The Wiley Handbook on the Development of Children's Memory

By Patricia J. Bauer and Robyn Fivush

This all-embracing Handbook on the Development of Children’s Memory represents the first place in which critical topics in memory development are covered from multiple perspectives, from infancy through adolescence. Forty-four chapters are written by experienced researchers who have influenced the field. 

• Edited by two of the world’s leading experts on the development of memory
• Discusses the importance of a developmental perspective on the study of memory
• The first ever handbook to bring together the world’s leading academics in one reference guide 
• Each section has an introduction written by one of the Editors, who have also written an overall introduction that places the work in historical and contemporary contexts in cognitive and developmental psychology

2 Volumes

• Language: English
• Publisher: Wiley
• Release date: Sep 16, 2013
• ISBN: 9781118590201

Book preview

Volume I

Contents

Volume I

Cover

Title Page

Copyright

Contributors

Preface

Chapter 1: The Development of Memory

A Brief History of the Scientific Study of Memory

Historical Approaches to Child Development

A Developmental Approach to the Study of Memory

Organization of the Handbook

References

Section I: History, Theories, and Methods of the Development of Memory

References

Chapter 2: The History of Memory Development Research

Setting the Stage for the Emergence of Children's Memory as a Field of Study: 1950s and Early 1960s

Strategy Development (Emergence in Late 1960s and 1970s): Creating a New Field

Knowledge Influences Memory Development (Emergence in 1980s)

Capacity Influences Memory Development (Emergence in 1980s)

Conclusions about Strategies, Metamemory, Knowledge, and Capacity

Origins of Memory in Infancy (Emergence in 1980s)

Autobiographical Memory (Emergence in Late 1980s and 1990s)

Interest in the Application of Memory Research: Eyewitness Memory and Suggestibility (Emergence in the 1990s)

Memory Developmental Research Today

Conclusions: History Lessons

References

Chapter 3: The Coaction of Theory and Methods in the Study of the Development of Memory

Introduction

The Context of Research

A Little History: Contributions of Research Conducted in the Laboratory and the Field

A Proposed Integration: The Developmental Science of the Development of Memory

Final Words

References

Chapter 4: The Development of Memory from a Piagetian Perspective

Why a Piagetian Perspective?

Memory in the Context of Cognitive-Developmental Theory

Replications and Critiques of the Piagetian Approach

The Piagetian Legacy

References

Chapter 5: Sociocultural Theories of Memory Development

Sociocultural Memory

What Is a Sociocultural Psychological Theory of Development?

Assumptions of Sociocultural Theory

Basic Experiential Memory

What Develops? Self, Source, and Time

Development as Transformation

Into the Future

References

Chapter 6: The Development of Memory from a Neurocognitive and Comparative Perspective

Multiple Memory Systems

The Medial Temporal Lobe Structures

Recognition Memory and the MTL Structures

Protracted Development of DNMS Performance

Precocious Development of Incidental Recognition Memory

Reconciliation of the Findings on Recognition Memory Development in Primates

Postnatal Morphological Maturation of the MTL Cortical Areas Occurs Earlier than That of the Hippocampus

Perirhinal Cortex is Needed for Recognition Memory Earlier than the Hippocampus

Concluding Remarks

References

Chapter 7: Memory Development in Evolutionary Perspective

Introduction

Evolutionary Developmental Psychology of Memory

Memory, Development, Evolution, and the Representation of Knowledge

The Evolution of Working Memory

Ontogenetic Adaptations of Memory

The Evolution of the Development of Memory

References

Section II: Mnemonic Processes

References

Chapter 8: Short-term Memory in Infancy

The Concept of STM

STM versus WM

The Study of Infant Memory

STM in Infancy

Conclusions

References

Chapter 9: Methodological Challenges in the Study of Short-term Working Memory in Infants

Challenges in Defining Types of Memory in Infants

A Procedural Perspective on Recent Research in Infant Memory

Methodological Goals and Strategies

Conclusion

References

Chapter 10: Short-term and Working Memory in Childhood

Short-term and Working Memory: What Are They All About?

The Differences Between Short-term and Working Memory

Definitions and Concepts for This Chapter

Limits and Capabilities of Working Memory

Storage Limit Type 1: Decay and/or Interference in Short-term Memory

Storage Limit Type 2: Capacity Chunk Limits

Mnemonic Control Processes

Short-term and Working Memory and the Brain

How Do Short-term and Working Memory Develop?

Development of Decay

Development of Capacity

Development of Mnemonic Processing

Development of the Brain and Working Memory

Individual Differences in Ability Within an Age Group

Training of Working Memory?

Conclusion

References

Chapter 11: Long-term Memory in Infancy and Early Childhood

Multiple Memory Systems Perspective

Assessing Long-term Recall in Pre- and Early-verbal Children

Characteristics of Recall in Infancy and Early Childhood

The Contribution of Brain Development to Recall

Developments in the Basic Processes of Memory

Conclusions and Future Directions

References

Chapter 12: Extending the Life of a Memory

How Reinstatement Affects Long-term Recall

Reinstatement of Infants' and Toddlers' Memories

Effects of Reinstatement on Children's Recall After Age 3

Conclusions: Extending Children's Autobiographical Memory with Reinstatement

References

Chapter 13: Binding Together the Elements of Episodes

The Hippocampus and Relational Memory

Hippocampal Anatomy and Development

Evaluating Relational Processing over the First 3 Years of Life

Delayed Non-Match to Sample (DNMS)

