Terrorism and Transnational Security Threats in West Africa:: A Global Perspective

By Adebayo E. Adeyemi PhD

While it could be arguably stated that West Africa has achieved remarkable and sustainable progress in the areas of democratic governance and economic growth, the subregion, over the past few years, has been challenged by terrorism and other transnational security threats. Innocent civilians are continuously killed, security operatives and providers of humanitarian assistance are targeted, and properties and infrastructures are wantonly destroyed, thus culminating in significant displacement of people and acute poverty. If these developments are not carefully and timely addressed, they are capable of eroding progress so far recorded. It is against this background that this book examines the different manifestations of terrorism and related transnational security challenges in West Africa, with a view to exploring the internal and external sources and drivers of instability, establishing the linkages between terrorism and transnational threats, and reviewing the various steps taken in recent time to strengthen the subregions capacity to prevent and address the menace of terrorism and other security challenges and make necessary policy recommendations based on comprehensive best practices.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Xlibris US
• Release date: Sep 18, 2015
• ISBN: 9781503598171

Adebayo E. Adeyemi PhD

Adebayo Emmanuel ADEYEMI is a foreign service officer in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Nigeria currently serving at the Embassy of Nigeria in Paris, France. He holds a doctoral degree in international relations and diplomacy from CEDS Paris, France; MSc degree in international relations from Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife; and a BEd. degree in management and political science from University of Ibadan, both in Nigeria. He has participated in several international conferences on counterterrorism and security-related matters and published a number of referred articles in reputable international journals. He is happily married with four children and can be reached at [e-mail]

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Contents

Foreword

Preface

Acknowledgment

Abstract

Abbreviations

Tables

PART I

GENERAL INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND MATTERS

Chapter 1 General Introduction

Overview Of The Book

References

Chapter 2 Conceptual And Theoretical Framework On Terrorism

Defining Terrorism

Attributes Of Terrorism

Typology Of Terrorism

Combating Terrorism

Origin And History Of Terrorism

Theoretical Perspectives On The Causes And Motivation Of Terrorism

Conclusion

References

Chapter 3 Transnational Organized Crime And Its Impact On The Security And Stability Of West Africa

Conceptualizing Transnational Organized Crime

Transnational Organized Crime In West Africa

Nature And Typology Of Transnational Crimes In West Africa

Impact Of Transnational Organized Crime

Addressing The Threats Of Transnational Organized Crime In West Africa

Conclusion

References

Chapter 4 Globalization And The Growth Of Transnational Security Threats In West Africa

Globalization And Insecurity

The Internet And Cybercrime

The Proliferation Of Small Arms And Light Weapons (Salws)

Conclusion

References

Chapter 5 Understanding The Sources And Dynamics Of Conflicts In West Africa

Basic Facts About West Africa

Sources And Causes Of Conflicts

Poverty

Corruption

Management Of Natural Resources

Youth Unemployment

Marginalization

Links Among Conflicts, Organized Crime, And Terrorism

Conclusion

References

PART II

CASE STUDIES OF TERRORISM IN WEST AFFRICA

Chapter 6 Understanding The Tuareg’s Struggle In Mali: From The Rebellion Of Autonomy To The Rebellion Of Secession

Mali: Country Basic Facts

The Tuaregs

The French Colonial Factor In The Tuareg Rebellion

Climate Change: A Threat Multiplier In Mali’s Conflict

The Second Tuareg Rebellion (1990–1992)

The Third Tuareg Rebellion (2006–2009)

The Fourth Tuareg Rebellion—January 2012

Reaction Of The International Community To The Declaration Of The Independence Of Azawad

Conclusion

References

Chapter 7 Al-Qaeda In Islamic Maghreb (Aqim): Terrorist Networks Infiltrate Northern Mali

Al-Qaeda In Islamic Maghreb (Aqim)

Aqim And The Hijack Of The Tuareg’s Struggle

The Return Of Migrant Workers And Former Tuareg Combatants From Libya

The March 22, 2012 Mutiny And Coup D’état

Impact Of The Malian Crisis

Diplomatic And Military Interventions In Mali

Donors’ Conferences For The African-Led International Support Mission In Mali (Afisma) And The Malian Defense And Security Forces (Mdsf)

