The Restructuring of State-Owned Enterprises In The Current Climate
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The Book, divided into two parts, the Policy Environment and the Recommendations, reviews the South African Government's blueprint for the restructuring of its State-Owned enterprises, the Accelerated Agenda For The Restructuring of State-Owned Enterprises. The document was published in 2000, but a lot has happened, both politically, socially and politically since then. The need for it to be reviewed to be in line with the current conditions is urgent.
The Book traces the pre-1994 debates as they relate to the management of the State enterprises, but emphasizes that the original intention of privatizing these State entities was not possible because they were needed to assist the post-Apartheid and developmental State. The fastidiousness of the ideological positions has suddenly changed and there is an acceptance that the State can be a good custodian of the assets as the private sector can be a bad one. Significantly, the trade unions which opposed privatizations have investments, called the Trade Union Investment Companies (TUICs) which compete for some State privatization deals.
Of the current problems which limit the pace of the State to successfully restructure, only a few are given such as decaying infrastructure, the changing policies, corruption and how the Judiciary (the Zondo Commission) has been selective in dealing with it, the hope that things will turn for the better, the dubious pre-1994 privatizations, the policy emphasis on the role of the State and its (restructuring non-ideological nature.
The second part zooms into the Accelerated Agenda and identifies 24 areas that should either be changed or improved in the document. These range from transactions with a human face, ending fronting tendencies, the commitment of the Minister, allowing the entry of Black Chips, Listing in the local bourses, improved communications and marketing, Attraction of foreign investors, easy to understand language as well as extending benefits to vulnerable groups.
Jabulani Mzaliya
Jabulani Mzaliya was Special Adviser to the Minister of Energy in the Republic of South Africa. He also served as a Trustee of the Albert Luthuli Centre For Responsible Leadership based at the University of Pretoria. He holds a Doctorate of Philosophy from the University of Zululand (UZULU). He taught Politics at the same University. He has a Certificate in Post-Privatization, which he obtained from International Law Institute, Washington DC. He was Director of Strategic Analysis: Department of Public Enterprises (DPE) from 2001 to 2004. He was Deputy Director-General: Policy at the Department of Transport. He is Director of Transport Policy and Regulation (TRANSPOREG), a company specializing in policy and regulation of the Transport industry. The thoughts in this Paper stem from his nostalgic attachment.
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The Restructuring of State-Owned Enterprises In The Current Climate - Jabulani Mzaliya
ABBREVIATIONS
1IR First Industrial Revolution
2IR Second Industrial Revolution
3IR Third Industrial Revolution
4IR Fourth Industrial Revolution
AA Affirmative Action
AA Anglo American
ABET Adult Basic Education and Training
AbM AbaHlali basMjondolo
ABSA Amalgamated Banks of South Africa
ACSA Airports Company of South Africa
ADR Aeroport da Roma
AEB Atomic Energy Board
AEEI African Equity Empowerment Investments
AFS Annual Financial Statements
AG Auditor-General
AI Artificial Intelligence
AIDS Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome
AIP Association of Independent Publishers
AMSA Arcelor Mittal South Africa
ANC African National Congress
AO Accounting Officer
APA American Psychological Association
APEC Asia- Pacific Economic Cooperation
APF Agence Press France
API Active Pharmaceutical Ingredients
APP Annual Performance Plan
AR Augmented Reality
ARMSCOR Armaments Corporation (of South Africa)
ASD Alternative Service Delivery
ASGISA Accelerated and Shared Growth Initiative of South Africa
ATNS Air Transport Navigation Service
AU African Union
BAIC Beijing Automotive Industries Holding Corporation
BBBEE Broad-Based Economic Empowerment Commission
BBC Black Business Council
BC Black Consciousness
BCEA Basic Conditions of Employment Act
BCG Boston Consulting Group
BComm Bachelor of Commerce
BCX Business Connection
BDP Botswana Democratic Party
BEM Black Emergent Miner (Strategy)
BIT Bilateral Investment Treaty
BLSA Business Leadership South Africa
BPC Black People’s Convention
BRICS Brazil, Russia, India, South Africa
BRP Business Rescue Practitioners
BSE Department of Basic Education
BUSA Business Unity South Africa
BV Besloten Vennootscap
CAGR Compound Annual Growth Rate
CALS Centre for Applied Legal Studies
CASAC Council for the Advancement of the South African Constitution
CBO Community-Based Organization
CCFF Compensatory and Contingency Financing Facility
CCI Commission for the Control of Interpol’s (Files)
CCM Chama cha Ma Pinduzi
CD Chief Director
CDS Centre for Development Studies
CEC Central Executive Committee
CEE Commission for Employment Equity
CEO Chief Executive Officer
CEO Corporate Europe Observatory
Ceppwawu Chemical, Energy, Paper, Printing, Wood and Allied Workers’ Union
CER Centre For Environmental Rights
CFI Corporate Finance Institute
CFR Council for Foreign Relations
CGT Capital Gains Tax
CIO Chief Information Officer
CITIC China International Trust and Investment Corporation
CJ Chief Justice
CNN Central News Network
CNPTC China National Petroleum Trading Company
CNR China North Rail
CODESA Convention for A Democratic South Africa
Compcom Competition Commission
Concourt Constitutional Court
COO Chief Operations Officer
COPE Congress of The People
COSATU Congress of South African Trade Unions
CPS Country Partnership Strategy
CRA Credit Rating Agencies
CRI Corporate Research and Investigations.