Conjugate Reinforcement

Delayed Imitation

Visual Paired Comparison

Using Eye-Movement Measures as a Surrogate for Hippocampal Activations

Assessing Episodic Memory with Tasks Borrowed from Scrub Jays

Later Developmental Change

Summary and Conclusions

References

Chapter 14: The Development of Recollection and Familiarity during Childhood

Recollection and Familiarity: Definition and Methods

The Development of Recollection and Familiarity: Behavioral Evidence

The Developmental Cognitive Neuroscience of Recollection and Familiarity

Conclusions

References

Chapter 15: Implicit Memory

Measuring Implicit Memory

The Importance of the Implicit/Explicit Distinction

History of Research on Implicit Memory

The Development of Implicit Memory

Implicit Memory in Clinical Populations

Future Directions for Implicit Memory Research

Conclusion

References

Section III: Mnemonic Contents

References

Chapter 16: Remembering Where

The Encoding of Location

Dead Reckoning

Metric Representations of Space

Remembering Location following Disorientation

Varieties of Egocentric and Allocentric Encoding and their Combination

Tools and Strategies for Enhancing Spatial Memory

A Mental Strategy: Spatial Categories

Future Research Questions

Summary and Conclusions

References

Chapter 17: The Development of Memory for the Times of Past Events

Adults' Memory for Time: Theories and Findings

Developmental Research

Summary and Conclusions

References

Chapter 18: Locating Events in Personal Time

Autobiographical Memory

The Importance of Time in Autobiographical Memory

Conceptual and Methodological Issues

Locating Naturally Occurring Events in Time

Integrating Temporal Memory for Events into Our Autobiography

Neural Mechanisms of Time in Autobiographical Memory

Development of the Brain Regions Implicated in Temporal Memory

Conclusion: Summary, Missing Pieces, and Future Directions

References

Chapter 19: Children's Memory for Source

The Source Monitoring Framework (SMF)

The SMF and Expectations Regarding Developmental Differences in Memory for Source

The Empirical Study of Children's Memory for Source

Source Failures and Learning from Others

Recognizing Source as a Route to Information and Knowledge

Development of Source Memory: Possible Trajectories and Their Significance

Conclusion

References

Chapter 20: From Specificity to Flexibility

Theoretical Conceptualization

Paradigms Used to Study Memory Specificity during Early Childhood

Imitation Paradigms

Object Search Tasks

Summary of Paradigms

Pathways to Flexibility: Experiential Mechanisms

Perceptual Visual Cues

Motor Cues

Language Cues

Additional Representational Cues

Summary of Experiential Mechanisms

Practical Applications of Memory Specificity: 2D Media

Visual Perceptual Cues

Language Cues

Relational Cues

Summary of 2D Media

Future Directions

Overall Conclusions

References

Chapter 21: Dual Processes in Memory Development

Four Core Principles

A Whistle Stop Tour of Memory Development Effects

Concluding Remarks

References

Volume II

Title Page

This edition first published 2014

© 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Wiley handbook on the development of children's memory / edited by Patricia J. Bauer and Robyn Fivush.

pages cm

ISBN 978-1-119-99399-5 (cloth)

1. Memory in children. 2. Child psychology. I. Bauer, Patricia J. II. Fivush, Robyn.

BF723.M4W55 2014

155.4′1312--dc23

2013007829

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Cover image: Ben Lucas, Memory

Cover design by Cyan Design

Contributors

Cristina M. Atance, Ottawa University

Jocelyne Bachevalier, Emory University

Lynne Baker-Ward, North Carolina State University

Rachel Barr, Georgetown University

Patricia J. Bauer, Emory University

Martha Ann Bell, Virginia Tech

Dorthe Berntsen, Aarhus University

David F. Bjorklund, Florida Atlantic University

Annette Bohn, Aarhus University

Caitlin R. Bowman, The Pennsylvania State University

Charles J. Brainerd, Cornell University

Natalie Brito, Georgetown University

Leslie J. Carver, University of California, San Diego

Nelson Cowan, University of Missouri

Darlene DeMarie, University of South Florida

Anjolii Diaz, Virginia Tech

Judith F. Feldman, Albert Einstein College of Medicine/Children's Hospital at Montefiore

Robyn Fivush, Emory University

Mary Ann Foley, Skidmore College

Andrea Frick, University of Bern

William J. Friedman, Oberlin College

Simona Ghetti, University of California, Davis

Gail S. Goodman, University of California, Davis

Andrea Follmer Greenhoot, University of Kansas

Azriel Grysman, Rutgers University

O. Evren Güler, Augsburg College

Catherine A. Haden, Loyola University Chicago

Stephan Hamann, Emory University

Mark L. Howe, City University, London

Judith A. Hudson, Rutgers University

Jeffery J. Jankowski, Albert Einstein College of Medicine/Children's Hospital at Montefiore and Queensborough Community College

J. Zoe Klemfuss, University of California, Irvine

Jessica H. Kraybill, Virginia Tech

Marina Larkina, Emory University

Joshua K. Lee, University of California, Davis

Lynn S. Liben, The Pennsylvania State University

Marianne E. Lloyd, Seton Hall University

Lisa M. López, University of South Florida

Stella F. Lourenco, Emory University

Steven J. Luck, University of California, Davis

Angela F. Lukowski, University of California, Irvine

Gema Martin-Ordas, Aarhus University

Kelly McWilliams, University of California, Davis

Jeremy K. Miller, Willamette University

Patricia H. Miller, San Francisco State University

Rachel K. Narr, University of California, Davis

Charles A. Nelson, Boston Children's Hospital/Harvard University

Katherine Nelson, City University of New York Graduate Center

Nora S. Newcombe, Temple University

Lisa M. Oakes, University of California, Davis

Christin M. Ogle, Duke University

Richard O'Kearney, The Australian National University

Ingrid R. Olson, Temple University

Peter A. Ornstein, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill

Thanujeni Pathman, University of California, Davis

Pedro M. Paz-Alonso, Basque Center on Cognition, Brain and Language

Jodi A. Quas, University of California, Irvine

Elaine Reese, University of Otago

Valerie F. Reyna, Cornell University

J. Steven Reznick, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill

Tracy Riggins, University of Maryland, College Park

Claudia M. Roebers, University of Bern

Susan A. Rose, Albert Einstein College of Medicine/Children's Hospital at Montefiore

Peggy L. St. Jacques, Harvard University

Karen Salmon, Victoria University of Wellington

Wolfgang Schneider, University of Würzburg

Patrick Douglas Sellers II, Florida Atlantic University

Jennifer S. Stevens, Emory University School of Medicine

Shengkai Sun, University of Kansas

Qi Wang, Cornell University

Widaad Zaman, University of Central Florida

Preface

This handbook project was instigated by a perfectly innocent message from Andrew Peart, an acquisitions editor for Wiley-Blackwell, to Patricia Bauer, on February 3, 2010. In the message, Andy remarked that he had been looking for a developmental analog to The Oxford handbook of memory (2000), edited by Endel Tulving and Fergus I. M. Craik. He was unable to find one and wondered whether I might be interested in editing one. One trip down the hall to Robyn Fivush's office and 44 chapters later, we have this book, The Wiley Handbook on the Development of Children's Memory. Our thanks to Andy for asking the question.