Conclusion

References

Chapter 8 Conflict And Turbulence In Niger Delta: Interplay Of Multinational Corporations, Environmental Degradation, And Self-Determination

Nigeria: Country Profile

The Niger Delta Region And The Root Causes Of Unrest

The Quest For Self-Determination And The Rise Of Armed Conflicts In The Niger Delta Region

Impact Of The Niger Delta Crises

The Oil Industries In The Niger Delta And Culpability In The Region’s Crises

Addressing The Drivers Of Conflicts And Violence In The Niger Delta Region

Contribution Of Shell Petroleum Development Company Of Nigeria (Spdc) To The Niger Delta Region

Conclusion

References

Chapter 9 Boko Haram Crises In Northern Nigeria: The Evolving National And Regional Security Challenges

The Origin And Emergence Of Violent Extremist Groups In Northern Nigeria

The Rise And Growth Of Boko Haram

Boko Haram’s Attacks, Grievances, And Ideology

Regional And Global Dimensions Of Boko Haram

Government Response To The Challenges Of Boko Haram

Conclusion

References

PART III

ADDRESSING TERRORISM AND RELATED SECURITY CHALLENGES IN WEST AFRICA

Chapter 10 ECOWAS Member Countries’ Initiatives On Terrorism

Introduction

Nigeria

Mali

Niger

Burkina Faso

Senegal

The Remaining Ten ECOWAS States

Conclusion

References

Chapter 11 ECOWAS Peacemaking Initiatives And Counterterrorism Strategy In West Africa

ECOWAS: A General Overview

ECOWAS Peacemaking Initiatives

ECOWAS Response To Terrorism In West Africa

Conclusion

References

Chapter 12 Multinational Efforts To Counterterrorism In West Africa

The Role Of The Affrican Union (Au) In Counterterrorism In Africa

United Nations Counterterrorism Efforts In West Africa

Conclusion

References

Chapter 13 General Conclusion: Summary Of Key Issues And Policy Reccommendations

Summary

Key Findings

Policy Recommendations

Bibliography

FOREWORD

It is with great pleasure that I write this foreword to the premier book of my former personal assistant and a distinguished diplomat, Dr. Adebayo Adeyemi, of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

I have known Dr. Adeyemi for close to fifteen years first as an officer in the permanent secretary’s office where I was a director and then subsequently as my personal assistant when I assumed duty in the ministry as permanent secretary in 2010. He belonged to the very first set of the elite leadership training group of the ministry, also called the 36+1 training program, which comprised mainly of the finest of the finest corps of mid-career foreign service officers. It was under this scheme that he was posted to Paris and sponsored to undertake a doctoral research program in politics and diplomacy.

Terrorism, which is the subject of his book, is clearly one of the major twenty-first century’s challenges that the international community has to collectively contend with. The impact, scope, and nature are so daunting and crosscutting that it now ranks as one of the greatest threats to international peace and security. The phenomenon that was once a feature of the Middle East, Europe, and Asia has now berthed on the African continent, including the Al-Shabaab in Somalia and Eastern Africa, Al-Qaeda in Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), and Boko Haram in Nigeria.

Titled Terrorism and Transnational Security Threats in West Africa: A Global Perspective, the book delves into the origin, profile, and historical contexts of the two terrorist organizations, Boko Haram and AQIM, currently devastating some areas of the West African subregion. The impact, consequences, and responses to the challenges posed by the activities of Boko Haram and AQIM as well as international interventions in the two situations were brought into fore.

In the same vein, the book explores into the issues surrounding the agelong agitations of two key ethnic groups in West Africa, namely, the Niger Delta people of Nigeria and the Tuareg people of Mali. It provides answers to the following questions: What are the sources of instability in West Africa? Who are the drivers of violent extremism? What are the factors sustaining the vulnerability of the subregion to terrorism and transnational threats? Are there any linkages between terrorism and other transnational security threats in West Africa? What are the steps taken in the recent years to strengthen the subregion’s capacity to prevent and address the challenges of terrorism and other transnational security threats? And what are the roles of key stakeholders and development partners in counterterrorism efforts in West Africa.

