The Book of Ezekiel, Chapters 1–24

By Daniel I. Block

To most modern readers the book of Ezekiel is a mystery. Few can handle Ezekiel's relentless denunciations, his unconventional antics, his repetitive style, and his bewildering array of topics. This excellent commentary by Daniel I. Block makes sense of this obscure and often misunderstood prophet and demonstrates the relevance of Ezekiel's message for the church today.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Eerdmans
• Release date: Aug 26, 1997
• ISBN: 9781467423700

Book preview

The Book of

EZEKIEL

Chapters 1–24

---

Daniel I. Block

WILLIAM B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY

GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN / CAMBRIDGE, U.K.

Publisher’s Note

This commentary was planned and written as a single volume, but its length dictated the need to publish it in two volumes. The reader should note that the Introduction in the present volume covers the entire book of Ezekiel; thus the second volume comprises only commentary on chapters 25–48 of Ezekiel.

For the reader’s convenience, each volume has its own table of contents, abbreviation list, and indexes.

© 1997 Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.

2140 Oak Industrial Drive N.E., Grand Rapids, Michigan 49505 /

P.O. Box 163, Cambridge CB3 9PU U.K.

All rights reserved

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Block, Daniel Isaac, 1943-

The Book of Ezekiel: chapters 1–24 / Daniel I. Block.

p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and indexes.

eISBN 978-1-4674237-00

ISBN-0-8028-2535-4 (cloth: alk. paper)

1. Bible. O.T. Ezekiel I-XXIV—Commentaries. I. Title.

BS1545.3.B575 1997

224´.4077-dc2196-49758          CIP

TO ELLEN

maḥmad-ʿênay

CONTENTS

Author’s Preface

Abbreviations

INTRODUCTION

I. Background: The World of Ezekiel

II. Author, Purpose, and Methods: The Response of Ezekiel

III. The Nature of Prophecy and Ezekiel’s Literary Style

IV. Text

V. Ezekiel in Jewish and Christian Tradition

VI. The Enduring Theology of Ezekiel

VII. Select Bibliography

TEXT AND COMMENTARY

PART 1: MESSAGES OF DOOM AND GLOOM FOR JUDAH/ISRAEL (1:1–24:27)