The development of memory has been a lively research area over the past 40 years. Several excellent authored and edited volumes have been published on various aspects of the topic, and a few overview chapters have been included in volumes focused on adult memory literature. Yet, this handbook represents the first comprehensive volume in which critical topics in the development of memory are covered from multiple perspectives, covering multiple ages, in multiple chapters. It was planned over several working meetings at Saba's in Emory Village, a favorite pasta restaurant with a respectable wine bar around the corner from the Department of Psychology. Having worked in the field our entire careers, we knew well the great strides that had taken place in understanding the development of memory in the latter part of the last century and into the present. We view this volume as a primary vehicle both for capturing the advances for posterity, and especially for encouraging the next generation of researchers in the study of the development of memory.

As the table of contents began to come together, we extended invitations to both senior researchers who had defined the field, and more junior researchers who have expanded and redefined it. Our goal was to provide both breadth and depth of theory and methods. With very few exceptions, our invitations were accepted with enthusiasm. In many cases, we asked authors to write about what they knew best. For others, we asked for a bit of a stretch or a reach-back to a former focus. Even these invitations were accepted graciously. We are forever grateful to all the authors for agreeing to have their work represented in this handbook. We also extend a special note of thanks to the authors who—again for the most part—submitted their chapters on time, not once but twice, for the first draft and then for the final version. The result is a handbook that is as current when it went to press as when the chapters were originally drafted. Again, thank you.

The handbook has the strengths that it does due to the efforts of another group of collaborators—the Ph.D. students who participated in a seminar that we offered in Fall 2011, during which we read many of the chapters of the handbook in first-draft form. Many thanks for the comments, critiques, and lively discussion to Shala Blue, Chi Cheung, Cory Inman, Maria Jones, Brandi Kenner, Jackie Leventon, Natalie Merrill, Jason Shepard, Aylin Tasdemir, Christina Tzeng, Nicole Varga, and the honorary student Dr. Marina Larkina. This group provided the perfect initial audience for this volume. We also thank Jacqueline Leventon for her service beyond the seminar room as our editorial assistant for the project. Thank you, Jackie, for keeping us organized and on track throughout the process.

Our sincere gratitude to all who helped bring this project to fruition. As a result of your efforts, we now have a comprehensive state-of-the-art volume that defines the field, past, present, and future.

PJB and RF

October 29, 2012

1

The Development of Memory

Multiple Levels and Perspectives

Patricia J. Bauer and Robyn Fivush

Emory University

Memory is a fundamental cognitive capacity. Without it, we would live in a here-and-now world without a past and without the ability to anticipate the future. In some form or another, it is available to all living animals. Yet, in humans, memory is exquisitely honed to allow us not only to navigate the challenges of everyday life (e.g., remembering where we parked the car this morning) but to re-create, in living color, the important and self-defining experiences of our lives, such as graduations, weddings, births, and funerals. Although the capacity to remember is with us virtually from birth, it undergoes a protracted and dramatic course of development throughout the first two decades of life. Our memories seemingly function asymptotically for most of adulthood, before declining throughout the course of normal aging. This handbook is concerned primarily with infancy through early adulthood, with comparisons against non-human animals and mature humans as appropriate.

In 1971, John Flavell, a founding figure in cognitive development, in a symposium held at the biennial meetings of the Society for Research in Child Development, asked What is memory development the development of? This now-famous quote set a field in motion. Over the years, there has been a continuously increasing interest in memory development from multiple perspectives and across wide age spans. Whereas initial research on the development of memory often focused on differences in school-aged children's abilities to use memory strategies (e.g., Kail & Hagen, 1977; Ornstein, 1978), today, research on memory development begins in utero (e.g., DeCasper & Spence, 1986) and extends to the very last stages of life (e.g., Webster, 2001). In addition to strategic memory, research now focuses on implicit memory, episodic memory, autobiographical memory, as well as on using memory to plan for the future, as evidenced by the chapters included in this handbook. Memory is seen as integral to social and emotional development, and memory is studied in the laboratory, in local contexts such as families and schools, and in macro contexts such as within historical and cultural frameworks. Levels of analysis are from neurons to neighborhoods. In 40 years, we have discovered many answers to Flavell's famous question, but we are still searching for many others. As in all fields of scientific inquiry, the more we learn, the more we still do not know. The publication of this handbook indicates the vibrancy of the field. In 1983, the two-volume Handbook on child development (Mussen, 1983), which was required reading for all developmental psychologists, had one chapter titled Learning, memory and understanding. In this handbook, we have 43 chapters, each reviewing a unique aspect of the development of memory.

So, what is memory development the development of? Each of the chapters in this handbook provides a partial answer to this question, but as all good developmental scientists know, to understand a phenomenon fully, one must understand its developmental history. The current intense interest in the development of children's memory that is underscored by this handbook comes out of a history of memory research that began in the nineteenth century. In this introductory chapter, we lay an historical foundation for current approaches to memory. From early research focusing on verbal learning of nonsense syllables, the study of memory progressed through multiple scientific revolutions, including behaviorism, the cognitive revolution, and the neuroscience revolution. We note that every chapter in this handbook provides some historical context for current research, and that the chapters in Section I explicitly lay out theories and methods in memory development research. Thus, we do not provide much detail in this introductory chapter, but point to the excellent reviews in the chapters that comprise this handbook.