CRO Chief Restructuring Officer
CSIR Centre for Scientific and Industrial Research
CSSE Centre for Systems Science and Engineering
CTL Coal-To-Liquid
CWU Communications Workers’ Union
DAC Department of Arts and Culture
DBE Department of Basic Education
DBSA Development Bank of Southern Africa
DCDT Department of Communications and Digital Technologies
DCJ Deputy Chief Justice
DDG Deputy Director-General
DEA Department of Environmental Affairs
DEIC Dutch East India Company
DEL Department of Employment and Labour
DEU Drug Enforcement Unit
DFFE Department of Fisheries, Forestry and Environment
DFI Developmental Financial Institutions
DG Director-General
DHA Department of Home Affairs
DME Department of Minerals and Energy
DMCC Dubai Multi Commodities Centre
DOD Department of Defence
DOH Department of Health
DOJ and CD Department of Justice and Constitutional Development
DOT Department of Transport
DPCI Directorate of Priority Crimes and Investigations
DPE Department of Public Enterprises
DPME Department of Performance Monitoring and Evaluation
DPSA Department of Public Service and Administration
DRD Durban Roodepoort Deep
DRDLR Department of Rural Development and Land Reform
DSD Department of Social Development
DTI Department of Trade and Industry
DTIC Department of Trade Industry and Competition
EA Executing Authority
EDF Electricité de France
EDI Economic Development Institute
EE Employment Equity
EFF Economic Freedom Fighters
EIUG Energy Intensive Users Group of South Africa
EMG Environmental Monitoring Group
EPG Eminent Persons Group
ERRP Economic Reconstruction and Recovery Plan
ESD Enterprise Supplier Development
ESOP Employer Share Ownership Programmes
EU European Union
EUR Euro
EV Electronic Vehicle
EY Ernst & Young
FAPLA Front African People’s Liberation Army
FDI Foreign Direct Investment
FEDUSA Federation of Unions of South Africa
FHLMA Federal Home Loan Mortgage Association
FLMSA Liberation Movements of Southern Africa
FMF Free Market Foundations
FNMA Federal National Mortgage Association
FRELIMO Mozambique Liberation Front of Mozambique
FSU Former Soviet Union
GAAP Generally Accepted Accounting Practice
GCEO Group Chief Executive Officer
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GEAR Growth Employment and Recovery Strategy
GEPF Government Employee Pension Fund
GFB General Freight Business
GGA Good Governance Africa
GI Geographic Indications
GIBS Graduate Institute For Business Science
GM General Motors
GNU Government of National Unity
GS General Secretary
GSE Government-Sponsored Enterprises
GTL Gas-To-Liquid
GW Gigawatts
HAI Historically Advantaged Individuals
HCI Hosken Consolidated Investments
HDI Historically Disadvantaged Individuals
HIV Human Immuno-deficiency Virus
IAR Industrial Action Report
ICASA Independent Communications Authority of South Africa
ICE Intercontinental Exchange
ICESCR International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
ICM Integrated Coastal Management (Act)
ICT Information Communications and Technology
ID Identity Document
ID Investigating Directorate
IDC Industrial Development Corporation
IDEA Institute For Democracy and Electoral Assistance
IDT Independent Development Trust
IFC International Finance Corporation
IFI International Finance Institution
IFP Inkatha Freedom Party
IGA Intergovernmental Agreement
ILO International Labour Organization
IMF International Monetary Fund
ING Internationale Nederlanden Groep
Interpol International Police
IOD Institute of Directors
IOL Independent On-Line
IOT Internet of Things
IPAP Industrial Policy Action Plan
IPO Initial Public Offer
IPP Independent Power Producers
IRJ International Rail Journal
IRP Integrated Resource Plan
ISCOR Iron and Steel Corporation
ISI Inter-Services Intelligence
ISS Institute of Security Studies
ITU International Telecommunications Union
JET Just Energy Transitions
JSE Johannesburg Securities Exchange
KEPCO Korea Electrical Power Corporation
KKMIC Kopano KeMatla Investment Company
KNP Kruger National Park
KPI Key Performance Indicators
KPMG Kleynveld, Peat Marwick, and Goerdeler
KPSC KwaZulu Public Service Commission
LAB Legal Aid South Africa
LADBSA Land and Agricultural Bank
LCS Living Conditions Survey
LFS Labour Force Survey
LGE Local Government Elections
LGL Liberty Group (JSE Share Name)
LNM Lakshmi Niwas Mittal
LON Lonmin (JSE Share Name)
LRA Labour Relations Act
M&A Mergers and Acquisitions
MCOGTA Minister of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs
MD Managing Director
MDM Mass Democratic Movement
MEC Member of the Executive Council
MERG Macro Economic Research Group
MGX Micro Global Exchange
MHA Minister of Home Affairs
MICE Meetings, Incentives, Conference, and Exhibitions
MITI Ministry of Trade and Industry
MK Mkhonto Wesizwe
ML Machine Learning
MLA Mutual Legal Agreement
MME Minister of Minerals and Energy
MNC Multinational Corporation
MOD Minister of Defence
MOE Minister of Energy
MOF Minister of Finance
MOI Memoranda of Incorporation
MOP Minister of Police
MP Member of Parliament
MPE Minister of Public Enterprises
MPLA Movement for the People’s Liberation of Angola
MPN Multiparty Negotiations
MPRDA Minerals and Petroleum Resources Development Act
MPW Minister of Public Works
MTC Mthunzi Telecoms Consortium
MTI Minister of Trade and Industry
MTN Mobile Telephone Network
MW Megawatt
NACTU National Council of Trade Unions
NADEL National Democratic Lawyers Association
NALEDI National Labour and Economic Development Institute
NASREC National Recreation Centre
NDP National Development Plan
NEASA National Employers Association of South Africa
NECSA Nuclear Energy Corporation of South Africa
NEDLAC National Economic Development and Labour Council
NEF National Empowerment Fund
NEHAWU National Education, Health and Allied Workers
NEM Normative Economic Model
NEPAD New Partnership for Africa’s Development
NERSA National Energy Regulator of South Africa
NFA National Framework Agreement
NGO Non-Government Organization
NGP New Growth Plan
NIC New Industrializing Countries