I. The Call of Ezekiel to the Prophetic Ministry (1:1–3:27)

A. THE SUPERSCRIPTION (1:1–3)

B. EZEKIEL’S INAUGURAL VISION (1:4–28a)

1. Preamble (1:4)

2. The Living Creatures (1:5–14)

3. The Wheels (1:15–21)

4. The Platform and Throne (1:22–27)

5. Concluding Colophon (1:28a)

C. THE COMMISSIONING OF EZEKIEL (1:28b–3:11)

1. Preamble (1:28b–2:2)

2. The First Commissioning Speech (2:3–7)

3. The Vision of the Scroll (2:8–3:3)

4. The Second Commissioning Speech (3:4–11)

D. THE PREPARATION OF EZEKIEL (3:12–15)

E. YAHWEH’S INDUCTION SPEECH FOR EZEKIEL (3:16–21)

F. THE INITIATION OF EZEKIEL (3:22–27)

II. Signs and Visions of Woe for Israel/Judah (4:1–11:25)

A. DRAMATIZING THE FALL OF JERUSALEM (4:1–5:17)

1. The Dramatic Performances (4:1–5:4)

2. The Verbal Proclamation (5:5–17)

B. PROCLAIMING JUDGMENT AGAINST THE MOUNTAINS OF ISRAEL (6:1–14)

1. Cleaning House: The Primary Announcement (6:1–10)

2. Cleaning House: The Second Announcement (6:11–14)

C. SOUNDING THE ALARM FOR THE LAND OF ISRAEL (7:1–27)

1. The First Alarm (7:1–4)

2. The Second Alarm (7:5–9)

3. The Third Alarm (7:10–27)

D. ENVISIONING THE DEPARTURE OF YAHWEH (8:1–11:25)

1. Preamble to the First Temple Vision (8:1–4)

2. The Abominations in the Temple (8:5–18)

3. Yahweh’s Response to the Abominations in the Temple (9:1–11)

4. The Burning of Jerusalem and Yahweh’s Departure from the Temple (10:1–22)

5. The Pot of Stew (11:1–13)

6. The Gospel according to Ezekiel (11:14–21)

7. Epilogue to the Temple Vision (11:22–25)

III. A Collection of Prophecies of Woe against Israel (12:1–24:27)

A. SIGNS OF THE TIMES (12:1–20)

1. Packed for Exile (12:1–16)

2. A Pantomime of Horror (12:17–20)

B. PROPHECY—TRUE AND FALSE (12:21–14:11)

1. Two Oracles against Cynics (12:21–28)

2. Two Oracles against Counterfeit Prophets (13:1–23)

3. The Oracle against Prophetic Abuse (14:1–11)

C. THE HIGH PRICE OF TREACHERY (14:12–15:8)

1. A Lecture on Divine Justice (14:12–23)

2. A Metaphor on Divine Judgment (15:1–8)

D. THE ADULTEROUS WIFE: TRAMPLING UNDERFOOT THE GRACE OF GOD (16:1–63)

1. The Call for Israel’s Arraignment (16:1–3a)

2. The Indictment of Jerusalem (16:3b-34)

3. The Sentencing of Jerusalem: The Suspension of Grace (16:35–43)

4. Like Mother, Like Daughter: Jerusalem’s Disqualification from Grace (16:44–52)

5. The Double Ray of Hope (16:53–63)

E. MESSAGES OF SIN AND RETRIBUTION (17:1–22:31)

1. The Eagle and the Vine: A Fable (17:1–24)

2. Disputing the Justice of God (18:1–32)

3. A Lament for the Davidic Dynasty (19:1–14)

4. Rewriting Sacred History (20:1–44)

5. The Avenging Sword of Yahweh (21:1–37 [Eng. 20:45–21:32])

6. Woe to the Bloody City (22:1–31)

F. O OHOLAH! O OHOLIBAH! (23:1–49)

1. The Introduction of the Accused (23:1–4)

2. The Historical Background to the Case (23:5–35)

3. The Case against Oholah and Oholibah (23:36–49)

G. THE BOILING CAULDRON (24:1–14)

1. Preamble (24:1–3a)

2. The Popular Saying (24:3b-5)

3. The Dispute (24:6–8)

4. The Counterthesis (24:9–13)

5. Conclusion (24:14)

H. THE END OF AN ERA (24:15–27)

1. The End Is Prefigured: The Death of Ezekiel’s Wife (24:15–24)

2. The End Is in Sight! (24:25–27)

Notes

INDEXES

I. Selected Subjects

II. Authors

III. Scripture References

IV. Extracanonical Literature

V. Selected Hebrew Words and Phrases

AUTHOR’S PREFACE

The publication of this commentary marks the culmination of a laborious but stimulating adventure with the prophet Ezekiel. For the past thirteen years Ezekiel has been my constant companion, taking up all my spare moments and consuming all my spare energy. Little did I realize how arduous a project I had assumed when, in 1983, I accepted the invitation of R. K. Harrison to write a commentary on the book of Ezekiel. The effort has left me breathless not only because of the energy expended but especially because of the vitality of this exilic prophet’s message. No one can spend this amount of time with a person so gripped by the power and Spirit of God, and so forceful in his proclamation of the message he receives from the Lord, and remain unchanged. But at last it is finished! The time has come to move on to other adventures.

For many Christians Ezekiel is too strange and his book too complex and bizarre to deserve serious attention. So the prophet remains a mystery. This commentary has been driven by a single passion: to make this prophecy understandable and meaningful for contemporary readers. In recording my observations I have constantly tried to imagine what questions students of Scripture ask when they pick up the book of Ezekiel. I have been greatly assisted and inspired in this process by hundreds of students and countless parishioners with whom I have had the privilege of sharing my discoveries. As I have been wrestling with this prophet and the written record of his ministry, trying to answer the questions readers ask, I have been guided by several crucial questions, directed at the prophet himself: (1) Ezekiel, what are you saying? (the text-critical issue); (2) Ezekiel, why do you say it like that? (the cultural and literary issue); (3) Ezekiel, what do you mean? (the hermeneutical and theological issue); (4) Ezekiel, what is the significance of this message for me? (the application issue). Accordingly, for each literary unit readers of this commentary will encounter a fresh translation of the Hebrew text with textual notes, a discussion of the style and structure of the unit, verse-by-verse commentary, and a summary of the permanent theological lessons of the unit. The translation offered is as tight as possible but as free as necessary. Where a literal rendering of the Hebrew results in gaps, additions to complete the sense have been identified with square brackets. Quotations of other biblical texts occur frequently in the commentary. Unless the source of the quotation is noted, the translation is my own. The summary at the end of the discussion of each prophecy is designed to guide pastors and teachers in the proclamation of Ezekiel’s message in our time.