A Brief History of the Scientific Study of Memory

The study of the development of children's memory emerged as a discipline in its own right relatively recently, just about 40 years ago. However, not surprisingly, the field has a longer history, with studies on children's memories appearing in fits and starts from the beginning of the scientific study of psychology at the end of the nineteenth century, as discussed in the chapter by Patricia Miller. Part of the reason for the late emergence of developmental issues as critical in the study of memory stems from theoretical beliefs about the nature of memory, and other parts stem from methodological limitations in early research that made studying young children, and especially infants, virtually impossible. As theory progressed, scientists developed new methodologies that allowed empirical tests, and these new methodologies, in turn, generated new findings leading to new theories (see the chapter by Baker-Ward and Ornstein for an elegant discussion of the evolving interplay of theory and method in developmental science).

The earliest scientific approach to memory was based on associationism. The basic underlying assumption stemmed from British empiricist philosophers, especially John Locke and David Hume. They argued that all knowledge is a matter of associating sense impressions that are experienced contingently in order to form higher-level groupings of associations that allow individuals to predict the world. The mechanism was rote raw experience impressed on the brain over multiple trials that led to associations that were then perceived as conjoined constructs. This view of memory, brought under scientific scrutiny by Ebbinghaus (1885), dominated until the rise of behaviorism. Ebbinghaus argued that, in order to understand the basic faculty of memory qua memory, one had to strip it of all meaning and context. From this perspective, the scientific study of memory was about isolating memory from all other factors that might influence performance, through studying rote learning of experimentally presented stimuli. Only in this way could the faculty of memory be described and studied. This theoretical approach led to a specific methodology, namely verbal list-learning, with lists comprised of nonsense syllables so as to strip stimuli of all possible meaning. The verbal list-learning paradigm provided a great deal of information that remains a cornerstone of understanding memory today. Perhaps most importantly, it provided the mathematical description of learning and forgetting curves that truly turned the study of memory into a science. Ebbinghaus demonstrated age difference in retention and forgetting curves, but, for him, age was simply a marker for increased efficiency of the system. The verbal learning tradition continued with the introduction by Calkins (1894) of paired associate learning. Here, again, the focus was on rote memory of presented experiential stimuli that were stripped of meaning and context. Paired associate learning, in which the research subject had to learn a series of word pairs, and then, given one word of the pair, recall the second word in the pair, allowed an investigation of multiple effects of memory that still guide our understanding of aspects of memory such as retroactive and proactive interference, the phenomena that more recently presented information can interfere with our ability to remember similar information already presented, and that old learning can interfere with new learning (respectively).

The empiricist tradition in memory depended on methods of verbal learning and response, but the underlying assumption was that language was simply a medium through which to study memory, not that language transformed the system in any way. The goal was to isolate universal principles of association that undergirded learning and memory. Indeed, from this perspective, little distinction is made between learning and memory. What was learned and retained over time was memory. Although stemming from a very different philosophical tradition, behaviorism, which rose to prominence in American psychology in the 1930s, shared some of these basic assumptions, namely that there is little distinction between learning and memory, and that universal principles of memory (or learning) could be determined that cross species and ages. Yet, there are also critical differences between associationism and behaviorism. Associationism assumes that there is a mind that is associating raw experiences into larger concepts, and that the methods used assess the theoretical construct of the mind. Behaviorism, of course, makes no such assumption. Behaviorists argue that behavior is all there is, that mind is a black box that either is irrelevant, epiphenomenal, or non-existent. A large proportion of research done in the behaviorist tradition used non-human lab animals—dogs and rats—to examine universal principles of reward and punishment that lead to certain behaviors being more likely to be emitted and other behaviors less likely.

Pavlov's (1927) initial studies of classical conditioning with salivating dogs are now well known. This research remains a clear demonstration that animals can learn (and remember) a conditioned response. In the 1950s, Skinner (e.g., 1953) furthered the behaviorist agenda by showing that rats could be operantly conditioned to emit certain behaviors for a reward. Behavior could be shaped by closer and closer approximations to the target behavior by a series of graduated rewards. Behaviorism was the major psychological theory of learning that held sway throughout the 1950s and 1960s, and the term memory was replaced by learning.

Although behaviorism was clearly dominant during this time period, there were a few heretics who continued to argue that memory—and indeed, mind—remained interesting constructs to study, and that not all memory phenomenon could be reduced to stimulus–response pairings. The most prominent of these was Frederic C. Bartlett, who in 1932 published Remembering: A study in experimental and social psychology, a book that took as its main argument that memory was reconstructive. Rather than being a simple associative pairing of real-world experiences, or the emitting of conditioned learned behavior, Bartlett argued that memory was an effort after meaning. Bartlett criticized the Ebbinghaus tradition of learning lists of nonsense syllables, and argued that memory was about creating a sense of order in the world, and that the human mind actively constructed this order through a process of reorganizing incoming information to make sense in terms of what the individual already knew. Thus, Bartlett was the first to theorize schemas, organized knowledge structures in the mind that actively processed incoming information and changed it to conform to how the individual already understood the world. Bartlett demonstrated the power of his perspective by asking college students to recall a story he had told them previously, the now-well-known The War of the Ghosts. This Native American story contains many details that are unfamiliar to white Western college students, such as meeting ghosts along the river, and the idea that your spirit can be seen physically leaving your body at death. Bartlett showed that, in recalling this story, college students reconstructed it in ways that more closely approximated Western belief systems, thus demonstrating that we use what we know to understand and remember new information. Although Bartlett's ideas were not heavily influential at that time, his ideas about memory being a reconstructive process are now widely accepted. Indeed, throughout the chapters in this book, the reader will see this theme reverberating. Still, behaviorism remained the dominating theoretical frame through the post–World War II years.