NLM National Liberation Movement
NMOG National Macr-Organization of Government
NP National Party
NPA National Prosecuting Authority
NPM New Public Management
NPO Non-Profit Organization
NRF National Revenue Fund
NSF National Skills Fund
NT National Treasury
NTUC National Trades Union Congress
NUM National Union of Mineworkers
NYSE New York Securities Exchange
OECD Organization for European Cooperation and Development
OFS Orange Free State
OPEC Organization for Petroleum Exporting Countries
OWP Office of Witness Protection
PA Personal Assistant
PAC Pan Africanist Congress
PANYNJ New York Port Authority of New York and New Jersey
PAPPPI People Against Petrol and Paraffin Price Increase
PARI Public Affairs Research Institute
PATH Port Authority Trans-Hudson
PAYG Pay and You Go
PBMR Pebble Bed Modular Regulator
PDL poverty datum line
PFMA Public Financial Management Act
PIC Public Investment Corporation
PIC Public Investment Corporation
PMB Performance Monitoring and Benchmarking
PMG Parliamentary Monitoring Group
PMP Pretoria Metal Processing
POPCRU Police and Prisons Civil Rights Union
PP Public Protector
PPA Power Purchase Agreement
PPE Personal Protective Equipment
PPP Public-Private Partnerships
PR Public Relations
PRASA Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa
PSC Public Service Commission
PV Photovoltaic
PWD People with disabilities
QSM Quality Service Management
R2K Right To Know
RDP Reconstruction and Development Programme
RENAMO Resistencia Nacional Mocambique
RET Radical economic Transformation
RFP Request For Proposals
ROI Return On Investment
ROSATOM Russian State Atomic Energy Corporation
RSR Rail Safety Regulator
SA South Africa
SAA South African Airways
SABC South African Broadcasting Company
SACC Southern African Council of Churches
SACP South African Communist Party
SACSIS South African Civil Society Information Service
SACTWU South African Cotton and Textile Workers’ Union
SADC Southern African Development Community
SADTU South African Democratic Teachers’ Union
SAF South Africa Foundation
SAFCOL South African Forestry Company Limited
SAFMARINE South African Marine Container Lines N.V
SAG South African Government
SAHA South African History Archives
SAHRC South African Human Rights Commission
SAIRR South African Institute of Race Relations
SALM South African Labour Movement
Samancor South African Manganese Corporation
SAMC South African Marine Corporation
SAMWU South African Municipal Workers Union
SANDF South African Defence Force
SANParks South African National Parks
SAPO South African Post Office
SAPOA South African Property Owners Association
SAPS South African Police Services
SAQA South African Qualifications Authority
SAR South African Register
SAR&H South African Railways and Harbours
SARB South African Reserve Bank
SARP South African Railway Police
SASO South African Students Organization
SASOL Suid Afrikaanse Steenkool Olie
SASSA South African Social Security Agency
SATAWU South African Transport and Allied Worker’s Union
SATS South African Transport Services
SBC Southern Bell Corporation
SCAW Steel and Ceilings Aluminium Works
SCM Supply Chain Management
SCOPA Select Committee of Public Accounts
SEC Securities Exchange Commission
SEP Strategic Equity Partners
SFA Singapore Football Association
SFF Strategic Fuel Fund
SG Secretary-General
SG Statistician-General
SIHOLD SADTU Investment Holdings
SIM Sekunjalo Independent Media
SITA State Information Technology Agency
SIU Special Investigations Unit
SJN Social Justice and Nation-Building
SLM Sanlam (JSE name)
SMP Strategic Management Partnerships
SNO Second National Operator
SNPTC State Nuclear Power Technology Corporation Limited
SOE State-Owned Enterprises
SONA State Of The Nation Address
SPCA Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals
SSA State Security Agency
STANLIB Standard Bank and Liberty
STATSSA Statistics South Africa
Stratcom Strategic Communications
SWAPO South West African People’s Union
SWOT Strengths, Weaknesses. Opportunities and Threat
TA Transaction Advisers
TB Tuberculosis
TEC Transitional Executive Council
TFR Transnet Freight Rail
TI Transparency International
TIC Transvaal Indian Congress
TMA Turbomerca Africa
TOR Terms of Reference
TPF Transnet Pension Fund
TRALAC Trade Law Centre
TRANSNET Transportation Network
TRC Truth and Reconciliation Commission
TRIPS Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights
TUIC Trade Union Investment Company
TVA Tennessee River Authority
UBPL upper-bound poverty line
UCT University of Cape Town
UIF Unemployment Insurance Fund
UK United Kingdom
UKZN University of KwaZulu-Natal
UNISA University of South Africa
UNITA União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola
UP University of Pretoria
US United States
US University of Stellenbosch
USPTO US Patent and Trade Mark Office
USSR Union of Socialist Soviet Republics
UZULU University of Zululand
VAT Value Added Tax
VOA Voice of America
VOC Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnien
VVIP Very Important People
WARC World Anti-Racism Conference
WEF World Economic Forum
WITS University of Witwatersrand
WMC White Monopoly Capital
WSSA Water and Sanitation Services South Africa
WTO World Trade Organization
ZANU-PF Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front
ZAR South African Rand
ZAR Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABBREVIATIONS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
1. INTRODUCTION
2. APPROACH AND METHODOLOGY
3. THE POLICY ENVIRONMENT
3.1 Introduction
3.2 The Mischief
/The Problem
3.3 The Historical Perspective
3.4 The Shifting Policy Tectonic Plates
3.5 The Decaying Infrastructure
3.6 Race: The Monkey On SA’s Back
3.7 Corruption Hisses Like A Snake
3.8 The Zondo Commission
3.9 The Judiciary and A Misdiagnosed Discontent
Case Study 1: THE SIN
OF BEING ZUMA
3.10 Things Will Change: Zizojika Izinto
3.11 Sources Of and Contestation For Statistics
3.12 Contrived Narratives
CASE STUDY 2: THE FEAR OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF INADEQUACY
