Burundi’S Negative Peace: The Shadow of a Broken Continent in the Era of Nepad

By Ebenezer Akwangka Jr. BSC and Kale Ewusi PHD

We take you on a discovery of the root causes of African conflicts; the attempts by continental organizations such as the Organization of African Unity to resolve these conflicts; the reasons for the inability of the OAU/AU to succeed in conflict resolution; the root causes of the Burundi Conflict; the Burundi Peace process as a reflection of how conflicts are resolved in Africa and why we think it does not lead to sustainable peace which we term negative peace.

Burundis Negative Peace explores the largely unknown area of negative peace in Africa and specifically Burundi in the wake of the manner in which conflicts are resolved throughout the continent. The use of mediation among warring parties, the implementation of ceasefire agreements, the establishment of a transitional government and the organization of elections has been the conflict resolution trajectory that has been religiously applied in resolving African conflicts.

What then is the missing link? The authors fervently believe that the above mentioned techniques do not lead to sustainable peace. In fact it leads to negative peace which is not peace at all. The peace studies theorist, Galtung, decreed that Peace is not the absence of violence, but peace of mind.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Trafford Publishing
• Release date: Jan 25, 2010
• ISBN: 9781466923591

Ebenezer Akwangka Jr. BSC

Dr. Kale Ewusi was formerly the Head of Department of Politics and International Relations at the North-West University in South Africa. He holds a Doctorate of Philosophy in Peace Studies and International Relations from the North-West University, A Master of Science in International Relations and an LLB in Law. Dr. Ewusi is now a Senior Associate and United Nations Consultant with Africa Strategy Group International in Washington, DC, USA. Ebenezer Akwanga, Jr. is a human rights activist from the Cameroons. He holds an Associate and a Bachelor of Science in Criminal Justice Administration from University of Phoenix. He is a candidate for a Master of Arts Degree in Diplomacy with specialization in Conflict Resolution from the School of Graduate Studies of Norwich University. He is co-authoring this book with cousin, friend, and longtime classmate after eighteen years of physical separation. He currently resides in Upper Marlboro, Maryland, and USA

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© Copyright 2010 Kale Ewusi, PhD & Ebenezer Akwanga, Jr. BSc.

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This book is dedicated to the evergreen memories

of our mothers who sowed but did not live to reap

Rose Eposi Ewusi

Yaya Hilda Enanga Mbongo

And our wives who took over the baton

Marie Ewokolo Kale Ewusi nee Nganje

Agnes Akwanga nee Abungwi

- And -

Geneviva, Coretta-Scot, Yoti,

Lonie and Leonard-Spencer,

Our children whose constant love,

smiles and affection kept us awake

To complete this piece of work on time

Contents

List of Acronyms

Acknowledgment

Forward

Theoretical Framework

STRUCTURAL CONFLICT THEORY

PSYCHO-CULTURAL CONFLICT THEORY

MODERNIZATION THEORY

Chapter One

THE NATURE OF AFRICAN CONFLICTS

INTRODUCTION

POLITICAL HISTORY OF BURUNDI

THE ERA OF THE FIRST REPUBLIC 1966-1976

THE ERA OF THE SECOND REPUBLIC: 1976-1987

THE THIRD REPUBLIC (1987-1992)

THE FOURTH REPUBLIC 1993 -1996

ORIGIN OF THE NEW PARTNERSHIP FOR AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT

NEPAD AND AFRICAN CONFLICTS

Chapter Two

SOURCES AND DYNAMICS OF AFRICAN CONFLICTS:

A LITERATURE REVIEW

CONFLICTS IN AFRICA: AN OVERVIEW

SOURCES AND DYNAMICS OF AFRICAN CONFLICTS

POLITICS WITHOUT A SOCIAL COMPACT

NEPAD AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION

Chapter Three

THE BURUNDI PEACE PROCESS: AN EVALUATION

SOUTH AFRICA AND THE BURUNDI PEACE PROCESS

THE ARUSHA ACCORD: THE ROLE OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN NATIONAL DEFENCE FORCE

Chapter Four

AFRICAN SOLUTIONS TO

AFRICAN CONFLICTS: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

OAU AND CONFLICT RESOLUTION: FOUNDATIONAL PRINCIPLES: A HINDRANCE TO INTERVENTION

FEATURES OF THE AFRICAN UNION

Chapter Five

ROOT CAUSES OF

AFRICAN CONFLICTS:

