Chinese Biblical Anthropology: Persons and Ideas in the Old Testament and in Modern Chinese Literature

By Jian Cao and Irene Eber

In this study that is largely intellectual history, Cao Jian observes how Old Testament motifs were introduced by Protestant missionaries and Bible translators, with the help of Chinese co-workers in the beginning, and how those motifs drew attention from local converts and led to discussions among them in light of the norms in Confucianism. Then, Cao demonstrates how Confucian reformists started reacting to missionary publications and showing interest in Old Testament motifs. After the defeat of China in 1894-1895 in the Sino-Japanese War, the response to the Old Testament became more active and influential among China's population. The author shows new interests and tendencies in Old Testament interpretation among educated Chinese with various political ideals at a time of national crisis. He also demonstrates how the vernacular movement in Bible translating and missionary Old Testament education popularized and modernized Old Testament reading and studies in Chinese society. After that transitional period, discussions of Old Testament motifs became even more abundant and diverse. The author concentrates on those regarding the notion of God and monotheism. In China's nationalism, the Old Testament proved no less stimulating. The author deals with Moses and the prophets to understand how they became valid to those active in both religious and secular realms.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Pickwick Publications
• Release date: Jun 28, 2019
• ISBN: 9781532655685

Jian Cao

Cao Jian is an associate professor in the Department of Philosophy at Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou, China. He completed his PhD in Biblical Studies at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem (2009). His interests in research and teaching include the Hebrew Bible, Jewish thought, and the Bible in China. He has published widely in major scholarly journals such as The Bible Translator (USA), Monumenta Serica (Germany), Asian and African Studies (Slovakia), Logos & Pneuma (Hong Kong), and Sino-Christian Studies (Taiwan).

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Chinese Biblical Anthropology

Persons and Ideas in the Old Testament and in Modern Chinese Literature

Cao Jian

foreword by Irene Eber

1167.png

CHINESE BIBLICAL ANTHROPOLOGY

Persons and Ideas in the Old Testament and in Modern Chinese Literature

Contrapuntal Readings of the Bible in World Christianity

3

Copyright ©

2019

Cao Jian. All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in critical publications or reviews, no part of this book may be reproduced in any manner without prior written permission from the publisher. Write: Permissions, Wipf and Stock Publishers,

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Pickwick Publications

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paperback isbn: 978-1-5326-5566-1

hardcover isbn: 978-1-5326-5567-8

ebook isbn: 978-1-5326-5568-5

Cataloguing-in-Publication data:

Names: Cao, Jian, author. | Eber, Irene,

1929

–, foreword.

Title: Chinese biblical anthropology : persons and ideas in the Old Testament and in modern Chinese literature / by Cao Jian ; foreword by Irene Eber.

Description: Eugene, OR: Pickwick Publications,

2019.

| Contrapuntal Readings of the Bible in World Christianity

3.

| Includes bibliographical references and indexes.

Identifiers:

isbn 978-1-5326-5566-1 (

paperback

). | isbn 978-1-5326-5567-8 (

hardcover

). | isbn 978-1-5326-5568-5 (

ebook

).

Subjects: LCSH: Bible—Chinese. | Hebrew Bible/Old Testament.

Classification:

bs315 j48 2019 (

print

). | bs315 (

ebook

).

Scripture quotations marked (NIV) are taken from the Holy Bible, NEW INTERNATIONAL VERSION®, NIV® Copyright ©

1973

,

1978

,

1984

,

2011

by Biblica, Inc.® Used by permission. All rights reserved worldwide.

Scripture quotations marked (KJV) are taken from the King James Version (

1611

). The King James Version is in the public domain.

Manufactured in the U.S.A.