Case Study 3: BLOOD DOES NOT MATTER: MOELETSI’S VICTIMIZATION
3.13 Pre-1994 Dubious Transactions
CASE STUDY 4: THE STEEL THAT BENDED
3.14 SA is a Developmental State
3.15 Immigrant Tensions and Other Vulnerabilities.
Case Study 5: ANGOLANS AND MOZAMBICAN WHITE REFUGEES
3.16 Left Or Right: The Restructuring Proceeds
CASE STUDY 6: THE OTHER BLINDSIDES: WATER
3.17 The State’s Role .... The Creator
Principle
4. RECOMMENDATIONS
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Formalization Of The Oversight Committee (OC)
4.3 Ministerial Commitments
CASE STUDY 7: SHARES BEING TOSSED AROUND
4.4 Opposition To Restructuring From Labour
4.5 Non Performing, Non-Aligned and Non-Core Assets
CASE STUDY 8: THE ADVENTURE OF AVENTURA
4.6 Walking Away
From Pension Fund Obligations
4.7 Discouraging Fronting Tendencies
4.8 Foreign Workers and Fake Qualifications
CASE STUDY 9: THE MAY ACCIDENT IN NOVEMBER
4.9 Strengthening The Black Chips
4.10 Taking Charge Of SA Inc.
4.11 Regulatory Powers
4.12 Board Excellence and Improvements
4.13 Transacting With A Human Face
4.14 Listing at Securities Exchanges
4.15Visible Results Of Restructuring
4.16 Development Financial Institutions And Their Role
4.17 Communicating and Marketing Restructuring
4.18 Improved Services
CASE STUDY 10: COLEMAN ANDREWS: THE DESTRUCTIVE MESSIAH
4.19 Transparency
4.20 Language Sensitive Framework
4.21 Transaction Advisers (TAs)
4.22 Property And Foreign Investors
4.23 Attracting Foreign Investors
4.24 Vulnerable Groups
4.25 Future State Assets and New SOEs
4.26 Work Flow Charts
5. CONCLUSION
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
1
The Review stems from the Policy Framework, An Accelerated Agenda Towards the Restructuring Of State-Owned Enterprises Policy Framework (Ministry of Public Enterprises, August 2000), which states that restructuring is a dynamic process requiring monitoring and evaluation.
A fisher must know his river before he casts his net or rod. Pilots need to understand their skies, even when air traffic controllers chaperon the flight from take-off to landing and taxing.
Restructuring cannot be understood outside its socio-political context. Issues are interlinked, but SA’s are more interlinked than other jurisdictions. The environment informs the success of restructuring, or climate, under which it occurs.
These interlinks are evident in various issues in this document. The recurrent issues speak to a papered-over past, and a Band-aided wound before healing. The deficiencies predict an uncertain future for the State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs).
Since the Policy Framework was introduced, there have been new developments in SOE restructuring. The Framework does not capture all the issues to render it watertight and responsive to new challenges.
The Review explains a transition from the past (pre-1994) to the present and emphasizes the continuity of SOE and State-Owned Companies (SOC) restructuring as bridging the two divides, albeit with foci determined by each Administration’s priorities. South Africa (SA) is currently in its 6th Administration.
The Framework’s time frames were optimistic. Market forces, the attainment of objectives, satisfying development requirements all determine the pace of SOE restructuring.
The 2004 deadline pressured the Department of Public Enterprises (DPE) for unachievable standards and difficult goals. Government attempted to stick to the date, but there was a midstream change.
An internal DPE document about the Department’s future was being developed simultaneously as Transnet was developing its own on how it would look after 2004. These draft documents were referred to as the End-State.
The End-State avoided a post-restructuring shareholding regime. It aimed to dispose of assets, including strategic ones, at basement price amidst the poverty of Black people to participate.
Had the documents been adopted as Government policy, the SOEs would have perpetuated the past economic inequalities.
The Executive/Cabinet should manage the debate between the hard
left, the State and free-marketists on restructuring and globalization without changing fundamental values.
Pre-1994 SOE management was antithetical to capitalist principles, although it was sold as a capitalist project to comfort Western interests.
These restructurings were based on ethnic Socialism,
catering for one White group, the Afrikaners. Other White groups were roped in to strengthen the preferred group’s domination.
The Review obliges the State to all its economic responsibilities. It motivates the State to continue fulfilling its duties despite pressures from anti-Statist and free-marketist lobbies.
One responsibility is to be a Developmental State, which requires calculated interventions not demanded of other States. All States intervene, but the South African State requires more intervention because of its history.
For streamlined restructuring, the Oversight Committee (OC), managed by the DPE and which prepares for all restructuring processes, is recommend for more muscle through a proclamation or another instrument to demonstrate the State’s commitment.
The Review recommends that SOEs be exempted from Section 189 of the Labour Relations Amendment (LRA) Act. The Section pertains to the dismissal of workers based on operational requirements.
Labour representation on SOE Boards should be enhanced. If labour is represented on company Boards or are offered company shares through Employee Share Ownership Schemes (ESOPs), worker industrial action is reduced.
Board representation should not reduce the workers’ voice but should embrace their views in all SOEs matters.
Representation should enhance the ownership of production and embrace workers as SOE co-owners. The power distance between the State and workers, the State and management and the management and workers does not bode well for harmony.
Despite this slowly happening, government officials on SOE Boards should be confirmed by the Framework. Officials identified for this responsibility should add value to the Boards beyond being the Minister’s eyes and ears.
SOEs should be au fait with Corporate Governance. Directors should be familiar with these improvements even before the State legislates them. Directors need Corporate Governance training to be effective oversight authorities over the efficiencies needed in these SOEs.
The Review recommends the disposal of under, or non-performing businesses, except when these are strategic ones needing State funding. The assistance should go beyond financial injections to include change management.