While a project like this must finally come to a conclusion, the process of biblical interpretation never ends. This is certainly the case with a document as complex and mysterious as the book of Ezekiel. Consequently, many of the observations and conclusions offered in this commentary are experimental and provisional. The present manuscript was submitted to the publishers in March 1994. Although a few minor revisions have been made since then, because of commitments to other projects it has been impossible to incorporate all of the new insights that have been published later than that date in scholarly journals and monographs. I regret especially not having been able to take fuller advantage of the textual and literary observations in Leslie Allen’s superb commentary on Ezekiel 1–19, which appeared after I had submitted my work. Nevertheless, to the extent that my comments declare the truth of Ezekiel’s message and/or stimulate further investigation that leads to the truth, I shall be satisfied.

This project could not have been completed without institutional support and the assistance of a host of individuals. Special thanks are extended to Bethel Theological Seminary (St. Paul, Minn.), where I had the joy of teaching throughout the time I was researching for and composing this commentary. The administration was generous in granting me a year’s sabbatical leave to complete the final draft. Thanks are also expressed to the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary (Louisville, Ky.) for providing financial assistance for a proofreader of the page proofs. Personal expressions of thanks must begin with the late R. K. Harrison, the former editor of the NICOT series, who has inspired an entire generation of evangelical scholars with his own written works and his leadership in this commentary series. Except for his declaration of confidence in inviting me to produce this work, I would have missed out on this adventure. I must also thank his successor, Robert L. Hubbard Jr., to whom the mantle of editor of this series has fallen. Dr. Hubbard offered invaluable assistance in refining the shape of this work, especially the Introduction. I should like to thank all the others who have assisted me along the way: Gloria Metz, faculty secretary at Bethel, for her creative efforts in producing many of the figures and diagrams in this volume; a series of student assistants who have read and commented on bits and pieces of this work along the way (Barry Hansen, Brad Soukup, Kathy Brogan, Bill Odermann, and Greg Mathias); the members of the SBL Ezekiel Consultation Steering Committee, whose partnership in the study of Ezekiel has been a great encouragement over the years (Kathe Darr, Julie Galambush, James Kennedy, Maggie Odell, John Strong, and Steven Tuell); Rick Mansfield for checking all the biblical references in this commentary; and my wife Ellen for her assistance in the preparation of the indexes. Special thanks go to my editor, Mr. Gary Lee, for his painstaking work on my manuscript. In his pursuit of excellence he has saved me from many glaring errors and offered countless recommendations for improving the text. For all these kindnesses and to all these friends I am extremely grateful. While they have all contributed to this enterprise, the weaknesses and infelicities of the final product I accept as my own.

Finally, I must thank my family for putting up with Ezekiel for so long. My children, Jason and Jonelle, have grown up competing with this prophet for my time. I pray that God will bless them for their patience with me and continue to uphold them in their walk of faith. But my greatest debt of praise goes to my wife Ellen, the delight of my eyes (maḥmad-ʿênay, cf. 24:16), whose companionship and love have filled my life with unspeakable joy. This volume is dedicated to her with deepest gratitude.

My prayer is that as scholars, pastors, and laypeople consult this commentary, they will come to a deeper understanding of the prophecy of Ezekiel, and in so doing arrive at a more mature understanding of God, who spoke through this gifted prophet. All of our efforts we offer as a sacrifice of praise to Jesus Christ. May the Lord, who has graciously redeemed us and spoken to us through his word, receive the honor and glory due to him alone.

