, National Assembly (2010-2011), a thorough-bred technocrat who has reservoir knowledge of parliamentary framework and workings for his deep support.

    Also, Chris Ijokolo, Chief Photographer to the Senate President deserves great thanks for graciously providing me with most of the photographs I adopted for this project. Oluwasakin Tolulope and Sunday Eneh deserve remarkable mention for the book’s aesthetic flourish and sophistication. And Miss Gladys John deserves some credit for putting together the index.

    These acknowledgments would not be complete without thanking all my colleagues in the Office of the Deputy Speaker, House of Representatives for their support; particularly, Hon C.I.D Maduabum, the Chief of Staff, Sunny Ogulewe, Kingsley Nzemechi, Chikere Okereke, Emeka Nwosu, Oke Epia, Caleb, Rita Nwachukwu, Chi Nwankwo, Chief Cliff Ogbede, Hon. Rufus Omeire, Ahamefula Ikechukwu, Pascal Uzo, Chief Victor Muruakor, Pastor Kehinde Olunsebikan, Chibuike Onyeukwu and a host of others.

    Broadly, all my friends who contributed in various other ways, including words of encouragement towards the making of the book, I am as well indebted to all of you. Kindly accept my unflinching appreciation. The list is irrefutably inexhaustible but includes ; Dr Blessing Ohiri, Hon Eziuche Ubani, Dr John Ohiri, Ugo Jim Nwoko, Leo Nwamadi, Nkiruka Ekeocha, Zikora Oseloka, Kunle Somori, Dr Nnenna Nworuh, Jackson Udeh, Paul Mumeh, Dan Okereke, Chima Ugwuegbu, Prof. Wilson Akpan, Ugo Emezuo, Goddy Enweremadu, Imam Imam, and lots of others. I am eternally and profoundly grateful to everyone; indeed, I love you all!

    FOREWORD

    The restoration of parliament in June 3, 1999 following the re-enactment of democracy in the country intrinsically impacted on the media and their role in governance. Essentially, the media shifted from crusading for the reinstatement of civil rule to promoting the sustenance of parliament and the growth of the nation’s fledgling democracy.

    The result is that since the inception of National Assembly, media have been at the epicentre of parliamentary activities. This is evidenced in the volume of coverage and the vigorous manner issues emanating from the National Assembly are usually being reported and analysed by media personnel. The growing size of media professionals assigned by the various media organisations to cover National Assembly activities is also instructive of the importance and prominence the media accord this arm of government.

    This reality is indeed an eloquent testimony that in democracy the media should in a responsible and constructive fashion report and criticise parliament as a fundamental option of goading this important Arm of Government towards attaining good governance. The synergy between the media and the parliament is such that each must necessarily mainstream into the other to fast-track the development and growth of democracy. This was succinctly captured by a British Parliamentarian, Edmund Burke who ascribed parliamentary reporters as organic and vital structure of the parliament.

    As an associate of the parliament in the cause of national development and strengthening of democracy, the media personnel are expected to report, comment and analyse parliamentary activities based on the basic tenets of modern and democracy-driven journalism practice. This understanding constitutes the fulcrum of the book.

    The book focuses fundamentally on the desirability of the media making National Assembly issues agenda of national concern. The success of which lies in reporting the issues in a balanced, objective, unbiased manner in line with the social responsibility press paradigm, the cornerstone of media practice in democracy.

    Besides, the book captures with considerable attention to details the politics and challenges that attended the first eight years of Fourth Republic National Assembly. This has been achieved by critically identifying and evaluating the issues that defined the era of each of the presiding officers during the period under review.

    However, apart from empowering the people through education, information and enlightenment, the media in a democratic milieu also play the role of holding the policy makers accountable to the people; influencing and shaping the activities of the political office holders for greater service delivery. It is against this insightful background that I align with the author that unless the media thrive in unbiased and credible reporting they would be hamstrung to properly embark on their specified roles well in this democratic era.