08/19/19

Table of Contents

Title Page

Foreword

Acknowledgments

Preface

Abbreviations

Chapter 1: The Old Testament in Chinese Culture

Chapter 2: The Old Testament and New Concerns at the End of the Nineteenth and Beginning of the Twentieth Centuries

Chapter 3: The Vernacular Old Testament, Education, and the New Literature

Chapter 4: Monotheism and Chinese Intellectuals in the New Culture Movement

Chapter 5: Moses, the Prophets, and Chinese Intellectuals

Chapter 6: Concluding Reflections

Bibliography

Contrapuntal Readings of the Bible in World Christianity

Series Editors: K. K. Yeo, Melanie Baffes

Just as God knows no boundaries and incarnation happens in shared space, truth does not respect borders and its expression in various contexts is kaleidoscopic. As God’s church is birthed forth from local cultures, it is called into a catholic community—namely world Christianity. This series values the twofold identity of biblical interpretations that seek to engage in contextual theology and, at the same time, become part of a global and many-voiced conversation for the sake of mutual understanding. By promoting contrapuntal readings that hold contextual and global biblical hermeneutics in tension, this series celebrates interpretations in three movements: (1) those based on the biblical text that honor multiple and interacting worldviews (reading the world biblically/theologically); (2) those that work at the translatability of the biblical text to uphold various dynamic vernaculars and faithful hermeneutics for the world (reading the Bible/theology contextually); and (3) those that respect the cross-cultural and shifting contexts in which faithful communities are embedded, and embody, real-life issues.

International Advisory Board

Walter Brueggemann, William Marcellus McPheeters Professor Emeritus of Old Testament at Columbia Theological Seminary (U.S.)

Adela Yarbro Collins, Buckingham Professor of New Testament Criticism and Interpretation, Yale Divinity School (U.S.)

Kathy Ehrensperger, Research Professor of New Testament in Jewish Perspective, University of Potsdam (Germany)

Justo L. González, Emeritus Professor of Historical Theology, Candler School of Theology, Emory University (U.S.)

Richard A. Horsley, Distinguished Professor of Liberal Arts and the Study of Religion Emeritus, University of Massachusetts— Boston (U.S.)

Robert Jewett, Emeritus Professor of New Testament at Heidelberg University (Germany)

Peter Lampe, Professor of New Testament Theology, Heidelberg University (Germany)

Tremper Longman III, Robert H. Gundry Professor Emeritus of Biblical Studies, Westmont College (U.S.)

Daniel Patte, Professor Emeritus of Religious Studies, New Testament, and Christianity, Vanderbilt University (U.S.)

Volumes in the Series (2018–2019)

Volume 1: Text and Context: Vernacular Approaches to the Bible in Global Christianity, edited by Melanie Baffes

Volume 2: What Has Jerusalem to Do with Beijing? Biblical Interpretation from a Chinese Perspective (Twentieth Anniversary Edition), K. K. Yeo

Volume 3: Chinese Biblical Anthropology: Persons and Ideas in the Old Testament and in Modern Chinese Literature, Cao Jian

Volume 4: Cross-textual Reading of Ecclesiastes with Analects: In Search of Political Wisdom in a Disordered World, Elaine Wei-Fun Goh

Foreword

In the early years of the twentieth century, when the new Chinese literature and its writers emerged, the Bible in Chinese translation was part of the new literary trends. To be sure, Bibles already had been translated in the nineteenth century, but a new era began with the Mandarin ( guan hua 官話 ) translation of the Episcopal Translating Committee, to be followed by the Union Bible of 1919 . To writers and readers of the new literature, the attraction of the Bible—and especially of the Old Testament (OT)—was not only its importance in the West but also its narrative art and its manner of storytelling. Readers were confronted not only by such men as King David with all his advantages and weaknesses, but also with Moses, an outstanding and superior man who was creative and patient as well as inspired to act in a moral way.