DANIEL I. BLOCK

ABBREVIATIONS

AARSR American Academy of Religion Studies in Religion

AB Anchor Bible

ABD D. N. Freedman, et al., eds. Anchor Bible Dictionary. 6 vols. New York: Doubleday, 1992

AfO Archiv für Orientforschung

AHW W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handwörterbuch. 3 vols. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1965–81

AJA American Journal of Archaeology

AJBA Australian Journal of Biblical Archaeology

AJSL American Journal of Semitic Languages

Akk. Akkadian

ALUOS Annual of Leeds Oriental Society

AnBib Analecta biblica

ANEP J. B. Pritchard, ed. Ancient Near Eastern Pictures Relating to the Old Testament. 2nd ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969

ANET J. B. Pritchard, ed. Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. 3rd ed. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969

AnOr Analecta orientalia

AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament

ARAB D. D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia. 2 vols. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1926–27

Arab. Arabic

Aram. Aramaic

ARM Archives royales de Mari

ArOr Archiv orientalni

ASTI Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute

ATANT Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments

AusBR Australian Biblical Review

AUSS Andrews University Seminary Studies

AV Authorized (King James) Version

BA Biblical Archaeologist

Bab. Babylonian

BAR Biblical Archaeologist Reader

BARev Biblical Archaeology Review

BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research

BBB Bonner biblische Beiträge

BBET Beiträge zur biblischen Exegese und Theologie

BBR Bulletin of Biblical Research

BDB F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament. Repr. Oxford: Clarendon, 1959

BeO Bibbia e oriente

BETL Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologicarum lovaniensium

BHS Biblica hebraica stuttgartensia

BHT Beiträge zur historischen Theologie

Bib Biblica

BibLeb Bibel und Leben

BibOr Biblica et orientalia

BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester

BKAT Biblischer Kommentar: Altes Testament

BN Biblische Notizen

BO Bibliotheca orientalis

BR Biblical Research

BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies

BTB Biblical Theology Bulletin

BUS Brown University Studies

BWANT Beiträge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen Testament

BZ Biblische Zeitschrift

BZAW Beihefte zur ZAW

CAD I. J. Gelb, et al., eds. Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1956–

CahRB Cahiers de la Revue biblique

CB Century Bible

CBC Cambridge Bible Commentary

CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly

CCSL Corpus Christianorum Series Latina

CD Cairo (Genizah text of the) Damascus Document

CIS Corpus inscriptionum semiticarum

CML J. C. L. Gibson, Canaanite Myths and Legends. Rev. ed. Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1978

ConBOT Coniectanea biblica, Old Testament

CRAIBL Comptes rendus de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres

CTA A. Herdner, ed. Corpus des tablettes en cunéiformes alphabétiques. 2 vols. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1963

DBSup Dictionnaire de la Bible, Supplément

DDD K. vander Toorn, et al., eds. Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible. Leiden: Brill, 1995

DISO C.-F. Jean and J. Hoftijzer, Dictionnaire des inscriptions sémitiques de l’ouest. Leiden: Brill, 1965

DNWSI J. Hoftijzer and K. Jongeling, Dictionary of the North-west Semitic Inscriptions. 2 vols. Handbook of Oriental Studies 2. Leiden: Brill, 1995

EAEHL M. Avi-Yonah and E. Stern, eds. Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land. 4 vols. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1975–78

EB Echter Bibel

Egyp. Egyptian

EM Encyclopedia Miqrait

EncJud Encyclopedia Judaica

ErFor Erträge der Forschung

ErIsr Eretz Israel

ETL Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses

ETSMS Evangelical Theological Society Monograph Series

ExpTim Expository Times

FB Forschung zur Bibel

FOTL Forms of the Old Testament Literature

FRLANT Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments

Gk. Greek

GKC Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar. Ed. E. Kautzsch. Tr. A. E. Cowley. 2nd ed. Oxford: Clarendon, 1910

Greg Gregorianum

GTJ Grace Theological Journal

HALAT W. Baumgartner, et al., eds. Hebräisches und aramäisches Lexikon zum Alten Testament. 4 vols. Leiden: Brill, 1967–90

HALOT W. Baumgartner, et al., eds. The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament. Trans. and ed. M. E. J. Richardson. Leiden: Brill, 1994.