    Evidently, this book is a product of a painstaking academic journey that provides fresh but original perspectives to the nexus between the media and National Assembly in the first eight years of the Fourth Republic political dispensation. It has also attempted to put in digestible background the challenges that confronted the National Assembly in the pursuit of its statutory duties between 1999-2007 and how the media have been able to report the challenges.

    The book is profound in examining the media approach to the coverage of National Assembly activities. It potently answers a stimulating question, namely; what media pattern being adopted in the coverage of National Assembly and whether the media have been playing the roles expected of them in a democratic environment.

    Embellished scholarly with international angle to the subject matter and deep submissions on how the media can improve on their shortcomings, the book is a stunning, distinctive and authoritative piece on media and Fourth Republic National Assembly. This is indeed a pioneering initiative that should encourage others to do analytical work on Fourth Republic National Assembly activities.

    It is on the basis of this recognizable fact that I commend the author for an eminent scholastic accomplishment and recommend the book to legislators, politicians generally, media personnel, students of politics and communication and a wide spectrum of other Nigerians.

    Distinguished Senator David Mark, GCON

    President of the Senate,

    Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    PREFACE

    The nation recorded a giant democratic leap in 1999 with the return of the civil rule after decades of political interregnum. This development essentially resulted in the rebirth of the Fourth Republic National Assembly, being one of the major casualties of military truncation of the Third Republic.

    Evidently, since the return of the Fourth Republic National Assembly June 3, 1999 this institution naturally has remained a beehive of activities. Its debates, resolutions, decisions and conclusions on key national issues focused on the enhancement of good governance in the country in line with section 4 of the Constitution of the Federal Government of Nigeria as amended have remained critical, impacting on a wide spectrum of Nigerians.

    In the first eight years, the National Assembly encountered several challenges, intrigues and brinkmanship. These fundamentally resulted from its interpretation of the principle of separation of powers; pursuit of oversight function, restoration of the confidence, and independence of the legislature. These realities often times impinged on the relationship between the executive and the legislature resulting in sustained face-off between the two arms of government.

    Specifically, the 2002 State of the Nation Debate in the House that resulted in the decision to commence impeachment proceeding against former President Obasanjo was one of the major melting points of executive- legislature disagreement. Other sources of friction however included; budgetary framework and implementation pattern; National Assembly’s galvanized opposition against tenure elongation; probe of some key government institutions over identifiable misdemeanours, among other factors.

    The National Assembly also faced an arduous challenge of leadership instability and also nurturing of the institution from zero level as it was scrapped during years of military ruler ship. For instance, during the eight years under focus, the Senate curiously had five Senate Presidents. They included; Senators Evan Enwerem (1999), Chuba Okadigbo (1999-2000), Anyim Pius Anyim (2000-2003), Adolphus Wabara (2003-2005) and Ken Nnamani (2003-2007).

    The situation was slightly the same in the House with three Speakers instead of two. They were; Right Honourable(s) Salisu Buhari (1999), Ghali Umar Na’Abba (1999-2003) and Aminu Bello Masari (2003-2007). The painful reality was that the leadership volatility was linked to external manipulators bent on putting the legislature under check. Although the proverbial banana peels became a great metaphor in the National Assembly; fascinatingly, the legislature rose to the occasion designing critical measures towards restoring its confidence, integrity, soul and bite during the period under review.

    The flux was obviously far more intensified in the first four years of the National Assembly. The result was that each presiding officer during the period devised a two-pronged approach of leadership: one was how to survive on the seat; the other was how to pursue the legislative business. As these realities unfolded, the media watched, reported, commented and analyzed the issues as purveyors of public information and guard dogs of democracy and democratic institutions; consistent with the Social Responsibility Press Paradigm, basis of media practice in democracy.

    Quite interestingly, this book; Fourth Republic National Assembly- Politics, Policies, Challenges and Media Perspectives-is an authoritative piece on the first eight years of the Fourth Republic National Assembly and media influence. It captures in the most downright method, the historical account of the 1999 to 2007 National Assembly providing content, context and perspective to the issues, drama, intrigues, politics and challenges that defined the various eras of the presiding officers. It is an insightful, extensive and stimulating work that provides a fundamental linkage and synergy that underscore media practice, parliament and politics. It is a distinctive reference material on National Assembly and a must read for those involved in public policy, legislative business, media practice and politics.