The inherited SOE Pension Fund reflected mismanagement. It became a poisoned chalice for the 1994 Government. The Review recommends changing these pension obligations, which are currently in serious decline and do not fully represent the interests of all workers.
Reference is made to the media-driven narrative that protects the elite officials and transgressors while hard-hitting on Black SOEsexecutives. SOEs continue to exist under pressure that had they been run like the private sector, they would be successful businesses.
The media is a powerful game-changer, for better or for worse. In SA) it serves elite interests. Much, or all media perceptions, stems from its ownership patterns.
It intends to portray Black executives as incapable of managing. Three major SOEs, The South African Post Office (SAPO), Eskom and Denel, replaced Black Chief Executive Officers (CEO) with White executives. These three SOEs have deteriorated.
When the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of State Capture, Corruption and Fraud in the Public Sector, including Organs of State (known as the State Capture Commission or the The Zondo Commission
), sat, a sentiment developed that it was targeting individuals. The shorter name, Zondo Commission, will be preferred to the long name.
The Commission is relevant because it connected the SOEs corruption and became enmeshed with their financial mismanagement. Besides its connection with the SOEs, the Commission has far-reaching implications for the State/Government and society. In a broader brush, the outcomes will affect how the South African economy performs in future.
The individuals in SOE management and boards, and business persons outside them, were accused of being corruptly aligned to either the former President Gedleyihlekia Zuma (one man) or the Gupta brothers (one family).
Preceding his Presidency, Zuma had been targeted as a leader given to the predations of corruption. No sooner is he expected in Court than another appearance is required of him. Certain NGOs and political parties have made it their mission to reapply to reinstate charges when the Courts throw them out.
The targeting is deliberate to market the narrative, under the pretext of the rule of law, that under the watchful eye of 60 million South Africans, SA’s vigilant security structures, respected judicial structures, a vibrant anti-corruption sector, a rational voting population, one man, and one Indian family, can cause such ructions to undermine SA’s economy and its new democracy.
The sellers of the narrative of a one-person one family national fiscus high robbers are sometimes contrite when selling such a dubious proposition. They sometimes add the acolytes of these highway robbers.
The accusation has its downside: anybody who defends or questions the probability is classified as an acolyte. Several innocent South Africans have been besmirched by this association, including eminent legal minds and other professionals, as will be shown.
In jurisdictions with weak organs of democracy and dictatorships, it is possible, and there is sufficient evidence that one man or one family can do havoc to the country’s economy. Suharto of Indonesia, Mobutu of Zaire, Marcos of the Philippines, Abacha of Nigeria, Duvalier of Haiti are examples.
It is an improbable narrative in a SA with democratic checks and balances, but the gullible readily believe it.
The believers are few, but they are well-projected because they also control communications. There is a possibility that the believers may not believe but are using the improbability to shield their nefarious interests.
The one man and one family corruption are repeated ad naseum. The more it is repeated, the more it gains the semblance of truth. Those who think it is improbable are robbed of airtime
or open themselves to character assassination.
The Indian family and one man were scapegoats. They facilitated a blind eye to the real corruption, including White collar crime and crime committed by White executives and companies.
The view is strengthened by the fact that even when the Indian family has escaped the law and is now presumed to be safely ensconced in Dubai, and the former President is now out of office, corruption has continued unabated, and some say it has now reached higher levels in the 6th Administration than the 5th.[1]
The Review’s reference to the Zondo Commission includes the July 2021 Unrest after former President Zuma’s incarceration. The Commission and the July Unrest were interlinked, argued later.
The interlinkages were strengthened by how the 2021 July Unrest was misclassified. One misclassification was an insurrection, attempted insurrection, or failed insurrection. The misclassification was so intense that it forced President Ramaphosa to recycle
(instead of reshuffle
) his Cabinet.[2]
Commissions have sat before and after 1994. None was as badly handled to lead to unrest (or the above-mentioned categorizations) as the Zondo Commission. The connection between the Commission and the July Unrest is not acknowledged, a weakness that complicates the fraught decisions of SA’s society.
The Commission was well-marketed because of its target, Zuma, who was blamed for all the country’s economic and political woes and numerous faux pas. For example, during the Western Cape’s devastating drought, WhatsApp trolls joked that the former President had stolen even the rain of that Province.
The country’s past is residual and affects the present, and will impact the future. The Review admits all SA corruption and racism are enduring and are existential threats. They need correction through various interventions.
As a Government intervention for equality, Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) cannot be faulted. However, it may be used for fronting. It has not been broad enough because it benefits the usual
suspects.
The Review proposes applying the law should partners misrepresent their bids or are fronting.
Some foreign workers misrepresent their reasons for being in SA. The misrepresentations include their academic qualifications for employment in SOEs and residence in SA. The fraud is assisted by rogue Department of Home Affairs (DHA) officials, at the ports of entry and in their various administrative offices.
Some SA employers employ foreign workers to avoid compliance with SA labour regulations. Illegal foreign workers are easily exploited. They are blackmailed, threatened with dismissal and reported to authorities for being illegal immigrants.
They then fear demanding their rights and accepting lower wages to displace SA work-seekers. Employers hide them to the Department of Employment and Labour (DEL) and avoid paying their Unemployment Insurance Fund (UIF).
The Review argues that there is nothing wrong with the employment of foreign workers within the limits of scarce skills legislation.
The Review calls for a stringent assessment for foreign workers not to have an advantage over South Africans. Misrepresentations should be punished without raising xenophobia.
There are private sector pressures to raise transaction shares to 50 plus to SOE Strategic Equity Partners (SEP). Shareholding is determined in transaction-by-transaction negotiations. It conforms to and confirms SA’s case-by-case and the balance-of-evidence approaches closest to scientific
determinations.
There is a concern when the SEP majority share trumps the State’s golden
share. Are Denel’s current problems caused by mismanagement, the market, or the 51% stake awarded to Germany’s Rheinmetall?