Increasingly the appreciation of the OT was enhanced, as shown in this important study, by the development of a commentary tradition. That is, in such journals as Jiaohui Xinbao (Church News 教會新報) and Wanguo Gongbao (Globe Magazine 萬國公報), Chinese writers gave their readers explanations of how to read and understand the OT in the context of Chinese culture. These initial interpretations are especially significant. By following the actual OT translations, they are the first steps in integrating aspects of the OT into the Chinese context. The OT translation was similarly significant to the movement of writing Chinese as it is spoken (the bai hua 白話 movement). Thus, both intellectual change, together with written language change, were significant in this period, and this study reveals how aspects of the OT had a function in those turbulent times.

At the same time, the author is fully aware that monotheism, the importance of the One God, is the central idea in the OT. His discussion of how May-Fourth Chinese intellectuals reconciled monotheism and various ideas of modernity with Chinese thought is singularly perceptive, as is his observation that Chinese thought tends to be inclusive rather than selectively exclusive. This means that ideas we might think contrary to a worldview and which, therefore, need to be rejected, were considered for integration and accommodation within Chinese culture. Thus, aside from Moses who often was shown as exemplary, there were the Hebrew prophets. Despite the ill-fitting Chinese term xianzhi (先知; foreknower), most Chinese intellectuals were well aware that a xianzhi was not someone who merely could know what the future would bring. Rather, he was a man very much concerned with the present, with human life, and the kind of human being a man ought to be. This being the case, OT prophets were not that different from Chinese sages, still revered at the present time.

Attention to the various features of the OT and their appeal to Chinese readers does not mean that the religious content did not speak to new readers as well. Quite the contrary. The Protestant message of Christianity, considering that Protestant translations predominated, was widely heard then, and it continues to be heard to the present day. However, the significant feature of the present work is that it also shows the extent to which Old-Testament content appealed to non-Christian Chinese readers and, as a result, left an imprint on modern Chinese culture.

Professor Irene Eber

The Hebrew University of Jerusalem

January

15

,

2018

Acknowledgments

Here I would like to express my heartfelt thanks to those who have helped me complete this work. Since this publication is a revised version of my original doctoral dissertation at The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, I would first like to thank Professor Irene Eber. Not only did she serve as my academic instructor but also as spiritual support. Without her supervision and encouragement, this work would not have been possible. My special thanks also go to Professor Roman Malek, former Director of Monumenta Serica Institute, for his extraordinary support during my research visit there. I must mention with gratitude other brilliant scholars who also gave me most valuable advice or instruction, such as Edward Greenstein, Wolfgang Kubin, Maren Niehoff, Tania Notarius, Zvi Werblowsky, to name just a few. In the process of my doctoral research, I benefited from generous grants from Rothberg International School, Katholischer Akademischer Auslaender-Dienst, W. F. Albright Institute of Archaeological Research, the Israel-China Friendship Society, the Institute for Advanced Study in Asian Cultures and Theologies (IASACT), and Raymond Kaplan Scholarship.

Since completing the dissertation in 2009, I have re-worked some sections and expanded them into publishable articles, which can be found in journals or festschrifts. I have been assisted substantially in this endeavor by scholars and editors such as Raoul Findeisen, Marian Galik, Barbara Hoster, Dirk Kuhlmann, Roger L. Omanson, Thomas Tseng, and Billy T. C. Yan.

I am most grateful for Dr. K. K. Yeo’s invitation to participate in his new series, Contrapuntal Readings of the Bible in World Christianity, and his efficient efforts to facilitate the process. The original title of my dissertation Men and Ideas of the Old Testament in Modern Chinese Thoughts has been changed to the present one in order to fit the series better. In editing this version of my dissertation, Dr. Melanie Baffes paid attention to detail and prepared the manuscript for publication. A special word of thanks also is due to my M.A. students, Yu Zihan and Zhang Haoran, for their most skillful and timely computer help with my last work on the bibliography.

Finally, I wish to thank my mother Ji Qiwen, my father Cao Minglou, and my wife Wu Ying for their unwavering confidence and support all these years. They provide a happy and loving family in which to work and study.