The book attributes the root causes and conditions that are conducive to the spread of terrorism and transnational security challenges in West Africa to poverty, illiteracy, religious radicalism, and high rate of unemployment, especially among the youths. It calls attention to issues, such as marginalization, deprivation, inequality, human rights abuses, injustice, impunity, corruption, as well as insensitivity to genuine and legitimate grievances over the uneven distribution of resources, wealth, and power. It suggests that adequate attention must be paid to the root causes of these challenges to be able to effectively counter extremism and reduce vulnerability to radical ideologies.

One of the major lessons drawn from the book is that no single country or region of the world is immune from the impact of terrorism and transnational crimes or can, by acting alone, successfully confront and counter these phenomena, considering their trans-global nature and consequences. The book argues that it is only by taking action together that the international community can hope to effectively tackle terrorism and transnational security threats.

The book avails readers the opportunity to more fully appreciate the extent to which terrorism, promoted in West Africa by the activities of Boko Haram and AQIM, continues to play out in the socioeconomic, political, and security equations of the region. The book will be an essential reading material on terrorism and transnational crimes. It is therefore strongly recommended to students of security and conflict studies, practitioners in the field of counterterrorism, and the general public.

Ambassador Dr. Martin I. Uhomoibhi OFR

BA. MA. (IBADAN) D. PHIL. (OXON) D. LITT (Honoris Causa)

President, Pan African Institute for Global Affairs and Strategy (PAIGAS)

Abuja, Nigeria

PREFACE

TRANSNATIONAL THREATS TO THE SECURITY OF AN UNSECURE WORLD

Dr Fouad Nohra

Assistant Professor (Maître de conferences) at Paris Descartes University

Academic Director of Centre d’Etudes Diplomatiques et Stratégiques

Globalization can be studied from many standpoints and, as the perspectivist philosophers used to say, a discourse always reflects above all the position from where you stand¹. In many former studies, we used to study globalization through the struggle between a transnational capital in process of hyper-concentration on one side and a workforce in process of economic, political and ethnic fragmentation and atomization on the other side², the latter being often perceived by the critical theories as a victim of the former. Therefore, the sphere of the informal activities can be interpreted as an attempt by those marginalized by the failure of the development policies in the South to seek for a viable alternative to the official failed economy³. This informal world is structurally distinct from the formal world. It links economic activities with the social network and the set of value of human communities⁴. As for banking, production, work and trade, this reflects a set of activities the formal (official) authorities doesn’t control⁵.

This seems to be the honourable side of the downside world. In this approach we used to miss the perversion of this sphere, where for instance criminal activities grow up as they are seen to be the easiest way for some of those staying downside to catch up with the upper society, if not to compete with it through dirty processes, or for formally unrecognized or insufficiently recognized actors to exploit the frustration of this lower strata of the world system.

Adeyemi Adebayo reminds us about this dark side of the informal world, through his outstanding research on terrorism and transnational crime in West Africa. This means that the lower strata of the world system, when disconnecting from the formal networks controlled by states and formal actors (administrations, industrials, bankers etc.) doesn’t necessarily produce an equitable system of network. Rather new unequal and unbalanced networks can replace them: this is obviously the case when terrorist organizations and transnational criminal networks rise inside the marginalized society and provide it with some of the expected resources the states are unable to provide. This dark side of the informal world is framed by a hierarchical network, thus replacing the rule of law by an arbitrary de facto domination of the weaker by new war lords: this is an incredible historical regression!

This seemed to be the case of a Northern Mali seized by armed groups lacking political legitimacy and social support, but who were advantaged by the military balance of force induced by the downfall of the Libyan state, the structural weakness of the Malian military institution and the lack of a constructive political involvement of the civil society serving as a hostage in the hands of armed rebellions.

Both terrorism and transnational criminality tend to reflect the present stage of globalization:

• the hyper-concentration of capital, the densification of communication network abolishing the geographic barriers and the distance factor contributed of course to the dramatic increase in the power of a transnational capital able to systematically delocalize if not de-specialize the production process⁶ ; but it enabled the local informal network to overcome the states’ barriers.