Three seminal publications changed the scientific understanding of mind (and memory) and formed the cognitive revolution. First, Chomsky's (1959) publication "Review of Skinner's Verbal Behavior" challenged the behaviorist principle that language was simply a conditioned response, that children learned language through being rewarded for saying words. The second was Newell and Simon's (1961) article in Science laying out the first theory of information processing. In this article, Newell and Simon argued that humans were much like computers, information processing machines that took in information in a limited sensory store, processed that information in a short-term store, and transferred that information to a long-term store where it could be retrieved when provided with the correct access cue. Whereas these ideas intrigued psychologists, it was not until Ulric (Dick) Neisser published Cognitive psychology in 1967 that these ideas were integrated into a model of human cognition. Cognitive psychology synthesized the many exciting ideas that were in the air across several disciplines, including information theory and linguistics as well as psychology, and presented a model of cognition as the processing of information in reconstructive and generative ways. In brief, the organism locomotes and acts on the world, thus taking in information through the senses. However, the information taken in is always just a sample of all the available information, and what is sampled will depend on the organism's current needs and past history. Information taken in is both modified by existing information structures, and also modifies those structures in the process of being assimilated. This is very much like Bartlett's ideas about efforts after meaning, and, indeed, Neisser argued that organisms create cognitive maps, or schemas, of information in their environments. Thus, there is a perpetual cycle of perception, registration, and modification, which then directs future behavior, and the cycle repeats so that the organism is always poised between preserving and accommodating schematic information. Thus, cognition and memory are dynamic and reconstructive.

Contemporaneous with the cognitive revolution was the memory systems revolution—conceptualization of memory not as a unitary construct but as a number of different types or forms of memory, each with its own distinctive characteristics. The notion that there was more than one form of memory appeared as early as 1804, in the writings of French philosopher Maine de Biran. The notion really began to take hold at the beginning of the twentieth century with studies of wounded veterans from World War I. Kleist (1934), a German physician, examined veterans who had received head wounds from gun shots or shrapnel and the behavioral patterns that seemed to result from them. He observed that there were systematic relations between the site of the wound (and resulting brain lesion) and the type of mental impairment experienced by the veteran. The notion that different parts of the brain subserve different cognitive functions, including different types of memory, received especially strong impetus from the famous case of Henry Molaison (H. M.) who, at the age of 27, underwent experimental surgery to treat intractable seizures. To treat the seizures, his surgeon removed large portions of the temporal lobes on both sides of the brain (Scoville & Milner, 1957; psychosurgery was almost common at the time, as a form of treatment for various maladies, including depression and anti-social personality). Subsequent to the surgery, H. M. suffered impairment of some forms of memory, yet not all of his memory capacities were disrupted. Most notably, H. M. was left with the ability to learn new motor skills and behaviors, but his ability to remember new information or facts was severely compromised.

The case of H. M. and other patients like him led researchers such as Larry Squire (1982, 1987) to postulate two major forms or types of memory that differ in a number of ways, including their contents and functions and the brain regions and networks that support them. Specifically, they identified declarative or explicit memory as the type of memory responsible for relatively rapid learning and retention of entities that we think of as being encoded symbolically and that thus can be described with language, such as names, dates, places, facts, events, and so forth. Because H. M. and other patients with similar lesions showed impairments in this type of memory, they hypothesized that it was subserved by the medial temporal lobe structures. The type of memory left intact in H. M. was referred to as non-declarative, implicit, or procedural. This form of memory permits perceptual and motor skill learning, such as the motor movements required to maintain balance on a bicycle. It is established through gradual modification of behavior through practice, experience, or multiple trials and is not dependent on neural structures in the medial temporal lobes. Importantly, individuals can form new non-declarative or procedural memories without being consciously aware that they are doing so. Thus, H. M. became gradually more proficient at different motor skill tasks—such as mirror-reversed drawing—even though he professed no recognition of having ever performed them before.

Further evidence of different neural bases for different types of memory came as researchers in the field developed animal models of human lesions and disease. Along with their colleagues, Stuart Zola (e.g., Mahut & Zola, 1973) and Mortimer Mishkin (e.g., Mishkin, Spiegler, Saunders, & Malamut, 1982), developed non-human primate models; and Lynn Nadel (e.g., Squire, Nadel, & Slater, 1981), and Howard Eichenbaum (see Eichenbaum & Cohen, 2001, for a review) developed rodent models. Animal models could not further our understanding of the phenomenological characteristics of the different types of memory, but they permitted experimental control over the location, size, and timing of infliction of lesions. Over time, the work revealed in exquisite detail the structures and networks that subserve different forms of memory, and indeed the specific contributions to memory that structures in the network make. Some of these developments are discussed in the chapter by Jocelyne Bachevalier, a colleague of Mishkin responsible for development of the developmental non-human primate model. With the availability of techniques for imaging the intact human brain at work, via functional magnetic resonance (fMR) and positron emission tomography (PET), the field moved further forward with refinement of our understanding of the roles and responsibilities of multiple neural regions, extending well beyond those originally identified through work with patients and non-human animal models. Several chapters in this handbook feature discussions of these and other advances in our understanding of the neural bases of memory (Carver; Ghetti & Lee; Hamann & Stevens; Lukowski & Bauer; Olson & Newcombe).

The 1970s and 1980s not only gave rise to the memory systems revolution that emphasized different types or forms of memory, but also to a conceptualization of differences in the types of information stored in long-term memory. In 1972, Endel Tulving introduced the distinction between semantic and episodic memory. Semantic memory supports general knowledge about the world (Tulving, 1972, 1983). We are consulting semantic memory when we retrieve facts, such as that ostriches are birds even though they do not fly, and that birds lay eggs. This memory content is timeless and placeless. That is, in most cases, we do not know when and where we learned this information. We might be able to reconstruct how old we were or what grade we were in when we learned about the typical behavior of birds, but unless there was something unique about the experience surrounding the acquisition of this information, we carry it around without address or reference to a specific episode. Episodic memory, by contrast, supports retention of information about unique events and experiences. They are marked by memory for who was involved in the event, what happened, where and when it took place, and even why it unfolded as it did. These features of episodic memory representations are responsible for a unique characteristic of their retrieval, namely, a subjective sense of traveling back in time as if reliving the event or experience. As the reader will discover, though the genesis of episodic memory is apparent in infancy (see chapters by Lukowski & Bauer; Barr & Brito; but also see Olson & Newcombe), it undergoes a protracted course of development (see chapters by Bauer; Fivush & Zaman; Ghetti & Lee), and has multiple determinants, from the biological to the cultural (see chapters by Fivush; Howe; Wang).