Preface

The Bible, in various ways, has been present in China since at least the seventh century but has witnessed its golden age there only in the last two hundred years. In the Yuan dynasty 元朝 ( 1271 – 1368 ), part of the New Testament (NT) and the Psalms were translated into Mongolian, rather than Chinese, and have disappeared as did other vestiges of the Catholic Church introduced by the Franciscan friars. Neither the Jesuits nor Russian Orthodox Christianity succeeded in translating the Scriptures, despite their encounter with Chinese literati or their uninterrupted presence in the capital. ¹ However, when British and American Protestants came to China in the early nineteenth century, it was a different story. They were active in most parts of China—aided by gunboats, merchants, China’s weakness, its social unrest, and the pervasive evangelism of their home churches carried out in China. Their remarkable achievement in translating the Bible and introducing it to larger segments of the Chinese population, particularly the educated, is the topic of this writing. ²

In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the introduction of the Bible and the Chinese literary and intellectual reception and appropriation of it, are matters of great importance, for a number of reasons. Christian missionaries came into contact with a highly literate civilization in China. The literary responses to the Bible in Chinese grew remarkably since the 1860s. Christians and non-Christians incorporated motifs and themes into their works. They show how nineteenth- and twentieth-century intellectuals have tried to understand the traumatic events of their time by resorting to and interpreting the biblical messages.

In the field of Sino-Western cultural exchange, The Bible in China has in the past three decades attracted increasing attention among scholars. Problems concerning introduction, reception, and appropriation of the Bible in China have inspired scholars to raise many questions. Book-long efforts have been made in studying Chinese Bible versions and their literary impact.³ There are still many questions, while others need rethinking. For example, one result of the prevalent interest in the NT is that the role and impact of the NT or Christian culture often is exaggerated. The lack of research regarding the Old Testament (OT) and Jewish culture in China has been an obstacle to our understanding the history of the Bible and Christianity in China.⁴

Interpreting OT ideas and humanity poses several basic problems. Firstly, there is the question of selection. For what an interpreter will choose is invariably related to specific values, concerns, and even goals of his own period. Secondly, the interpreter’s ideological, philosophical, or political point of view is bound to influence the choices he makes. And thirdly, when an interpreter interprets from a literature with whose language he is not familiar—thus using a secondary language—his selection is in fact already pre-selected. Notions gained and views developed regarding other peoples—on the basis of interpretations—are, therefore, sometimes distorted. Similarities may be seen where none exist, and differences may be glossed over because they are not properly understood.⁵

Before the 1970s, studies of Christianity in China usually reflected a mission-centered approach.⁶ But scholars gradually recognized that they could not study Christianity in China without saying anything about the Chinese context and Chinese converts. A China-centered approach was advocated by Paul Cohen, when he explained what was happening in modern China. Cohen’s point of view is significant, because he argued that concrete historical data comprise not historical events but the personal experiences of individuals, including their thoughts, feelings, and motivations. As a result, Chinese converts too became an important subject. Why did they accept Christianity? Did they respond to missionary preaching? How did they maintain a balance between Chinese culture and Christian ideas? And how did they justify their faith in the face of anti-foreign, revolutionary tides in China?⁷ In this writing, these questions are posed also in studying the encounter with the OT.

Modern Chinese intellectuals, whether Christian or not, perceive themselves naturally as the moral, social, and political leaders of their country. The dominant literature of twentieth-century China has therefore been strongly concerned with the problems of intellectuals in China’s modernizing society. The terminology and concepts with which writers variously defined their role in society in the early decades of the twentieth century were derived from Western models, including those from the OT, like the prophets.⁸

This work aims to provide a broad picture of the modern history of the OT from the nineteenth century to the twentieth century, showing the ways in which the OT encountered Chinese culture through one of the most difficult, exiting, and confusing periods in China’s long history. My major interest is twofold: to study a number of human beings and ideas in the Hebrew Bible and to understand how ideas change when transposed into another cultural context. This raises the question of which OT persons and ideas were important to educated Chinese? What made them appealing? How were those OT persons and ideas reinterpreted? In what way did they inspire interested readers? By answering these and other questions, I hope to contribute to a more comprehensive picture of the Bible in modern China.