Could there be deliberate asset destruction to offload SOEs to the politically connected? To what extent is running down the asset deliberate to compromise the State’s defence capabilities in a geostrategic competition? Pointedly asked, is Denel a South African or a German company?
The State’s golden share should not be assumed but assured. The Review recommends its inclusion in the Framework.
Sufficient dividends have accrued to the National Revenue Fund (NRF) over the years. When SOEs make profits, they are reluctant to declare a dividend but reinvest it into the entity.
Despite each transaction’s particularity, it should be axiomatic that the sharing should favour SOEs (and the State) rather than awaiting the Cabinet’s approval. While awaiting approval, market forces can shift to harm the transaction.
The State’s shareholder power should be exerted by maximally using mandatory tools. These tools are Annual Reports, Shareholder Compacts, Performance Agreements, Protocol On Corporate Governance, Memoranda of Incorporation (MOI), and King Codes. The eagle-eyed
and often overarching Public Finance Management Act (PFMA) needs strict compliance.
Failure to submit Annual Financial Statements (AFS) should be treated as a dismissable offence. Some SOEs apply to Ministers year after year to postpone their AFS tabling. The State obliges but still fail to disclose the reason such a leeway.
These applications to Ministers should be reviewed. If the SOE fails to submit its AFS, what was the yearlong work of its CFOs and their offices? What is there to hide? If the entity runs at a loss, it should still be known.
The State should be absolved from litigation when it expels Boards or its members for underperformance, malfeasance, conflict of interest, and corruption.
Many Board members serve SOEs with patriotic dedication. However, self-serving ones depredate the asset. These depredating Board and executive members are embedded in the entity and want to stay forever.
Even after they have finished their terms, they resist being removed. They become litigious and take Ministers to Court.
The SOE Shareholder Compacts are confidential. The Review warns that transparency is necessary to enhance SOE profitability.
SOE budgets and transactions are bigger than controlling Departments’ resources. The comparatives may cower Departments to cede their authority to the SOEs’ whims and wishes.
Outcomes and control measures are overlooked when money talks. The Review recommends tighter oversight of SOE finances without being intrusive to control them. SOE finances become public when their AFS are submitted.
The Review recommends hierarchical organograms to correct a mistake that SOE Executives are overlords. Like all businesses, SOEs have key shareholders (Government alone or mixed with private sector investors), stakeholders, investors, regulators, and customers/clients.
There should be space for interested and concerned parties since SOEs belong (or should) to all South Africans.
The Review recommends that Cabinet sanctions all SOE external involvement through a Cabinet Memorandum to align SOE with Government’s Continental political objectives.
The Review recommends humane
transactions. There should be no feeling that one party has gained at the other’s expense. It is defendable humaneness within the acceptable norms than an opportunistic
and dishonest State.
The SAA buyback from SWISSAIR, the ICIng
of MCell, and the Aero-Porto da Roma (ADR) shares baffled the market and doubted the State’s bona fides.
The Review encourages SOEs to show confidence in the economy by listing at the Johannesburg Securities Exchange (JSE) and considering a secondary listing in other bourses.
Other SOES did not emulate the Telkom listing. They should be encouraged to use Telkom’s success as an example.
Securities bodies’ compliance is taxing and comprehensive. Many private-sector mindsets had to be internalized for the first State stock listing in SA (Telkom).
The knowledge and experience gained for listing at the JSE, and the New York Securities Exchange (NYSE) should be retained.
The listings have been far and in-between. There was none after Telkom. The officials who executed this left the public service and are getting old, leading to the SOE relying on external experts.
SA’s Development Financial Institutions (DFI) avoid retrenched workers. They set up high qualification standards for their offerings. These institutions should assist in drafting social plans and provide financial assistance to applicants.
Weak communications misrepresent the benefits of restructuring. The rationale, challenges, benefits, and successes are wrongly or not communicated at all, perpetuating the Government’s failure to communicate.
Communication can be assisted by linking restructuring proceeds to visible projects beyond NRF proceeds. SEP’s should identify a project, such as a rural school, road, or clinic, to prove social dividends. If this is not done, restructuring will be the exclusive domain of the rich.
The Review examines the role of multinational corporations (MNCs) in light of their financial muscle and undue influence over developing States. They reject developing States’ terms and conditions. They demand changes to the investee States’ Constitutions and regulations.
When withholding their investments (investment strike), they cite policy and regulatory uncertainties. The Review should correct this perception of policy. The absence of policy certainty is an excuse. Policy and regulations do exist. However, they are those not favourable to the intending investors.
Policy problems (and their solutions) are interdependent. A policy problem (and solution) in one area affects policy in other areas. Problems are parts of whole systems of problems best described as a mess. The State must end the mess at best or reduce it at worst.
It is not as if the South African economy’s problems are secret. Cartoonist Rico captured the problems in the instructive 2020 cartoon. When the Minister of Finance, Tito Mboweni, checked in
at the 2020 World Economic Forum (WEF) in Davos, Rico showed him carrying extra luggage.
The luggage/suitcases were each labelled with one SA economic problem. The unfortunate porter cannot even push the Mboweni’s trolley. These problems were zero growth, corruption, failing infrastructure, debt, stalled restructuring plans, failed economic policies and SAA.[3]
The Review refers to quality service management. Despite this being in regulatory and competition bodies’ competence, DPE should supervise this task regarding SOEs reporting to them. All shareholder Departments should enforce this on their direct report SOEs.
The Accelerated Agenda was incomprehensible to the poor and uneducated. It gave the impression of being elitist and thus excluded many affected people. The poor are at the tail end of receiving their restructuring benefits, if at all.
The Review recommends their inclusion. Poor people are bamboozled by the language of transactions. It is a language above their heads. The Review calls for sensitive language and appropriate translation.