NOT CONSPIRACIES

AFRICAN DIVERSITY

HISTORICAL LEGACIES

INTERNAL FACTORS

EXTERNAL FACTORS

SPECIFIC SITUATIONS

Chapter Six

THE BURUNDIAN CONFLICTS:

SPECIFIC DYNAMICS

HISTORY: THE MAIN PRETEXT

SUMMING UP BURUNDI’S HISTORICAL CONFLICT DYNAMICS

Chapter Seven

IMPLICATIONS AND

DIMENSIONS FOR SUSTAINABLE PEACE

SHIFTING ACTORS

A MILITARIZED REGIONAL SOCIETY

ARMS AND AMMUNITIONS TRADE

SCARCE RESOURCES AND DEMOGRAPHIC STRESS

REGIONAL DEMOGRAPHIC FLUIDITY

THE CONSTRUCTION OF KNOWLEDGE AND IDENTITIES

VIOLENT PSYCHOLOGY

THE SOCIO-POLITICAL DIMENSION

THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL, SOCIOCULTURAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL DIMENSION

THE ECONOMIC DIMENSION

Chapter Eight

THE VERDICT

List of Acronyms

AMIB – African Mission in Burundi

AI – Amnesty International

AU– African Union

CDP – Christian Democratic Party

CEWARN – Conflict Early Warning Response Mechanism

CNLC – Congolese National Liberation Committee

COMESA – Common Market for East and Southern Africa

COPAX – Conseil De Paix Et De Security en Afrique Central

DRC – Democratic Republic of Congo

EAC – East African Community

ECA – Economic Commission for Africa

ECCAS – Economic Community of Central African States

ECOWAS – Economic Community of West African States

FNL- National Liberation Front

GHAI – Greater Horn of Africa Initiative

ICJ – International Court Of Justice

JSC – Joint Security Committee

MAP – Millennium Partnership for the African Recovery Programme

MRU- Mano River Union

MINUCI – United Nations Mission in Cote D’Ivoire

NEPAD – New Partnership for Africa’s Development

NAI – New Africa Initiative

NFD –Northern Frontier District

OAU – Organization of African Unity

OPDS – Organ for Politic Defence and Security

SADC – Southern African Development Community

SADCC – Southern African Development Coordination Conference

TRAUMA CENTRE – Centre for the Rehabilitation of Victims of Violence and Torture

UNAMSIL – United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone

UNM-EE – United Nations Mission for Ethiopia and Eritrea

UNM-L – United Nations Mission in Liberia

UNM-RWS – United Nations Mission for Referendum in Western Sahara

UNOBS – United Nations Mission in Burundi

UNOCI – United Nations Mission in Cote D’Ivoire

UNOM– United Nations Mission in Democratic Republic Of Congo

USAID – United States Agency for International Development

Acknowledgment

1.1 EWUSI AND AKWANGA JR

A book of this nature is unquestionably the product of many people as well as organizations. The book is inspired by the desire to sanctify our God given talent hatched when we met in form one at the Lycee Bilingue de Buea in 1982 and eventually moved to Government High School Limbe in 1985. I am grateful for Amnesty International for sticking with Ebenezer during his travails with the government of La Republique du Cameroon. Without them, he could have been alive for us to reconnect and work on this project and the other projects on the pipeline. Without boasting, most of our classmates would remember that we were the best History students. Ninjo Paul – our History teacher and friend is still alive to confirm this. Although we met as classmates, we eventually discovered that we were relatives by accident. Therefore, this is our first joint project and we are proud to announce that, there are many more on the way.

In this light we wish to first of all thank our wives. They may not have contributed a single idea in the book but their relentless support through our travails has been the shoulder on which we have stood, so people can see us.