• the failure of state led models of economic development opened the national economies and societies to the conjunction of the upper strata (transnational powers) and the lower ones (local communities). This could obviously favour the trans-nationalization of everything escaping to state control. This was the case for both crime and terrorism.

The research links successfully to each other the different terrorist groups growing up in all the countries surrounding the Great Desert⁷; if separatist movements continued to work separately in each country, terrorist movements became transnational with a common ideological framework based on the abuse on religious identity and a common radical anti-upper world stance. Transnational terrorism concerns should be met with a multilateral response and the present research dedicated a whole part to the common policy decided and implemented within the frame of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

Moreover it linked transnational terrorism with transnational crime, and this is enough to downplay the religious interpretation of the terrorism phenomenon. A fundamentalist movement involved in drug trafficking even in order to stay in place is no more fundamentalist, as long as it displays its literalist interpretation on a double standard basis. Rather it becomes machiavillist, as Machiavelli recommended the prince to look moral but to never truly be moral, and to look pious without being pious, just because the latter virtue is the only one that cannot be informed by observation, as nobody can check the inside of one other’s mind. A less moralizing and more realistic approach can even explain this link between both phenomenon as a matter of survive for both sides, the former by providing the necessary sources of revenue and the latter by providing a bit of legitimacy.

Terrorism is also a matter of definition: so obvious according to the upper world for whom such a discussion is a perverse diversion (don’t argue we know who they are!); controversial for the people victims of the upper world’s violence as they rather stigmatize the institutional global violence (high tech wars, cruel embargoes, illegal invasions etc..) and qualify it as terrorist. And when competing states charge each other of leniency with terrorists, this means that each of them is more concerned with a faction and less with the other and vice versa. That is why Adeyemi Adebayo’s work is relevant because it deals a lot with definitions. Terrorism is not extensible to any political violence with high amounts of innocent casualties. It is rather a disruptive violence mostly used by those who fail to face conventionally conventional troops, and decide therefore to remove the ethical barriers in the practice of antagonism. Sure this academic effort will not bring together the multiple official definitions, and in some Arab states disruptive anti-regime demonstration even with no casualties can be charged as terrorist, as they can disturb the normal work of institutions and economy. Patriot Act in USA included in the list the attacks on software and computer networks, while Turkish and some European countries’ legislation confirmed the crime of apology of terrorism against the if and but speeches.

Without referring to Hobbes, the research lays on a Hobbesian assumption: security is the key need for a social system. If we quote Leviathan, it is just to remind that individuals are ready to give up their original liberty in order to get the security they need, and nothing can be built up in a society if there is no security⁸. But a research on security issues should tell us more. First, individual themselves can disrupt from this principle, if we switch the ontological abstract approach with a more scientific psychological approach. Second, if states care about national security, they often disregard the lower level of human security and the possibility, for the individuals to secure their fundamental needs.

Of course, we need a transnational cooperation and multilateral commitments, in order to eradicate terrorism and security threats. But what about uprooting those threats through addressing the needs for human security and getting in a micro-sociological approach? Many analysts are blind eyed by the macro-ideological analysis, especially when they try to link terrorism with ideologies, and sometimes with religions. Other scholars like Rachel Ehrenfeld, Charles Anderton and Louise Shelley emphasized on a theory of rational action in political struggle, as there can be a rational calculation in disruptive violent action. According to this theoretical ground both bosses of criminal groups and leaders of terrorist movement are considered as entrepreneurs as they rely on a rational calculation in order to maximise gains, to minimize losses and to ensure their own survival. Despite divergent motivation, both are working on the same ground of illegal activities and both are seeking for resources through the dynamics of underground economy. So cooperation between terrorism and organized crime is possible, but transformation is also possible, when the leaders of a group consider that their survival is ensured only by merging with the other one; this can explain the shift from terrorism to criminal activities and vice versa⁹.