As this brief history makes clear, there has been much progress in our understanding of memory since the scientific study of the faculty began. We have learned a great deal about how information is apprehended, processed, stored, and retrieved at the level of both brain and behavior. Yet, even in the excitement generated by the cognitive and memory systems revolutions, the study of the development of memory still lagged behind for a number of years. Much of this was due to the way in which research on child development progressed in the United States during the twentieth century. It is to this subject that we now turn.

Historical Approaches to Child Development

With the cognitive and memory systems revolutions, memory research flourished. However, the idea that memory development might provide a unique window into the system remained elusive. Some of this was undoubtedly because the methods used to study memory required a highly verbal individual, but some had to do with the fact that research on child development grew out of a very different set of concerns than did psychological and neuropsychological research on memory. Whereas memory researchers focused on the underlying principles of the mechanism, child development grew out of more concrete concerns with child welfare. In 1917, the Iowa Congress of Mothers founded the Iowa Child Welfare Station at the University of Iowa due to concerns about increasing delinquency among youth. The Iowa Child Welfare Station was tasked by the state legislature to investigate the best methods for ensuring normal child development. Thus, early research on children focused on describing normative development, and methods of intervening when development went astray and led to delinquent behavior. Research focused on the role of family structures, parenting, and education in ensuring healthy development.

The focus on education was echoed in early research by Thorndike (1913) and G. Stanley Hall (1906), who were both interested in developing tests to assess children's educational abilities. Although memory was a part of this effort, in that rote memorization was a critical part of educational success, the focus was on developing appropriate testing and training of children of different ages. There was also a great deal of interest in identifying cognitively delayed and challenged children. In the 1920s, Gesell (see Gesell, 1950/1971) began one of the first major longitudinal studies describing typical child development at different ages, with a focus on physical but also including social, emotional, and cognitive development. However, this research did not examine the underlying mechanisms of change; it was purely descriptive and normative.

In 1928, Watson published Psychological care of infant and child, a behaviorist guide to child development and parenting. Thus, the behaviorist movement also influenced child development research, and the focus was very much on reward and punishment conditioning. Alongside behaviorism, psychoanalysis was also taking the United States by storm, beginning with Freud's 1909 lectures at Clark University. The paradoxical effect was that throughout the mid-century, ideas about children were informed either by behaviorist notions of conditioning or psychoanalytic notions of children struggling with violent sexual fantasies. In 1965, the keyword memory did not even appear in the Child Development Abstracts, the major comprehensive resource for research material at that time. This is not to say that memory development went completely unstudied. As discussed in the opening chapter by Miller, there were bits and pieces of research appearing, especially in Europe, focused on the development of memory. Most of this research retained an applied perspective, especially around issues of the ability of children to appear as witnesses in forensic settings.

Again as described in Miller's chapter, and detailed in the chapter by Lynn Liben and Caitlin Bowman, the translation of Piaget into English in the 1960s fundamentally changed the way scientists thought about development. Children were not little adults in their thinking (although, to be fair, this was presaged by Freud and his followers). Rather, children of different ages had qualitatively different capacities to represent the world. The Piagetian revolution was the instigation for truly developmental approaches to memory and cognition. Although Piaget (1954) presented a constructive approach to development (see Liben & Bowman), more akin to schematic models of cognition rather than an information processing approach, the coincidence of information processing approaches to human cognition and Piaget's theories of constructive development created a ripe environment to ask a fundamentally new set of questions about the development of memory. By the close of the twentieth century, the questions included many inspired by the growing influence of neural systems perspectives on memory, as well as by the development of a non-human primate model for studying how memory changes with postnatal brain development (see Bachevalier). As the twenty-first century dawned, the arsenal of approaches to the study of the development of memory further expanded to neuroimaging methods, including fMRI (see Ghetti & Lee) and event-related potentials (ERPs; see Lukowski & Bauer; Riggins & Nelson). These developments changed the way we think about development and also the way we think of memory.

A Developmental Approach to the Study of Memory

Although each chapter in this volume approaches memory development from a somewhat different perspective, there is a shared commitment to basic developmental principles. It is these principles that identify a developmental approach to understanding a phenomenon, that distinguish developmental research from cognitive and cognitive neuroscience research more broadly defined, and that underscore how developmental approaches provide unique information that changes the way we understand cognition. By their very nature, developmental approaches ask about change and process, thus highlighting the dynamic nature of the phenomenon under study. Whether these changes occur across generations, across a lifetime, across a developmental period, or across moments in the performance of a task, whether focusing on the development of neurons and brain regions, or on sociocultural contexts within which individuals reside, the focus of a developmental analysis is on the process of change. Thus, from a developmental perspective, questions about memory are always about dynamic systems interacting in complex contexts of brain, mind, and culture.

By focusing on change, a developmental approach poses a unique set of questions for psychological scientists. Perhaps most important is how to conceptualize change. Certainly, even within change, there is stability, so a first question is what theoretically should change and what should remain stable? This involves developing a deep definition of the construct in question, here memory. What exactly do we mean by memory? Whereas most researchers accept that memory is multifaceted in adults, it is less clear whether this is the case across development. Does memory begin as a unitary construct and differentiate with development? Or is it that one or another competency is present at birth, and other components are added on? Are the multiple components of memory organized in the same way over time? Or does development involve some type of re-organization? As the reader will discover throughout this book, different theorists have taken different approaches and have developed different answers to these questions.

Another dimension of the question of how to conceptualize change is the mechanisms involved. Is developmental change simply a matter of maturation, such as the growth of certain neuronal capacities? Does change involve constructive reorganization, a form of Piagetian assimilation and accommodation as discussed in the chapter by Liben and Bowman? If so, does this rely on certain types of experiences in the world, as discussed in the chapter by Katherine Nelson? Is change domain specific or domain general? That is, when one facet of memory changes, does that change the whole system or just that part of the system? When memory changes, does this involve changes in other domains of cognition, such as problem solving, and/or changes in social and emotional domains, such as emotional regulation? How does changing environments and social contexts, such as entering school or becoming more involved in the peer group, activate change? What is the endpoint of development? Is there a teleological point to which individuals develop, or is development variable and contextually constrained? Is there one pathway, one way to get there from here, or are there multiple pathways? And if so, does the path matter? The authors of the chapters in this book offer a range of responses to these quintessentially developmental questions.