1.2 SAMUEL

John Kennedy ones said ‘Mankind must put an end to war or war will put an end to mankind… War will exist until that distant day when the conscientious objector enjoys the same reputation and prestige that the warrior does today’ Will mankind put and end to war? Will war come to end in Africa? That distant day has not come. In Burundi, the rebel leaders still have the reputation and prestige of a warrior and therefore, sustainable peace is farfetched. The search for not just peace but sustainable peace in Burundi is because I consider war to be as outmoded as cannibalism, chattel slavery, blood feuds and dueling, an insult to God and humanity and a daily crucifixion to Christ. In this journey, I wish to thank my very special brothers and friends – Paul Ewusi for his never ending love and assistance, Eric Ewusi and wife Jofie for their love and loyalty, my junior brother Engr Koffi Ewusi, my special sister and first lady of Wovia Dina Dikanjo. Academically, I have benefitted form the wise counsel of my friend and former Fulbright colleague, Prof Weisfelder of the University of Toledo Ohio, my former students at the Peace Studies Program at North West University, South Africa for believing in me, especially the most accomplished of them: Mr Thapelo Madumane – Second Secretary at the South African Embassy Guinea Bissau and Mr. Mpho Mfolwe- First Secretary at Botswana Embassy in England. Senior Researchers: Ignatius Mabula and Tumisang Mangole of South Africa’s Department of Foreign Affairs. You guys have been my pride. I can at least bask in the glory of having produced soldiers of peace like you. Much of the information was collected from research travels sponsored by the national Research Foundation in South Africa and the United Nations Project to strengthen the capacity of African regional organization for conflict resolution and peace building. I am privileged to have walked this road and benefit from the wise counsel of Prof Hassan Kaya of the Indigenous Knowledge Systems in the North-West University in South Africa. He held my hand through that darkness and taught me the virtues of hard work. I would be nothing without him.

Kale Ewusi, Washington DC 2009

1.3 EBENEZER

Nathan Sharansky and Ron Dermer wrote in The Case For Democracy that, …the struggle for peace and security in the world is not linked to promoting democracy. The road to peace is seen as paved with good intentions, goodwill, and faith in the brotherhood of man. Africa has been torn apart for the past seventy years by wars emanating from the least of disagreement between two tribes or people compel to live and die together by the niceties of colonialism, whose onslaught on the continent created artificial physical demarcations, respected only at the behest of the Club of Dictators. These brutal tyrants more often have today become partners for peace, not because they cherish the whole notion of a peaceful society, but because they must play the role of the good boys in other to prolong their stay in power. It has become a continent in which those who truly aspire for peace are more often than not prepare to place a wolf and lamb in the same cage hoping that things would be better. This methodology has proven to be futile as Burundi’s Negative Peace would show.

In preparing this book, we have drawn on a wide variety of sources, some totally neglected in discussing the Burundian Civil War, or used for purposes of gratifying one segment of this brutal and senseless carnage that took away more than 700, 000 lives within two decades. My special and utmost thanks goes to the formidable human rights group, Amnesty International who became my parents, my family, the friends and allies who abandoned me in those very dark days of political imprisonment. Truly, without them, without the series of Urgent Actions on my behalf issued by AI, the relentless campaign for my freedom and the unconditional release or fair trial for all of us prisoners of conscience, I would not be co-authoring this book today. Nothing I write here truly expresses the appreciation which I carry in my heart. I would always be indebted to them as long as life permits.

My thanks go to Cherrod Pate the priceless whose unbelievable smile and care for so brief a moment gave me reason to complete this book in time. When it comes to thanking of friends and colleagues, I scarcely know where to start: Edwin Mekanya Kamara, Nicole Melissa Morel, Michel Hong, Tanteh Adeline Alia, Paddy Menkem Nembo, David Nkemtita, Daniel Eyong Abungwi, Nelson R Mabngah and Tafie Marcel Tabi. No expression of thanks to them can ever suffice. To my brother and comrade-in-the-struggle, Lucas Cho Ayaba, I say thank you for always being there when I need you most. You remained a true brother and friend in the selfless struggle to purge our continent from ruthless regimes whose tentacles of violence and large scale human rights abuses have no frontier. To Prof. and Mrs Tazoacha Asonganyi, Bibiana Taku, Chiefs Fuasonganyi and Fuatabong Taku and Mr and Mrs Bedefeh for being there for me in time of need.