HAR Hebrew Annual Review

HAT Handbuch zum Alten Testament

HBC J. L. Mays, et al., eds. Harper’s Bible Commentary. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1988

HBD P. J. Achtemeier, et al., eds. Harper’s Bible Dictionary. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1985

Heb. Hebrew

HS Hebrew Studies

HSAT Heilige Schrift des Alten Testaments

HSM Harvard Semitic Monographs

HSS Harvard Semitic Studies

HTR Harvard Theological Review

HTS Hervormde Teologiese Studies

HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual

IB G. A. Buttrick, et al., eds. Interpreter’s Bible. 12 vols. Nashville: Abingdon, 1953–56

IBD J. D. Douglas, et al., eds. Illustrated Bible Dictionary. 3 vols. Leicester: Tyndale; Wheaton, Ill.: InterVarsity, 1982

ICC International Critical Commentary

IDBSup K. Crim, ed. Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, Supplementary Volume. Nashville: Abingdon, 1976

IEJ Israel Exploration Journal

Int Interpretation

IOS Israel Oriental Society

ISBE G. W. Bromiley, et al., eds. International Standard Bible Encyclopedia. Rev. ed. 4 vols. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1979–88

JANES Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society

JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society

JB Jerusalem Bible

JBC R. E. Brown, et al., eds. Jerome Biblical Commentary. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1968

JBL Journal of Biblical Literature

JBLMS JBL Monograph Series

JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies

JDS Judean Desert Series

JESHU Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient

JETS Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society

JJS Journal of Jewish Studies

JNSL Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages

JQR Jewish Quarterly Review

JSOT Journal for the Study of the Old Testament

JSOTSup JSOT Supplements

JSS Journal of Semitic Studies

JSSEA Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities

JTS Journal of Theological Studies

KAI H. Donner and W. Röllig, eds. Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften. 3 vols. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1962–71

KAT Kommentar zum Alten Testament

KB L. Koehler and W. Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti libros. 2nd ed. Leiden: Brill, 1958

LÄ W. Helck and E. Otto, eds. Lexikon d’Ägyptologie. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1972–

LD Lectio divina

Leš Lešonénu

LSJ Liddell, Scott, Jones, Greek-English Lexicon. 9th ed. Repr. Oxford: Clarendon, 1961

LXX Septuagint

MIO Mitteilungen des Instituts für Orientforschung

ms(s). manuscript(s)

MT Masoretic Text

NASB New American Standard Bible

NCBC New Century Bible Commentary

NEB New English Bible

NICOT New International Commentary on the Old Testament

NIV New International Version

NJPS New Jewish Publication Society Version

NovTSup Novum Testamentum, Supplements

NRSV New Revised Standard Version

NTS New Testament Studies

OBO Orbis biblicus et orientalis

OBT Overtures to Biblical Theology

Or Orientalia

OTL Old Testament Library

OTP J. H. Charlesworth, ed. Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. 2 vols. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1983–85

OTS Oudtestamentische Studiën

par. parallel

PEFQS Palestine Exploration Fund, Quarterly Statement

PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly

PG J.-P. Migne, ed. Patrologiae Graeca. 162 vols. Paris: 1857–66

PJ Palästina-Jahrbuch

PL J.-P. Migne, ed. Patrologia Latina. 221 vols. Paris: 1844–64

PRU Palais royal d’Ugarit

PTMS Pittsburgh Theological Monograph Series

Qad Qadmoniot

RA Revue d’assyriologie

RAI Rencontre assyriologique internationale

RB Revue biblique

REB Revised English Bible

REJ Revue des études juives

RevQ Revue de Qumran

RHR Revue de l’histoire des religions

RivB Rivista biblica

RLA G. Ebeling, et al., eds. Reallexikon der Assyriologie. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1932–

RS Ras Shamra

RSP Ras Shamra Parallels. 3 vols. AnOr 49–51. Vols. 1–2 ed. L. Fisher; vol. 3 ed. S. Rummel. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1972–81

RSPT Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques

RSV Revised Standard Version

SANE Sources from the Ancient Near East

SAOC Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilizations

SBB Stuttgarter biblische Beiträge

SBLDS Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series

SBLMS SBL Monograph Series

SBLSBS SBL Sources for Biblical Study

SBLSCS SBL Septuagint and Cognate Studies

SBS Stuttgarter Bibelstudien

SBT Studies in Biblical Theology

ScrHier Scripta Hierosolymitana

SJLA Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity

SJOT Scandinavian Journal of Theology

SNTSMS Society for New Testament Studies Monograph Series

SOTSMS Society for Old Testament Studies Monograph Series

SR Studies in Religion/Sciences religieuses

ST Studia theologica

Syr. Syriac

TA Tel Aviv

Targ. Targum

TBT The Bible Today

TCS Texts from Cuneiform Sources

TDNT G. Kittel and G. Friedrich, eds. Theological Dictionary of the New Testament. 10 vols. Tr. G. W. Bromiley. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1964–76