    I therefore laud the author for this remarkable intellectual contribution to the body of parliamentary politics.

    Rt. Hon. Aminu Waziri Tambuwal, CFR

    Speaker, House of Representatives

    Federal Republic of Nigeria.

    CHAPTER 1

    INTRODUCTION

    A deep concern prompted my drive and perseverance to put this work together–a concern to evaluate and affirm the belief that in democracy the activities of the media shapepolitical situation and parliamentaryresolutions. This thrust ostensibly spawned my curiosity to embark on this work. This effort is essentially an academic expedition to establishing the inexorable link involving media images, democracy and parliamentary politics. The relevance lies in examining the extent to which media reports, commentaries and analyses influence the parliamentarians and other policy makers in a democratic environment.

    More importantly, the book examines how media operations propel the policy makers into action for the cause of good governance and promotion of democracy. In a more explicit term, this work x-rays profoundly Nigerian parliamentary politics between 1999 and 2007 and the nexus involving the media, parliament and governance within the period under focus. The strong desire for the work was essentially enhanced following the return of civilian government in 1999

    In line with the social responsibility press paradigm, the cornerstone of media philosophy in democracy, the media are expected to shape democratic environment by playing surveillance, watchdog role and embarking on constructive criticisms of government activities. The media can essentially achieve this in greater scale through investigation and verification of perceived anomalies in government that hamstring national development and growth. More importantly, the media are duty-bound to disseminate the outcome of the investigation and the verification of the perceived misconducts in the polity in a balanced and objective approach for enhanced result.

    Basically, in democracy, the media serve as a bridge builder between those in government and the governed. They constitute a veritable vehicle for democratic change by swaying the leaders and the led towards a new political culture, value and orientation. Doris Graber¹ corroborates that basic orientations towards the political systems are usually formed through the media-cultivated facts and values.

    According to her, the media give the top government officials a feel of the major concerns of the people by reporting on public opinions and featuring stories likely to shape public discussions and public opinion. To her, the mass media form the mainstream of the common symbolic environment that cultivates the most widely-shared conceptions of political reality

    Pahab² agrees that the parliament and other branches of government need the media to serve as their mirror and to connect them with the public. Besides, they also need the media to understand how well to take decisions that affect the people. He believes that the media play a central role in the conduct of politicians and public thinking.

    The understanding of Pahab’s position is that it is not enough for the media to merely report what the decision makers say or do. They should also report and analyze how they approach the many issues that confront the nation without losing sight of the professional and ethical need of unearthing the ills that afflict them.

    Anne Summers³ admits that the role of the media in a democracy is to lurk in corners to bring to light facts that those in government would prefer to leave in the shadows. The exposure of the ills of those in government has a far-reaching effect in moderating their activities and infusing in them a compelling consciousness that spurs them into positive action. According to her, the media do not only determine the image of parliament and democracy but also their future. Citing the case of the Australian Parliament, she submits that despite the advancement in information technology, the Australian Parliament remains dependent on the media to inform the people about their activities.

    But Rosales Lorette⁴ elaborates that the media should not just serve as an instrument to providing information but as an agent of change through investigation of stories that require substantial exposition. As a recognized organ of investigation of governments’ actions, Lorette’s view is that the media should serve as a counter-balance to government activities and as an effective regulator of government policies and programmes.

    Theodore White captures graphically the direction of media influence on the Untied States democracy thus; no major Act of the American Congress, no foreign adventure, no act of diplomacy, and no great social reform can succeed in the United States unless the media prepare the public mind.⁵ White admits that media set the stage for on-going political developments, shape the views and behaviours of political elite and other selected groups and influence their perception of political life.

    Whale⁶ agrees that the nature of journalists duty makes them part of government and thus making a number of politicians uneasy, particularly those whose sayings and doings are excluded from journalistic reports or reported in an unfavourable manner. His belief is that the media impact on decision makers is likely to be more profound because they pay close attention to stories that affect their activities. It is in this realization that media operations are crucial to the decision makers and democracy.