To Kelly Morgan IIona, Mike O’Reily, Bryna K. Subherwal, Ulana Moroz and to all the great men and women around the world for the Individual-At-Risk Campaign for Amnesty International, I want you to know how special you are to the men, women, political activists, human rights defenders and simple citizens around the globe whose life like mine often have a rendezvous with the monster called tyranny. To Emilia Guthierez, Field Organizer for Amnesty International, Washington DC, my sister Nina Helmy-Kamal and my most cherished friends from the land of the Queen of Sheba, Betemekdes Belachew and Yonathan Amezene for their inspiration.

To Peter Kum Che Mebeng, a distinguished human rights campaigner, long-time activist for universal rights and Executive Director of Trauma Center, and to the great men and women of Trauma Center whose selfless sacrifices gave hopes and aspirations for a new day to thousands of Burundian and Rwandan refugees, I want them to know that this book is for each and everyone of them. They will always be in my heart.

It is also my pleasant duty to wholeheartedly thank my good friend and admirer, Sir Nigel S. Rodley, Professor of Law and Chair of the Human Rights Centre at the University of Essex, and Member of the United Nations Human Rights Committee whose works as the former Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Torture frightened the Yaounde Civilian Junta to keep me alive, thus making the realization of this book to be true. I owe my life a great deal to him and to Amnesty International. And to Irene Khan, the indefatigable Secretary General of Amnesty International whose unyielding crusade against poverty as a troubling human rights issue might finally be the curtain raiser in Burundi’s quest for a lasting durable peace.

Upper Marlboro, Maryland

November 2009.

Forward

THIS BOOK EXPLORES the largely unknown area of negative peace in Africa and specifically Burundi in the wake of the manner in which conflicts are resolved in the continent. The use of mediation among warring parties, the implementation of ceasefire agreements, the establishment of a transitional government and the organization of elections has been the conflict resolution trajectory that has been religiously applied in resolving African conflicts.

What then is the missing link? The authors of this book fervently believe that, the above mentioned techniques do not lead to sustainable peace. In fact it leads to negative peace which is not peace at all. The peace studies theorist, Galtung, decreed that ‘Peace is not the absence of violence, but peace of mind’. This is absolutely true to all civilized nations. The question which arises then is that what have Africans left out in their conflict resolution story? The response seems to us that, Africans most times under pressure from the international community, or regional organizations, have consistently failed to address the root causes of conflicts.

Considering that the root causes are most times not addressed, the tensions still persist even within future governments that succeed the conflicts. Furthermore, the international community is always quick to quit countries graduating from conflict without building the institutions which can sustain the peace.

Against this backdrop, this book explores the following issues under the following chapters.

Chapter one deals with the nature of African conflicts. Most conflicts in Africa are grounded history and the very nature in which the states came into being. The over-riding reason often quoted for African conflicts has been the role of colonialism. It is authoritatively stated that, the colonial masters failed woefully to take into consideration the ethnic, linguistic and tribal nature of the African people in their configuration of the African state. The consequence of this was the establishment of states with relatives of people and parts of tribes across the border. The failure to clearly demarcate the borders by the colonial masters also led to border conflicts. Other issues dealt with include, the territorial ambitions by some African heads of state as well as the need to secure resources from other areas.

Chapter two examines some of the vast literature on African conflict and conflict resolution. There is a huge body of literature on conflicts in Africa. This literature is incisively adapted to the study. It will assist the reader to identify the relevant literature and assist other researchers in the Area to select what is usable or not. Literature review serves the purpose of identifying gaps which may come to play in dealing with a particular topic. It also serves to acknowledge the existence of work done in the area of study. Therefore the student of African conflict will find chapter two very handy in understanding the theoretical explanation of the sources and dynamics of African conflicts.