We can hardly explain terrorism as the consequence of a model of tough religious teaching, as the same teaching can produce a tough law and order doctrine, and as there is no correlation between the tougher religious approach and the propensity to disruptive violence. Rather, the Nigerian case is interesting as it encompasses many variations of terrorism: the northern extremist and messianic movements on one side, and the southern Niger Delta separatism on the other side. The first is rather influenced by a heterodox maximalist approach combined with anti-modern messianism, while the second is more transparent as to its political goals and can be easily analysed through the Collier-Hoeffler model called the greed and grievance model¹⁰. But neither of them can be explained through a simplistic statement on ethno-religious fault lines (Moslem versus Christian or Hausa Fulani versus Ibo etc.). These identity marks can be overexploited in the political action, but they do not work as essential factors. The Western mass media overemphasizing on Boko Haram’s extremist stance forget that the Nigerian political game is based on a deep feeling of national common identity and that the mainstream political parties tend to reject the factious ethno-religious conflictual speeches. Beyond this apparent disturbing piece of the Nigerian iceberg (the Boko Haram insurgency), Nigeria an emerging country with a dynamic economy, a viable democracy and an obviously rich cultural production, facing troubles with its extreme peripheries. This reflects the main core/periphery disequilibria in most developing countries: disequilibria in resources allocation and in political control can easily shift to a conflictual, then violent, core/periphery relationship. Didn’t the Arab upsurge start in many countries (Tunisia, Libya, and Syria) from the peripheral towns? In a few words, those who were accustomed with simplistic geographical mapping with a North/South Nigerian fault line are the same who advocate simplistically the macro theory of clash of civilization in order to explain the globally induced war¹¹.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

I am grateful to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Nigeria for the opportunity to undertake this project. I would like to express my profound appreciation particularly to Amb. Dr. Martin I. Uhomoibhi, my boss and former permanent secretary in the ministry, who, through the 36+1 Initiative, made this dream a reality. I am eternally indebted to him.

I owe a great intellectual and personal debt to Prof. Mahmoud Nimir Musa, who painstakingly guided me throughout the course of this project and for his constant attention and encouragement, which contributed immensely to the early conclusion of the book. I am also grateful to Prof. Fouad Nohra, director of studies at CEDS (Centre D’ Etudes Diplomatiques et Strategiques) Paris, France, for his support.

I would also like to thank my colleagues at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Abuja; Embassy of Nigeria Paris, France; and Center D’ Etudes Diplomatiques et Strategiques (CEDS) for their support, understanding, and motivation.

Finally, I would like to thank my family, to whom I apologize for what must have seemed like an eternal preoccupation with the work. They have a special place in my heart, and I use this opportunity to express my profound gratitude for their kind understanding and support.

ABSTRACT

While it could be arguably stated that West Africa has achieved remarkable and sustainable progress in the areas of democratic governance and economic growth, the subregion, over the past few years, has been challenged by terrorism and other transnational security threats. Innocent civilians are continuously killed, security operatives and providers of humanitarian assistance are targeted, and properties and infrastructures are wantonly destroyed, thus culminating in significant displacement of people and acute poverty. If these developments are not carefully and timeously addressed, they are capable of eroding progress so far recorded.

It is in the light of the foregoing that the different manifestations of terrorism and related transnational security challenges in West Africa were undertaken, with a view to explore the internal and external sources and drivers of instability, establish the linkages between terrorism and transnational threats, examine the various steps taken in recent time to strengthen the subregion’s capacity to prevent and address the menace of terrorism and other security challenges, and make necessary policy recommendations based on comprehensive best practices.

In view of their currency, the book focuses in particular on the activities of the Boko Haram insurgence and the Niger Delta militants in Nigeria as well as those of the Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and the Tuareg struggle in Mali. It identifies poverty, unemployment, weak and porous border control, poor governance, and endemic corruption as well as inequality, marginalization, human rights abuses, and grievances over uneven distribution of resources, wealth, and power, among others, as the underlying factors facilitating the activities of transnational organized crimes and terrorism. The book, therefore, argues that as long as such factors continue to exist in the subregion, the activities of these criminal groups would persist.