    Dan⁷ enunciates that advanced democracies represented by United States and United Kingdom have on several stages of their democracy manifested great media influence on the parliament, politics and politicians. The fall of Richard Nixon, United States president, 1969-1974 was brought about by the media propelled by two Washington Post reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein who made revelations about the misdeeds of Nixon’s administration that resulted in his resignation.

    The incontrovertible revelations were however ballooned by other media organizations. This impelled the matter into a national scandal, forcing the United States National Assembly to conduct investigation into the alleged misdeeds. Nixon consequently resigned in August 1974, two years into his re-election.

    Bill Clinton, another United States President, 1992-2000 was also indicted by the parliament in 1997 following media leakage of his romance with an intern, Monica Lewinsky in the White House. He was lucky to keep his seat as US President but the incident in no small way rubbed off on his integrity and political career.

    Whale⁸ further identifies that former British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan was believed to have rushed through a string of cabinet changes in 1962 on account of media push. The British Parliament was said to have acquiesced to media pressure for cabinet changes putting pressure on Macmillan to restructure his cabinet. Seven ministers, out of 21 lost their seats in the exercise. Selwyn Lloyd, one of the ministers that lost his position was three years earlier saved by The Time Newspaper from being removed as Foreign Secretary.

    During Nigeria’s colonial era, the media took a centre stage impacting lagely on the colonial administration. They became the bastion of the struggle against colonialism. They propelled the regional and national assemblies and the nationalists to champion a path that gave rise to the exit of the colonialists.

    Ekpu⁹ identifies some of the media organizations that played this role to include; Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe’s West African Pilot, Comet, etc. Others were; Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Nigerian Tribune and Chief Ernest Okoli’s Daily Times. Accordingly, the post colonial civilian administration headed by Tafawa Balewa did not escape the prying eyes of the media. This development helped to instill a high level of consciousness and responsibility in the government.

    Evidently, the post-colonial military dictatorial regimes that fused the legislative and executive arms of government into one hole were also influenced by the media. The regimes starting with Gen. Aguyi Ironsi in July 1966 to Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar in May 29, 1999 were permanently put on their toes by the proactive section of the media. Their activities, policies, decrees, and proclamations were persistently subjected to scrutiny, critical analysis and therapy by the media.

    Besides, the dictatorial, sit-tight, transmutation plots and corrupt tendencies of the various regimes were habitually exposed and attacked by the media. The media constantly reminded them that they were vagabonds in government and should therefore quit and hand over power to a democratically-elected regime.

    The edifying return of Nigeria in 1999 to the path of representative government, rule of law and constitutionality has opened a fresh window of challenges to the Nigerian media. Prior to 1999, the proactive and progressive sections of the media were operating largely in attacking the dictatorial tendencies of the military junta and the pursuit of the restoration of democracy to Nigeria. The greatest challenge of the media at that time was to report to influence the military establishment to pursue the path of rule of law and to embark on a genuine transition that would usher in a credible democratic government. These apprehensions conspicuously defined the role of the media at that time.

    The restoration of democracy in 1999 has redefined the role of the media. In line with social responsibility and development journalism paradigms, the media in the country are expected to report, analyze and comment on issues with the specific purpose of advancing the cause of the fledgling Nigeria democracy. The improvement of the general well-being of the people and the socio-economic development of the nation should also be central to their activities. The media should be at the epicenter of national development, centrally involved in crusading good policies of the government that are in the interest of the masses.

    More importantly, the media are required to inform, educate and enlighten the public. The accomplishment of these basic duties would potentially enable the media instill in the people democratic culture, political socialization and values necessary to ensure the sustenance of democracy in the country.

    It is also incumbent on the media to hold the political institutions accountable to the people as prescribed in section 22 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.¹⁰ The media can achieve this by playing their watch dog role well thereby checking the perceived excesses of top government officials. In this way, the media would be in a position to influence them to come up with policies and programmes that are in the interest of the masses.

    Akinterinwa’s¹¹ submission on the role of the media in the new democracy is of utmost relevance

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