TDOT G. Botterweck and H. Ringgren, eds. Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament. Tr. D. Green, et al. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1974–

TEV Today’s English Version

THAT E. Jenni and C. Westermann, eds. Theologisches Handwörterbuch zum Alten Testament. 2 vols. Munich: Kaiser, 1971–76

TLZ Theologische Literaturzeitung

TOTC Tyndale Old Testament Commentary

TQ Theologische Quartalschrift

TSK Theologische Studien und Kritiken

TSSI J. C. L. Gibson, ed. Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions. 3 vols. Oxford: Clarendon, 1971–82

TTZ Trierer theologische Zeitschrift

TynBul Tyndale Bulletin

TZ Theologische Zeitschrift

UF Ugarit-Forschungen

UT C. Gordon, Ugaritic Textbook. AnOr 38. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1965

UUÅ Uppsala universitetsårsskrift

VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliothek

VT Vetus Testamentum

VTSup Vetus Testamentum, Supplements

WBC Word Biblical Commentary

WMANT Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament

WTJ Westminster Theological Journal

WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes

ZA Zeitschrift für Assyriologie

ZAH Zeitschrift für Althebraistik

ZAW Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft

ZDMG Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft

ZDPV Zeitschrift des deutschen Palästina-Vereins

ZRGG Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte

ZThK Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche

ZWT Zeitschrift für wissenschaftliche Theologie

INTRODUCTION

I. Background: The World of Ezekiel

A. Political Environment

Ezekiel was born into a turbulent world. The major players on the ancient Near Eastern stage were switching roles and smaller nations were disappearing from the scene altogether. For centuries the neo-Assyrians had maintained their imperial grip on the region, at times reaching as far as Egypt. By the time of Ashurbanipal’s death in 627 B.C., however, it had become evident that the Assyrians had not only overextended themselves; they had also lost the imperial heart. Meanwhile, the Babylonians were waiting in the wings, ready to try their hands. Babylonia had been an important political center for more than a thousand years, having produced in the previous millennium world-class figures like Hammurabi (ca. 1792–1750) and Nebuchadrezzar I (ca. 1133–1116). But since the 8th century the Babylonians had been dominated by their neighbors to the north, the neo-Assyrians. This situation was understandably insulting to Babylonian pride, and anti-Assyrian agitation flared up repeatedly in the land. The most significant challenge was launched by an important Chaldean sheikh, Merodach-baladan, a contemporary of Hezekiah of Jerusalem (2 K. 20:12; Isa. 39:1).¹ But Assyrian might prevailed, and in 689 Sennacherib inflicted the ultimate indignity upon Babylon, the holy city, dragging off the statue of its patron deity, Marduk, and razing the town.²

The crumbling of the Assyrian empire coincided with the emergence of another genius of Chaldean descent, Nabopolassar (625–605). Rising from obscurity, this man not only founded a new dynasty in Babylon; he also also laid the foundation for one of the most brilliant, if short-lived, empires of the ancient world. The pace of historical events quickened with his arrival on the scene. In 626 he won a resounding victory outside Babylon in the last attack the Assyrians would ever make on this city. In 616 Nabopolassar went on the offensive, marching his army up the Euphrates. However, alarmed at the rising might of the Babylonians, under Psammetichus I, the Egyptians did the unthinkable, changing allegiances and joining the Assyrians to stall the Babylonian advance. But in 614 the Medes joined the fray on the side of the Babylonians, taking the city of Asshur by storm. The allies continued their pressure on the dying empire, laying siege to Nineveh in 612 and bringing about its fall after three months. What remained of the Assyrian army dug in at Harran. With the aid of the Medes, in 610 Nabopolassar drove the combined forces of Egypt and Assyria out of the city. In 609 an attempt was made to retake Harran, but it ended in failure. The decisive battle occurred four years later at Carchemish (Jer. 46:2). With this victory the Assyrians were driven off the map, never to be heard of again, and the Egyptians were forced to retreat to their homeland like whipped puppies with their tails between their legs.³

If Nabopolassar was the founder of the dynasty, the fabled glory of the empire must be credited to his son, Nebuchadrezzar II (605–562), who had served as general of the Babylonian forces in the spectacular victory at Carchemish.⁴ After the routing of the Assyrians he pursued the Egyptians as far as Hamath. Before he could secure control over the Levant, word reached him of the death of his father, and he hurried home to consolidate his power in Babylon. But he would not remain away for long. Indeed, from this time onward the affairs of Judah become so intertwined with Babylonian activities that for our purposes they may be examined together.