To effectively tackle the activities of terrorist and criminal groups, counter radicalization, and violent extremism and reduce vulnerability to extremist ideologies, the book argues that attention must be paid to the internal root causes of these challenges, with a view to addressing them as opposed to excessive and indiscriminate use of military force to suppress conflicts. Beyond addressing the grievances that fuel terrorist ideology and transnational security threats in West Africa, it is equally essential to draw attention to the factors that facilitate and stimulate the operations of transnational organized criminal groups in the subregion, namely, the proliferation of small arms and light weapons, the porous nature of the borders, the illicit financial networks, and the exploitation of the Internet for radicalization, crime-related activities, and terrorism.

Finally, considering that terrorism and the consequences of its effects are by nature transnational and pose grave threats to world peace and security, the book observes that no single country/region is immuned from the effects of terrorism or can, by acting alone, successfully confront and counter this phenomenon. In the same vein, the book notes that the challenges of fighting transnational crimes and security threats are so daunting that they call for the commitment and collaboration of the international community at all levels to be able to defeat them. It argues that it is only by taking action together can the international community hope to tackle terrorism and transnational security threats effectively.

ABBREVIATIONS

ACSRT—African Center for the Study and Research of Terrorism

AEC—African Economic Communities

AFRISMA—African-Led International Support Mission in Mali

AML—Anti-Money Laundering

AQIM—Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb

ARLA—Revolutionary Army for the Liberation of Azawad

ATNMC—Tuareg Alliance of Northern Mali for Change

AUPA—African Union Plan of Action

AUPSC—African Union Peace and Security Council

CAF—Central Africa Republic

CAMDC—African Union Conference of Minister on Drug Control

CEWS—Continental Early Warning System

CFT—Counterterrorism Financing

CJTF—Civilian Joint Task Force

COMESA—Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa

CPI—Corruption Perception Index

CTC—Counterterrorism Committee

CTED—Counterterrorism Executive Directorate

CTITF—Counterterrorism Implementation Task Force

CVE—Countering Violent Extremism

DPA—Department of Political Affairs

DPKO—Department for Peacekeeping Operation

DRC—Democratic Republic of Congo

ECCAS—Economic Community of Central African States

ECOMOG—ECOWAS Monitoring Group

ECOWAS—Economic Community of West African States

EFCC—Economic and Financial Crime Commission

FATF—Financial Action Task Force

FBI—Federal Bureau of Investigation

FIA—Financial Investigation Agency

FIAA—Arabic Islamic Front of Azawad

FIS—Islamic Salvation Front

FPLA—Popular Front for the Liberation of Azawad

FTOs—Foreign Terrorist Organizations

GCTF—Global Counterterrorism Forum

GCTS—Global Counterterrorism Strategy

GIABA—Intergovernmental Action Group against Money Laundering in West Africa

GONU—Government of National Unity

GSDRC—Governance and Social Development Resources Center

GSPC—Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat

HDI—Human Development Indices

I-ACT—Integrated Assistance for Countering Terrorism

ICAO—International Civil Aviation Organization

ICC—International Criminal Court

IDPs—Internally Displaced Persons

IDS—Institute of Development Studies

IED—Improvised Explosive Device

IFAD—International Fund for Agricultural Development

IGAD—Intergovernmental Authority on Development

IMF—International Monetary Fund

IMN—Islamic Movement of Nigeria

INTERPOL—International Criminal Police Organization

IOM—International Organization for Migration

IYC—Ijaw Youth Council

JTF—Joint Task Force

LURD—Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy

MDGs—Millennium Development Goals

MDSF—Malian Defense and Security Forces

MEND—Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta

MFUA—Unified Movements and Fronts of Azawad

MINUSMA—United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali

MJTF—Multinational Joint Task Forces

MNDA—Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs

MOJWA—Movement for Oneness and Jihad in West Africa

MOSOP—Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People

MPA—People’s Movement of Azawad

MPLA—Movement for the Liberation of Azawad

NAFDAC—National Agency for Food and Drug Administration and Control

NAPEP—National Poverty Eradication Program

NDDB—Niger Delta Development Board

NDE—National Directorate of Employment

NDPSF—Niger Delta People’s Salvation Front

NNPC—Nigeria National Petroleum Company

NSA—National Security Adviser

OAU—Organization of African Unity

OECD—Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development

OMPADEC—Oil Mineral Producing Areas Development Commission

PIB—Petroleum Industry Bill

PTDF—Petroleum Trust Development Fund

RMCS—Royal Military College of Science