The growth of a commentary tradition is closely connected with general interest in the OT. The OT in modern Chinese thought can be divided into three major periods reflecting the growth of a commentary tradition. The first period, from the arrival of the Protestants in 1807 to the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in 1894, represents the beginning of the OT in China. At this time, foreign missionaries played a decisive role in introducing the OT to Chinese literati. Discussions among both converts and a small number of official scholars ensued as a more broadly-based readership of the OT appeared.

The second period, from 1895 to the 1910s, when the Qing court was replaced by the Republic, was a transitional period. For the first time, diversities and controversies among non-converts appeared. Various perspectives on interpreting the OT became obvious. But due to lack of sufficient knowledge of OT literature, commentary efforts were made only by a small number of interpreters and limited to a very small number of OT motifs.

The third period, dating from the May Fourth Movement to the eve of the establishment of the People’s Republic, is a period of the appropriation of OT persons and ideas. Thanks to the successes with vernacular translations and OT education in previous years facilitated by the missionaries, OT commentaries were now much more diverse and extensive using different methods and ideologies. They also covered many more OT persons and ideas, some of these being allusions in the language of the intellectuals despite the non-existence of the referent and reference in the Chinese language.⁹

These periods form the five main chapters of the work. Translation of both the OT and OT studies is considered the first step in the introduction of the OT. The second step concerns its reception, by which I mean the comments by Chinese readers on the OT that represented initial attempts to understand and interpret a text in which new and different ideas were expressed. It is this reception that led in time to the third step, that of appropriation, when writers and intellectuals integrated OT images, metaphors, symbols and the like into non-religious texts—although the line between reception and appropriation is not always clearly drawn.

A major prerequisite for reception and appropriation is readability. This is the stage in which Chinese translations made their contributions. Two prime examples are the Delegates’ Bible in classical Chinese and Schereschewsky’s Mandarin translation which, until the appearance of the 1919 Union Bible, was the most widely read version of the OT. Readability is not only clarity of language for understanding the ideas expressed in the text. By readability, I also mean the power to evoke a response, be it a creative act, like writing poetry, or a philosophical inquiry.¹⁰ Reception and appropriation are the very responses evoked by the readability of the Chinese OT. If reception was primarily a function of the new Christian audience, appropriation included non-Christians as well.

The OT in Chinese culture began with its introduction and reception among converts. Persons and ideas of the OT were introduced by Protestant missionary authors like Karl Friedrich A. Gützlaff (1803–1851) and Bible translators like Walter H. Medhurst (1796–1857) and Samuel I. J. Schereschewsky (1831–1906), with the help of their Chinese colleagues. In introducing the Bible, unlike the Catholics, Protestants refer more to story than to dogma, concentrate more on biblical narrative than on creedal formulation.¹¹ The Bible as story pointed out the specific nature of the biblical presentation of past events: the Bible is more a narrated history than a cause-and-effect reconstruction of the exact course of historic events. It does not primarily reconstruct, but rather interprets.¹²

Moreover, in introducing the OT, Protestant missionaries tended to resort to familiar concepts and paradigms taken from the Chinese Classics. Considering the various translations of the Chinese Bible, none can be considered a literal translation; they can be described only as more or less successful transpositions. To attract Chinese educated readers, the missionary authors and translators also adopted dominant literary devices and styles. As a result, OT persons and ideas indeed aroused interest in the OT and discussions on its motifs among some educated Chinese, first of all, among educated converts.