The Review notes that Transaction Advisers TAs (usually banks, legal, auditing and accounting firms) have conflictual relationships with their SOE clients. They adopt a know-all attitude and direct transactions towards their preferred SEP, usually their major clients.
The Review requires TAs to declare their interests. It calls for their rotation to avoid intoxicating serialism
evident in transactions, where the Big Four
auditing firms dominate. Restructuring can transform itself and its service providers through appropriate appointments and interventions.
These transformation requirements are in place, but they are ignored. The Terms of Reference (TOR) for TAs should include marketing the SOEs under restructuring. The TAs should not bad mouth a restructuring SOE.
For Corporate Governance, the Review calls for the SOE Directors’ declaration of interest and emoluments as required from political office bearers or close to it. Not all declarations will be favourable to the transaction.
In privatization models, foreign investors’ property rights are contested. Emphasis is placed on lease arrangements and rents. In SA, property and land sales to foreigners have been debated in light of growing property purchases.
The Review recommends a reconsideration of property and land-related investments. The DPE should be seized with this together with theDepartment of Rural Development and Land Reform (DRDLR) and the Parliament’s Section 25 process.
Reconsidering property relations should be balanced with attracting foreign investment.
The Review argues for the relaxation of taxation laws such as corporate income tax, value-added tax, special business tax, transfer fees, and stamp duties to attract DFIs. However, this should be within limits.
Attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is a competition between investee nations. It is fiercer amongst the developing nations who desperately need it. Even developed countries compete with developing countries for DFIs.
The Accelerated Agenda refers to Black people, women and rural, but these are all grouped under BEE (before BBBEE) in transactions. The grouping creates an exclusion within an exclusion. The Review separates and empowers each of them. These are separate from ESOPS.
The inclusion of Black people in transactions was started earlier, but restructuring is still saddled with and blamed for enriching a few Black serial BBBEE beneficiaries.
The vulnerable were belatedly included, but the addition is still selective. The progressive realization
inclusion marginalizes and still dogs the vulnerable.
The State will have enduring ownership of some entities. When new State assets are being established or consolidated, the State should adopt
them immediately. Nothing stops the State from establishing new SOEs.
The Work-Flow Charts, a guide rather than an enforced workflow, were ignored because the Big Four
(Transnet, Eskom, Telkom and Denel) had already been analysed.
However, many other entities had not been analyzed, and no privatization/restructuring model was developed.
Short of being the Ten Commandments, flow charts are only a guide. If two steps can be achieved simultaneously, the transactions should allow this.
1.
INTRODUCTION
It would be easy to list the 45 Recommendations of this Review. However, the list would have been a summary contextually devoid of how Recommendations are reached.
Contextualizing the issues accounts for the length of this Review.
The struggle for South Africa’s democracy was a difficult but rewarding affair. Many lives were lost, and many careers were forsaken. Families were separated. Winning democracy has its challenges.
Similarities are drawn between climbing the mountain as a challenge but staying on top as more difficult than climbing it.
Staying on top of democracy has always been a challenge. The Rico (Mboweni) cartoon caricature of the current SA leadership’s problems and challenges are more apt to show these challenges.[4]
SOEs are products of their societies. Any discussion should go beyond moving cargo trains of Transnet,) grinding iron-on-iron of the Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa (PRASA), and the beef or chicken
choices from SAA air hostesses to their passengers.
It is about how these impact society. After all, these entities were established to serve it (society). One scary impact is anticipated when a former media critic of Eskom, and now Eskom’s spokesperson, is introduced on TV for a special announcement. It is always about load-shedding.
The privatization vs nationalization debate ended a long time ago. However, the participants stoically hold onto their original positions for grandstanding rather than acknowledging the practicality of SA life.
Contestants have abjured their ideological beliefs in privatization and restructuring, as the Review will show later. The world has moved on, with both ideological positions taking place simultaneously.
The world has now fewer ideologues than before. Many of them have ditched their pertinacious pretences that there are either..or.
They have embraced the inevitable fact that the world is now both.. and.
SOE restructuring occurs in a dynamic social, political, and economic environment. The environment is multi-ideological as South Africans are spread throughout the political spectrum.
The topic’s first portion, Restructuring of SOEs, is not as controversial as the second portion, in the Current Climate.
The reading of the current climate may be controversial and may not find favour with one group on the other.
The emphasis is that the current climate has dramatically changed since the Accelerated Agenda was introduced. These changes will be discussed.
At an ideological level, the market fundamentalism that drives the privatization debate’s profit motive was strengthened by Milton Friedman’s views, who had based his views on Adam Smith’s invisible hand
of markets which correct themselves for the public good.
Fifty years later, Friedman’s’s seminal essay is not as strong as it was then but still has its fervent adherents. However, this Review aligns with the anti-Friedman revisionist articles which surfaced in August 2021. These articles will be quoted in various sections.
From left to right, all South Africans expect the SOEs to provide them with one or another public service. The expectation arises that these SOEs are sustained through taxpayers’ contributions.
The end of ideology when the SOEs must deliver on its mandate forms the basis of this Review. One example is sufficient to display the inevitable connectedness to SOEs.
Socialists argue that the State must hold onto its entities, while the capitalists argue for its exit. Yet when they meet arguing for their positions, a power load-shedding midway their meeting elicits the same outcry: Eishkom!
Two disclaimers are stated upfront to avoid straying into competencies of other State organs, even when there is consensus that State organs are sometimes intertwined, some more than the others.
This Review deals with the foundational policy of restructuring. It accepts many other business re-engineering processes undertaken by other Departments for entities reporting to them or by the entities on their own.
The DPE has undergone structural changes that lead to three programmes: Programme 1: Administration; Programme 2: Governance, Assurance and Performance; and Programme 3: Business Enhancement and Industrialization. The 2000 structure when the Accelerated Agenda was introduced was different.
The Framework creates space for flexibility, whereas Policy (proper) is inflexible and often leads to accusations (and litigations) of deviations from it (policy).