The study of the development of memory also raises methodological questions. Especially if we are interested in change across development, can we measure memory in the same way over developmental time? Short-term and working memory, as discussed in detail in the chapters by Lisa Oakes and Steven Luck, Steven Reznick, and Nelson Cowan, provides an excellent example. As the reader will experience in these chapters, short-term and working memory are studied using very different paradigms in infancy and in early and later childhood. This raises the fundamental question of whether the different tasks tap the same underlying construct at different ages. Moreover, as developed in the chapter by Reznick, we must ask this question even within an age period—do the myriad different tasks used to measure infant working memory actually all measure the same thing? A different but related question is whether the same performance at different ages indicates the same underlying competence? Because the outcome is the same, does it necessarily follow that the task was performed in the same way? Even more fundamental is the question of whether overt performance necessarily reveals the underlying competence. The question is two-edged. On the one side, if a child can perform at a certain level in certain highly structured and/or simplified tasks, does this mean the child has the same ability as a child who can perform tasks which tap that construct under multiple task constraints? On the other side, if a child struggles to perform a task at a high level of proficiency, does this mean the child lacks the ability, or might competence be obscured by extraneous task variables? This competence/performance conundrum is the developmentalist's constant companion.

These are some of the large questions that guide developmental approaches, and to which there are no real answers. Nevertheless, developmental researchers interested in memory must grapple with these issues in developing their questions and tasks, and in interpreting their findings. We invite you to explore the chapters in this handbook with an eye toward the question What is memory development the development of? and to think about how best to answer this question given what we now know and what we have yet to learn.

Organization of the Handbook

This handbook is organized into seven sections, each with an introductory chapter written by the editors. In Section I, the reader is treated to six chapters that identify and discuss the major theories and approaches to the study of the development of memory, both historical and contemporary. The chapters by Patricia Miller and Lynne Baker-Ward and Peter Ornstein pick up where we leave off in this chapter, with discussions of the history of the study of memory from a developmental perspective. The remaining chapters outline the major perspectives present in the literature on the study of the development of memory. The chapter by Lynn Liben and Caitlin Bowman provides an introduction to the Piagetian constructivist approach to the study of the development of memory, with its emphasis on operational change. Katherine Nelson's chapter provides a theoretical complement, with her introduction to the sociocultural approach and its emphasis on memory as a function developing within a social and emotional context. Jocelyne Bachevalier's chapter presents a neurobiological perspective, with emphasis on the brain bases for memory and their development. Finally, David Bjorklund and Patrick Sellers provide insights into the ways that evolution has shaped the development of memory. Each chapter offers a different set of answers to the questions on the essence of memory and how it develops. They aptly illustrate the diversity of lenses necessary to understand the phenomenon of memory in development and in action in the world.

Section II of the handbook features eight chapters, all concerned with the processes involved in creating, preserving, and later retrieving the traces of experience that we call memories. The first three chapters focus on memories that may persist only over brief delays, the so-called short-term memories, and the use of such memory representations in the service of other goals, the so-called working memory. The chapters by Lisa Oakes and Steven Luck, and J. Steven Reznick, concern short-term and working memory processes in infancy; Nelson Cowan focuses on working memory in childhood. Whereas any particular short-term or working memory may or may not ever transition to a long-term memory, many such transient representations do. The next three chapters in this section all concern these long-term memories. Angela Lukowski and Patricia Bauer summarize the data on developmental changes in long-term memory in infancy and early childhood, with a focus on the roles of encoding, consolidation, and retrieval processes in explanation of developmental change. Judith Hudson and Azriel Grysman take up the interesting question of whether the lives of memories can be extended beyond their natural boundaries, by external reminders. Ingrid Olson and Nora Newcombe focus our attention on the question of whether the memory processes available in infancy are continuous—or discontinuous—with those in later childhood and beyond. In a similar vein, Simona Ghetti and Joshua Lee examine developmental changes in the experience of reliving or re-experiencing past events with retrieval of a memory trace. And finally, Marianne Lloyd and Jeremy Miller explicate the processes involved in non-declarative or implicit memory, with special emphasis on the phenomenon of priming. The chapters in this section tell a rich and interesting tale of the lives of memories both early and later in development.

Whereas the chapters in Section II are concerned with memory processes, those in Section III are concerned with the contents of memory. Memories are representations of something, be it an object, an event, a word list, or some other entity. The first three (of six) chapters in Section III concern the quintessential contents of episodic memories, namely, their spatial (Stella Lourenco & Andrea Frick) and temporal (William Friedman; Thanujeni Pathman & Peggy St. Jacques) attributes. The reader is provided comprehensive reviews of the extant literatures on these mnemonic contents, with discussions of the implications of developmental change in representation of space and time in memory traces. The chapter by May Ann Foley focuses on the question of how individuals locate the source of their memories—whether an event is actually experienced or only read about, for example. The final two chapters in this section focus not on what content is included in or reconstructed from memory traces, but on how the content is represented—whether memory representations feature specific or verbatim traces of experience, or whether what is represented is more general or gist-like. Whereas Rachel Barr and Natalie Brito's review leads them to the conclusion that memory representations are very specific in nature, Charles Brainerd and Valerie Reyna's review leads them to the conclusion that memory traces are not either/or but both/and. Together, the chapters make clear the importance of knowing what and how content is represented in memory, as well as the challenges associated with addressing those questions.