Chapter three evaluates the Burundi Peace Process. The Arusha Accord is seen as the key to peace in Burundi. But this study looks at Arusha as the starting point for the consolidation of viable peace in Burundi. Because of the fact that Arusha has been considered to be the baseline for peace in Burundi, the chapter looks at the shortcoming of the accord in relation to sustainable peace in Burundi. The simple fact that Arusha prescribes a type of peace based on ethnic lines in a country which had no ethnic problems before colonialism, is dangerous for long term peace.

The reason is that it would eternally sanctify the ethnic trajectory of the country which was a colonial misdeed. Furthermore, the accord fails to deal decisively with socio-economic problems created as a result of the conflict. Therefore although recent developments point to the integration of the rebel groups which initially failed to join the Arusha Accord, it does not guarantee sustainable peace. The authors hold that, it is the calm before the storm. We believe that, provided the issues of land, education, poverty, and unemployment are not dealt with Burundi will either in the short run or long run relapse into conflict again.

Chapter four on it part, takes a historical look at how Africa has dealt with the problem of conflict. In this area, we look at conflict resolution by the defunct Organization of African Unity which existed between 1963 and 2001. Recognizing that, the OAU was jealously tailored to preserve independence than to resolve conflict, the resolution of African conflict fell squarely in the hands of sub regional organizations. Therefore, we look at how these sub regional organizations dealt with conflict and built security organs in order to enhance peace in the regions. We note that, the recognition of the work done by these regional organizations earned them a place in the new African security architecture. We therefore historically trace the work done by both the Organization of African Unity and the sub regional organization.

Chapter five traces the root causes of African conflict which is critical to the sustainable resolution of African conflicts. We argue that the failure to indentify the root causes of conflicts and address them will not lead to sustainable peace. Therefore this chapter examines the root causes of the conflicts with a view to providing solutions.

Chapter six examines the specific dynamics of the Burundi conflict. The importance of this is the fact that, it provides us with understanding of the cycle of violence between the ethnic groups which eventually led to the conclusion by mediators that, it is an ethnic problem. The cyclical violence has led to deep hatred from both ends with protagonists interpreting and misinterpreting any actions from the other group.

Chapter Seven is the final chapter. This chapter examines the implications and dimensions of not only the type of peace prescribed and promoted in Burundi but the long term implications of the peace. The peace may be sustainable if certain conditions are met in a sustained manner. For now, certain factors such as war weariness, the new international institutions such as the African Union and NEPAD may prevent the outbreak of violence at a certain level but does not necessarily lead to sustainable peace which Galtung will call positive peace. In some instances, the country may fall into the category of acceptable dictatorship like in Kagame’s Rwanda where the political stability is more acceptable than genocide.

KE and EDMA Jr.

Theoretical Framework

The main objective of theoretical perspective is to explain the theoretical foundation of the research topic. A theory is regarded as a systematically related set of statements including some law-like generalizations that are empirically testable. It is possible to perceive a number of common characteristics of a theory viz; abstractness, logic, propositions, explanations, relationships and acceptance by the scientific community. It is therefore important to base a study on a particular theory.

Further more, the primary function of this part is to attempt to explain or to account for particular phenomena, which is viewed as explanatory. It is this explanatory function, which distinguishes a theory from related but non explanatory concept such as descriptive, typology and models.

The main theoretical concepts used in this study are derived from the general theory of conflict but also from infra-theories encompassed in it such as structural and psycho-cultural theories. At the macro-level, the modernization theory analyzes the economic and social structures that shape the incentives of the society are used and at the micro-level the political agent theory addresses the preferences and interaction among the political agents. Scholars of conflict theory have written extensively about the sources of conflict, but have usually, according to their respective disciplines merely looked at and emphasized only one specific source as the real explanation of the cause of conflict while sometimes undermining or diminishing the importance of others.