SADC—Southern African Development Community

SALWs—Small Arms and Light Weapons

SAP—Structural Adjustment Program

SPDC—Shell Petroleum Development Company

SWAC—Sahel and West Africa Club

TI—Transparency International

TSCTP—Trans-Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership

UNDP—United Nations Development Program

UNEP—United Nations Environmental Program

UNESCO—United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

UNHCR—United Nations High Commission for Refugees

UNICRI—United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute

UNODC—United Nations Office for Drugs Control

UNOSAA—United Nations Office of Special Adviser on Africa

VBIED—Vehicle-Borne Improvised Explosive Device

WACI—West African Coast Initiative

WAEMU—West African Economic and Monetary Union

TABLES

Table 3.1 Categorization of Cross-border or Transnational Crimes in West Africa53

Table 3.2 Classifications of Transnational Crimes55

Table 4.1 Weapons Description in Line with ECOWAS Moratorium59

Table 4.2 Status of ECOWAS Member States Signatories to the UN Firearms Protocol100

Table 5.1 West African Countries’ Basic Facts1

Table 5.2 Nature of Conflicts in West Africa4

Table 5.3 The Failed State Index in West Africa in 20128

Table 5.4 ECOWAS Member States’ Ranking on 2012 CPI54

Table 5.6 Unemployment Rate in West Africa88

Table 6.1 Ethnic Groups’ Population History in Mali19

Table 7.1 Malian Refugees by Country of Asylum as of November 1, 201256

Table 7.2 UNHCR 2013 Planning Figures for the Situation in Mali64

Table 7.3 AFISMA Troops Contributing Countries91

Table 8.1 The Nine States of the Niger Delta Region22

Table 8.2 Population Projections for the Niger Delta States23

Table 8.3 Selected Militant Groups Operating in the Niger Delta

Table 8.4 Multinational Oil Companies Operating in the Niger Delta

Table 9.1 Reported Civilian Deaths in Boko Haram Attacks September 2010–May 2014

PART I

GENERAL INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND MATTERS

PART I

Part I contextualizes the whole book by addressing general introductory and background matters. With a view to establishing a proper working definition of terms as would be employed in the book, relevant concepts were defined, such as terrorism, transnational organized crimes and its impact on the security and stability of West Africa, as well as the concept of globalization and the roles it plays in reinforcing insecurity within and among nations with particular reference to the situation in West Africa. Part I also provides insight into the internal sources and drivers of instability in West Africa for a meaningful comprehension of the manifestation of the phenomenon of terrorism in the subregion.

CHAPTER 1

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

Recent contradictory developments in the West Africa subregion give room for serious concern. Whereas positive economic and political advances are continuously attained, new and very serious threats have also emerged that if not carefully managed could erode the gains made especially in the areas of economic development and democratic governance.¹ Many of these threats are transnational in nature and, to some extent, profit from institutional weaknesses and the weak rule of law systems of many West African states.

In the last couple of years, the subregion has been afflicted with brutal conflicts and security challenges with very devastating impact. Transnational organized crimes and illicit trafficking have increased, while maritime insecurity in the Gulf of Guinea has also become an ever-greater challenge in recent years. This situation has further been compounded by the activities of the various insurgent and militant groups in the subregion. The cumulative effect of this is that West Africa has come to be epitomized by massive killings, internal displacements, wanton refugee flows, and acute poverty.²

In the light of the activities of the various insurgent and criminal groups, West Africa essentially portrays to the world a gloomy picture and image, the nature of which Robert Kaplan noted is becoming the symbol of worldwide demographic, environmental and societal stress in which criminal anarchy emerges as real strategic danger. Disease, over population, unprovoked crime, and scarcity of resources, refugee migrations, the increasing erosion of nation-state and international borders and the empowerment of private armies, security firms and international drug cartels are now most tellingly demonstrated through a West African prism.³

In recent years, the subregion has witnessed a rise in religious fundamentalism, which has provided fertile ground for violent extremism and terrorism. Extremists’ religious and political leaders play on these tendencies to recruit fighters among young, poor, unemployed, and uneducated people.⁴ The most worrying development has been the terrorist activities perpetrated by the Boko Haram sect in Northern Nigeria and those of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), both of which have killed a large number of civilians as well as personnel of military and paramilitary forces.