With Section IV, the handbook turns to discussion of a specific type of memory that is near and dear to our hearts, namely, autobiographical or personal memory. As the seven chapters in this section make clear, this area of research began to blossom in the developmental literature in the last decade of the twentieth century. Autobiographical memory is of such interest because it is through these memories that we define ourselves and establish continuity over developmental time. In the first chapter in this section, Patricia Bauer starts the discussion with a phenomenon that establishes the boundary of this continuity, namely, infantile or childhood amnesia—the relative paucity among adults of memories from the first 3–4 years of life. Mark Howe furthers discussion of this amnesia and offers an evolutionary perspective on it. The section continues with a chapter by Robyn Fivush on how autobiographical memories are constructed in sociocultural interactions, with a focus on the ways in which mother–child reminiscing shapes children's emerging autobiographical memories across the preschool years and into adolescence. Robyn Fivush and Widaad Zaman expand on this theme, and discuss developmental changes in autobiographical consciousness—the sense of a self in recalling one's past, with special emphasis on the gendered nature of autobiographical consciousness. Qi Wang continues the focus on the social influences, with a review of the importance of cultural norms and practices in shaping this quintessentially self-identifying system. The chapter by Annette Bohn and Dorthe Berntsen focuses on another social influence on autobiographical or personal memory, namely, the cultural life script for what should happen when in one's life. Finally, Cristine Atance and Gema Martin-Ordes discuss the role of mental projection of the self forward in time for ensuring the continuity of self through autobiographical memory. Across the chapters in this section, the reader will come to appreciate the substantial gains that the field has made in understanding the myriad contributions and determinants of autobiographical or personal memory and its development.

In Section V, the topic transitions to another of the most enduring in the study of memory, namely, how memory and emotion interact. Interest in this topic dates back to the beginning of the twentieth century and the Yerkes-Dodson law (Yerkes & Dodson, 1908). The law anticipates a U-shaped relation between performance and the level of physiological arousal, with optimal performance at intermediate levels of arousal. The six chapters in Section V inform various aspects of this relation. Martha Ann Bell, Jessica Kraybill, and Anjolii Diaz explore this interaction in the context of the literature on relations between emotional reactivity—a characteristic of temperament—and memory performance. Leslie Carver brings the discussion to the central nervous system, with a focus on how emotion and memory interact at the neural level. Joci Quas and J. Zoe Klemfuss continue the discussion with specific focus on relations between children's physiological stress reactivity and memory task performance, both in the laboratory and in field settings. Stephan Hamann and Jennifer Stevens explore relations between emotion and memory in laboratory-based assessments of memory for emotional stimuli. Karen Salmon and Richard O'Kearney extend the discussion through a review of the state of the literature on associations between memory for emotional events and experiences and child and adolescent psychopathology and well-being. The final chapter by Andrea Greenhoot and Shengkai Sun focuses on associations between trauma and memory, with attention to the question of whether traumatic experiences are remembered in the same way—with the same mechanisms—as non-traumatic events. The chapters in this section make clear both why there is intense interest in relations between emotion and memory, and why so many questions remain unanswered.

The five chapters in Section VI all concern memory in action—that is, memory in the service of a specific goal or activity. These chapters provide an important complement to the perspective that prevailed at the dawn of the study of memory, with its focus on pure memory, divorced from any specific content or context. In the first two chapters in this section, Catherine Haden, and Darlene DeMarie and Lisa Lopez, sit on either end of the knowledge–memory teeter-totter, with Haden focusing on how knowledge influences memory, and DeMarie and Lopez focusing on how memory influences knowledge. The chapters explore these relations in the contexts of doctor's visits, trips to the museum, and the classroom, among others. The chapters by Claudia Roebers, and Marina Larkina and O. Evren Güler, move the discussion back into the laboratory. They review the literature on the deliberate and strategic use of memory, with focus on the earliest emergence and subsequent development of memory strategies (Roebers), and social influences on their development (Larkina & Güler). The final chapter by Gail Goodman, Christin Ogle, Kelly McWilliams, Rachel Narr, and Pedro M. Paz-Alonso takes as its subject a very specific context in which we observe memory in action, namely, the courtroom. They discuss the state of the art of our understanding of the factors that influence children's eyewitness testimony, including the impact of different techniques for eliciting testimony. The chapters in this section illustrate the dynamic nature of memory in development, and why the answer to the question of whether children can be expected to remember is always it depends.

The final section of the handbook is one the reader will find only in a handbook focused on development. The five chapters in Section VII provide longitudinal perspectives on what changes in memory over the course of development, and what remains essentially constant. That is, they concern studies in which the same children (or groups of children) were followed over time, to permit explication of the nature of developmental change, and its determinants at various points in developmental time. Wolfgang Schneider provides summaries of large-scale longitudinal studies conducted in Germany with the major goal of understanding the development of deliberate and strategic remembering. Elaine Reese provides a comprehensive review of the body of longitudinal studies with a focus on autobiographical or personal memory. The chapter by Susan Rose, Judith Feldman, and Jeffery Jankowski reports the results of longitudinal studies of infants born prior to term, with a focus on the long-term memory and broader cognitive outcomes for these populations. Tracy Riggins and Charles Nelson summarize behavioral and electrophysiological (event-related potentials, or ERPs) data on the development of memory in infants born iron deficient as a result of maternal gestational diabetes. Across the chapters, the body of work illustrates both the power of longitudinal methods and the trials and tribulations associated with their conduct. The final chapter in the handbook addresses precisely these challenges, with practical tips for conducting longitudinal studies provided by Elaine Reese.

In closing, the handbook provides a comprehensive review of the state of the art of the literature on the development of memory in infancy, childhood, and into adolescence. The primary intended audience for the handbook is the academic and research community. It will be of value to researchers who specialize in memory as well as to a broader audience of developmental scientists and psychologists interested in development. It will provide essential insights to cognitive psychologists and cognitive neuroscientists studying adults who need to know how systems develop. It also will appeal to those working in education, and in the emerging field of educational neuroscience. The handbook also will be used in the classroom, primarily at the graduate level, though the chapters are written in a manner accessible to undergraduate students as well. Because it focuses on both typical and atypical development, and covers both theoretical and applied implications of the research, the handbook will be of interest to those studying and working with typically developing children in applied settings as well as those working with clinical populations. In short, there is something for almost everybody.

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