Avoiding litigations does not mean wide deviations from the Framework on reliance that is not pure policy. It means that activities should be within
the Framework.
Restructuring is a slow process. Investors wait to seize the moment for a favourable deal. It is not that security guards are deployed to manage the long suitors’ queues as soon as an asset is announced for restructuring. Investors weigh their options.
Quick privatization alone is not entrenchment of democracy. It is insufficient to determine the speed demanded. It may hinder restructuring even when democracy is marketed to be based on the fairest government method.
Many political parties characterise SA’s political system, albeit with disparate representations, ideologies and sizes.
Fourteen political parties are represented in Parliament. One of them has only one position contested amongst its leaders. Political pundits think SA’s future politics is in coalitions, but previous coalitions have not shown good signs.[5]
How the electorate will shape future governments will impact the debate. However, the substance of restructuring will not change. Only the nuance will show the political ideologies determined by the electorate.
According to the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC), there are 671 national political parties in the county. Their voices are amplified by deploying media strategies for a megaphone effect.
The media is extensively involved in the debate. At certain times it tends to dictate the direction of Government, as shown in Contrived Narratives in Chapter 3.7. At others, it is indirect in determining its direction.
SA is a multiparty system, but the electoral margins lead to three or four big
parties. Even amongst the three big parties, the gaps are huge.
One party is big but gradually loses support. After elections, the other two parties rejoice, not for winning but for whittling away the majority party’s numbers. The media rejoices and reports positively on losing parties as if they have won.
This rejoicing is linked to two narratives. The first is of the National Liberation Movements (NLM) losing power after a certain period to be discussed later.
The second is the narrative that SA’s future is in coalition governments, despite their risks.[1] These types of governments are the electorate’s will, as it happened after the 2016 and 2021 Local Government Election (LGE).
The importance of restructuring is that the dominant party’s policies (as they change and are changed for the better or worse) determine how to deal with SOEs.
The length of restructuring is not determined by all political parties but by the ruling party, the trade unions, big business and investors.
Restructuring is not ideal and should be improved. There should be vigilance against grandstanding and deliberate delays.
The Review castigates the single causation narrative as a weak excuse to explain away SA problems. The real culprits sometimes escape. Without real culprits, wrong people and wrong reasons produce wrong diagnoses. Wrong diagnoses produce wrong prognoses.
Business, including SOE business, is still a dog eat dog environment. SOE leadership does not fall over for injurious deals. They, too, went through all the motions without destroying their entities.
When the investor wants to perform due diligence, the SOE must do its due diligence of interested investors. It is a two-way process. What is good for the goose is good for the gander.
There is pressure to ignore the due diligence of investor companies. By investing in SA, they are doing the country a favour. Investors do not invest out of love for SA. They want to make money. Investment should benefit both parties. The benefits need not be equal but equitable.
Private and public restructuring is similar. In Corporate Restructuring. The companies will face competition, and there will be financial challenges, there will be conflicts, ownership will be debated, corporate governance will have to be paramount, the firms must evolve new business strategies.
The leadership may have to change and be assisted by technology deployment. The human resource department will have to cater for the new staff challenges.[6]
The badmouthing of privatization as the ANC Government’s all-consuming intention is unfortunate. In most cases, these debates are engaged by a gaggle of people who have little or no interest in the debate’s intricacies.
There is a directionless loquaciousness that uses a legitimate process for self-serving motives, which is entertained for the veneer of consultation.
The debate should avoid semantics, but chosen terms bring doubt to the State’s intent to give everything away to the private sector.
Privatization is only a restructuring option. Like privatization in other countries, the DPE uses concessions, SEP, Strategic Management Partnerships (SMP), Public-Private Partnerships (PPP), equity-linked products and flotations, or combinations of them.
If the challenges face the ANC, they face the country. If they face the country, they also face the SOEs. The State, Party, and Society confluence is unfortunate, but SA’s reality.
It stems from the ANC’s self-assertion as a leader of society.
It is also the satisfaction of society’s expectations. When SA faces a challenge, the ANC is expected to do something about it.
There must be early admissions of bad taking place in SOEs. There are two most glaring ones.
Firstly, SOE’s productive capacities have been reduced. They belong to the same Creator, the State, but are not biological brothers and sisters.
They seek their independence as a child would at 21. At others, they seek the parent’s assistance like a prodigal child. They lead double lives.
Secondly, it does not justify the many shenanigans, wrongdoing, and current dysfunctionalities in restructuring State assets.
Dysfunctionalities are caused by human greed, currently being exposed at Commissions and Inquiries. Dysfunctionalities are not from policy shortcomings. They should be dealt with by appropriate consequence management.
SA’s debates are heated. The country has many analysts and experts. Political analysts are available by the dozen. Many languish in the labyrinth of their spaces, such as universities, foundations and research institutions. They are unleashed in spasms, particularly during elections.
The writer is neither. However, he was closer to restructuring when a DPE Director between 2001 and 2004. His association with this Department informs this Review.
From 2004 to 2009, he was employed by the Department of Transport (DOT) with 13 (and growing) SOEs reporting to it. He was also employed by the Ministries of Justice, Performance Monitoring and Evaluation (DPME) and Energy.
He attended a Post-Privatisation Course at the International Law Institute in Washington, D.C. In 2014 he attended the African Presidents Advisors’ Seminar in Beijing, China. He served for a short time on two SOE Boards; the South African Forestry Company Limited (SAFCOL) and the Air Traffic and Navigation Services (ATNS).
A defence SOE subcontracted him to demilitarize obsolete, old, unstable, and defective 5.9mm to 12.7mm calibre ammunition to turn them into scrap metal.
This was an Enterprise Supplier Development (ESD) initiative, which gave the company its much-needed transformation credits, including youth employment.
Any Review needs a problem analysis - the mischief.
Solutions must first determine the problem you are trying to solve? There