Therefore, in order to develop an argument, originally based on the previous general concept and to provide for the reader a precise conceptual roadmap for this study a theoretical clarification is required. An attempt will be made to develop an argument through an in depth exposition of the two major infra-theories, namely structural conflict theory and psycho-cultural or socio-psychological conflict theory, which are direct off-shoots of protracted social conflict theory.

Limiting the argument to these theories does not imply the application of a reductionism approach, on the contrary these theories encompass different issues related to the emergence and evolution of protracted ethnic conflict, which allows for greater understanding of the issues in question and have an impact on the socio-economic development of the state.

Part of the argument in this study is that, different factors are responsible for the emergence and development of protracted social conflicts in Africa and Burundi in particular. These factors – economic, political, institutional, cultural, geographic, demographic, psychological, military and colonial, can be broken down into two main categories, despite the eclecticism of the terminology found in the literature, as structural objective conflict and psycho-cultural i.e subjective conflict .

STRUCTURAL CONFLICT THEORY

Structural conflict is essentially defined as an outcome of incompatible interests based on the competition for scarce resources; it is objective because it is defined as largely independent of the perceptions of the participants and emanates from power structures and institutions. It emphasizes that in order for conflict to manifest itself, ‘proximate’ factors will have to operate as triggers.

The proximate causes of conflict are those that transform potentially violent situations into deadly conflicts. This theory further facilitated the configuration of the otherwise coherent Burundi society into racial and ethnic groups. It therefore informs the stages that led to the massacres as espoused by American human rights scholar, Dr Gregory Stanton, namely, classification, symbolization and dehumanization respectively.

Practically, this theory is made evident when the Tutsi perceived the Hutu intellectuals masterminded the rebellion that fuelled ethnic tension in 1972. The Hutu intellectuals were thus perceived as a threat to the Tutsi ethnic dominance. Lemarchand (1994:302) notes that ‘the Tutsi administration responded by staging brutal attacks on every single Hutu with more than primary school education".

Kenny (2002) further lamented on the killings of Hutu intellectuals by noting that ‘Tutsi death squads went into high schools, picked out all Hutu pupils and made them kneel down and then smashed their skulls with sledgehammers. Thousands of Hutu intellectuals fled the country and many found refuge in neighboring Rwanda that was ruled by Hutus.

PSYCHO-CULTURAL CONFLICT THEORY

The psycho-cultural conflict theory deals with the internalization of issues through emphasis of the role of culturally shared and deep ‘we-they’ oppositions. This leads to the conceptualization of enemies and allies although to a great extent these oppositions between the Hutu and Tutsi were not culturally shared.

Burundi’s protracted social conflict was facilitated, animated and driven by the constructed Hutu identity because of the underlying fear of extinction. Memories of past Hutu persecutions were reconstructed so that the Hutu ethnic group was seen to be vulnerable. FNL, FDD- ABASA propaganda expressed this ‘fear of extinction’, the ‘fear of dying off’, the ‘fear of the future’- fears of which seemed to underlie the threat of a loss of Hutu identity. This threat, real or imagined, emanated from purported history of annihilation, humiliation, oppression, victimization, feeling of inferiority, persecution and other kind of discrimination.

The polarization that resulted provided the political capital for the post independence leadership that always thrived on underscoring the perceived differences of constructed ethnicity illustrated by the following: Kaybanda (1959), ‘Two nations in a single state- two nations whom there’s no intercourse and no sympathy, who are as ignorant of each other’s habits, thoughts and feelings as if they were dwellers of different zone, or inhabitants of different planets.

Habyarimana (1991), ‘The unity of ethnic group is not possible without the unity of the majority. Just as we note that no Tutsi recognizes regional belonging, it is imperative that the majority forge unity, so that they are able to wade off any attempt to return into slavery"

The first stage, classification can be described as the cultural and racial distinction between the three categories of Burundi so that we have the Tutsi Caucasians, the Hutu Bantu Negroid and the Twa pigmoids. The second stage symbolization, affirms the classification by attributing symbolic characteristics that could be physical or otherwise.

For instance, the size and shape of the nose became symbolic and the very names that were used to describe a group were through stereotypes and clichés. As described by Sasserath (1948) a Belgian Doctor, the