However, Chinese Christians did not simply follow their missionary leaders, but produced a discourse aimed at forming new terminologies and new theories of understanding biblical doctrines. Although they, like the missionaries, often invoked the Chinese classics to prove a point, most of their essays were explanatory rather than polemical. One example was the attempt to understand the Ten Commandments and to explain them in vocabulary akin to Chinese moral, particularly Neo-Confucian, maxims. In interpreting the Decalogue, instead of stern prohibitions, these initial interpreters chose not only a gentler form such as poetry for conveying OT messages, but attempted also to show that these messages differed little, if at all, from what the Chinese themselves had known and practiced since earlier times.

Chinese non-Christians, especially Confucian literati like reformist thinkers Xu Jiyu 徐继畲 (1795–1873) and Song Yuren 宋育仁 (1857–1931), read the missionary publications and showed an interest in OT motifs. At the time, Protestant missionaries were especially influential in the littoral of China, where most of these reformers were from. While among them the interest was increasingly stimulated, pressure to preserve or redefine their Chinese identities mounted, underscoring the problem of racial difference and Western prejudice. Thus Confucianism, which was after all Chinese, acquired for most of them a new importance and became something to hold onto in their interpretation of OT persons and ideas.

However, once the reformers took control in the littoral, they found themselves in a strategic position to break out of traditional patterns and establish new ones. Through their writings, they transformed what had once been totally strange into something a little less foreign, gradually accustoming people to the newness of the new, making it less conspicuous, more palatable. Broader acceptance was given to ideas that a short time before had been acceptable only to a few. Hinterland change was facilitated by these littoral intellectuals. The reformers before the 1890s were among the first generation of modern Chinese who began the transition to nationalism; therefore, their writings about OT persons and ideas were particularly meaningful.¹³

If the Chinese response to the OT until this moment was basically passive and rather limited in scope among non-Christians, after the defeat of China in the 1894 Sino-Japanese War, the response became increasingly more active and pronounced. Together with the growing interest in the OT appeared new interpretative tendencies among educated Chinese like Shan Shili 单士厘 (1858–1945), Tang Caichang 唐才常 (1867–1900), and Kang Youwei 康有为 (1858–1927). These were joined with various political ideals at a time of national crisis. A major phenomenon was the awareness of the Jewish Diaspora. The Jews culturally constructed/reconstructed as other remained a distant mirror in the construction of the self among various social groups in modern China. Thus the definition of Jew had both a religious and secular meaning. On the one hand it symbolized tradition, and on the other it invoked modernity.

The Jewish problem became relevant to many of China’s revolutionary nationalists, to whom statelessness was the cause of the Jewish tragedy and signaled a powerful warning. Since they found that money could not save the stateless Jews, their criticism also was thus directed toward the modernizing reformers who hoped that the nation’s acquisition of wealth might be a solution. By demonstrating that the past glory of the Jews did not save them from their present suffering, revolutionary nationalists also were against the reformist idea of preserving Confucianism and the emperor. To avoid being like the stateless Jews, China must promote nationalism first.¹⁴ During this transitional period, Liang Qichao 梁启超 (1873–1929) showed a keen interest in the OT story of Exodus and Moses in many of his writings. He is, therefore, discussed in more detail with a focus on his creative portrait of a new Moses in accordance with his call for new citizens and heroes. Ye Dehui 叶德辉 (1864–1927) the main opponent of Liang among orthodox Confucians and others revealed the impact of the OT motifs in their writings.

During the transitional period, the vernacular movement of Bible translating and the missionary movement of OT education popularized and modernized the reading and study of OT literature among both educated adults and the youth at missionary schools. Without ignoring other reasons for the increasing emphasis on the use of vernacular, clearly Protestant missionaries played a unique and pioneering role in the vernacular movement by means of their constant efforts to produce a unified version of the Chinese Bible and study aids like commentaries and textbooks for Chinese readers.

Vernacularization of Bible translation and reading