The political discourse surrounding terrorism and transnational security threats in West Africa, as elsewhere on the continent of Africa, remains sensitive. This is particularly so given the inexorable linkages that exist between security and development. So long as the subregion continues to play host to the most callous extremist groups and harbor all nature of transnational criminal organizations, the realization of its developmental agenda will be more difficult. The level of insecurity in West Africa not only threatens political stability and investment opportunities but also continues to dominate the agenda for cooperation with donors.

It is against this background that a study of the different manifestations of terrorism and related transnational security challenges in West Africa were undertaken, with a view to establish the linkages between terrorism and these other transnational threats that are priority concerns for states in the subregion, examine the various steps taken in recent years to strengthen the subregion’s capacities to prevent and combat terrorism and other security threats, analyze issues and challenges relevant to counter terrorist strategy implementation in the subregion, and make necessary policy recommendations based on comprehensive best practices.

In doing this, two main terrorist situations in West Africa, namely, Mali and Nigeria, are presented in elaborate details. The security challenges in both countries that are presented as case studies have been selected in view of the high terrorist threat assessment and the actual manifestation of terrorists’ activities in both countries. Other motivating factors that justify the special attention to the terrorists’ activities in Mali and Nigeria include the currency of the situation, the linkages between the activities of Boko Haram sect in Northern Nigeria and those of the AQIM in Northern Mali, the association of the two terrorist groups with Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs), as well as the potential danger the situations in both countries poses to the entire West African subregion if not adequately and timeously addressed.

For a thorough and comprehensive analysis, four case studies were undertaken—two in Mali and two in Nigeria. In Mali, the first case study deals with the struggle of the Tuareg people of Northern Mali vis-à-vis their demand for autonomy, while the second case study is devoted to the factors and forces that made terrorist’s infiltration possible in the Tuareg insurrection that culminated in the secession of the Azawad region.

In the same vein, the first case study in Nigeria examines the situation in the Niger Delta region in Southern Nigeria, while the second case study looks into the festering terrorist activities of the Boko Haram sect in Northern Nigeria.

It is anticipated that the book will provide a deeper understanding of the different manifestations of terrorism and related transnational security threats and the challenges that the West African subregion faces in addressing these security challenges. Importantly, it is further anticipated that the book will contribute to knowledge in the continuing search for an African voice in the global debate on terrorism and counterterrorism.

OVERVIEW OF THE BOOK

The book is divided into three parts. Part I contextualizes the whole book by addressing general introductory and background matters. With a view to establishing a proper working definition of terms as would be employed in the book, relevant concepts were defined, such as terrorism, transnational organized crimes and its impact on the security and stability of West Africa, as well as the concept of globalization and the roles it plays in reinforcing insecurity within and among nations with particular reference to the situation in West Africa. Part I also provides insight into the internal sources and drivers of instability in West Africa for a meaningful comprehension of the manifestation of the phenomenon of terrorism in the subregion.

Part II presents in elaborate details two main terrorist situations in West Africa, namely, Mali and Nigeria. The security challenges in both countries that are presented as case studies in this part have been selected in view of the high terrorist threat assessment and the actual manifestation of terrorists’ activities in both countries.

Having provided necessary background information in the preceding two parts on the activities, origin and impact of terrorism, transnational organized crimes, including the enabling environments in which these crimes are perpetrated and with the specific case studies conducted in Nigeria and Mali, with clear indications on the vulnerability of the subregion to terrorism and transnational threats, attention is devoted in Part III to efforts aimed at addressing the menace of terrorism and related crimes in the ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) subregion of West Africa.

In all, the book is made up of thirteen chapters. Chapter 1 is devoted to the general introduction as well as the general overview of the study. In chapter 2, the term terrorism and