In spite of the apparent latter-day conversion of Manasseh (2 Chr. 33:10–20), who reigned 687–642, the historian branded him as the worst king to sit on David’s throne (2 K. 21:1–18; 24:3–4), and the kingdom of Judah never recovered from the spiritual degradation to which he had brought the nation. After forty-five years of court-sponsored paganism, Judean apostasy was so deeply entrenched that the sweeping reforms of the good king Josiah (640–609) could do no more than scratch the surface, but not for lack of trying. Acceding to the throne of David at the tender age of eight, Josiah represented Judah’s last hope. His attempts to break out of a half century of paganism by purging the nation of pagan cult objects, eliminating divination and magic, centralizing public worship in Jerusalem, and reinstituting the Passover are laudable (2 K. 23; 2 Chr. 34). His extension of the campaign against idolatry into the northern kingdom (2 Chr. 34:6–7) as well as his effort in 609 to intercept Pharaoh Necho on his way north to Carchemish, suggests that he may have been trying to restore the old Davidic kingdom. But it was too little too late.⁵ His tragic death at the age of thirty-nine (2 K. 23:28–30; 2 Chr. 35:20–27) leaves one wondering what might have been. Or was righteous Josiah like Enoch, out of step with the times and with divine plans for Judah? Had the nation’s fate been sealed this early, so that it became necessary for God to remove him to prevent his reforms from taking root? These are intriguing questions.

Following the untimely death of Josiah, the people installed his middle son, Jehoahaz, on the throne. But his reign was only three months, just long enough to demonstrate that he had inherited more personal qualities from his grandfather Amon (642–640) than from his father. Pharaoh Necho took advantage of the political uncertainties in Jerusalem after the death of Josiah and placed his own puppet, Eliakim, Josiah’s oldest son, on the throne, renaming him Jehoiakim as an act of sovereignty (2 K. 23:31–37). Jehoiakim’s was a fateful reign. Continuing the spiritual policies of his predecessor, he managed to undo most of the effects of Josiah’s reforms.

Sometime after 605, when Nebuchadrezzar had consolidated his control in Babylon, his forces returned to Palestine to continue the offensive against the Egyptians. They were driven out of Judah, and Jehoiakim became a vassal of Babylon. To maintain Judean loyalty, Nebuchadrezzar took some of the nobility, like Daniel and his friends, to Babylon.⁶ But Jehoiakim was not inclined to comply with his new overlord’s demands, and in 598/597 he rebelled. Now Nebuchadrezzar had had enough. Together with a horde of other armies, after a three-month siege, Nebuchadrezzar’s forces brought Jerusalem to its knees.⁷ Jehoiakim was captured and apparently executed (Jer. 22:18–23; 36:30), and his son Jehoiachin installed in his place (2 K. 24:8–17). But he ruled only long enough to establish a pattern of evil, and either could not or would not lead his people in submission to the Babylonians. Nebuchadrezzar responded to his overtures to Egypt for aid (2 K. 24:7) with severe indignities: the king, queen, royal officers, leading citizens, and vast amounts of booty, including the temple treasures, were removed to Babylon.⁸ Many of these captives, including Ezekiel, were settled in a separate Jewish colony near Nippur on the Chebar canal.⁹

In Jehoiachin’s place Nebuchadrezzar installed Josiah’s youngest son, Mattaniah, whom he renamed Zedekiah (2 K. 24:17–18). The reign of this, the last, descendant of David on the throne of Jerusalem was a fiasco. Zedekiah joined with his neighbors on several occasions to throw off the Babylonian yoke. In 589, together with Tyre and Ammon, and under the sponsorship of Edom, they launched an open revolt. This time Nebuchadrezzar responded with a vengeance. Judah was invaded,¹⁰ and Jerusalem put under siege. After more than a year, the walls were finally breached. Zedekiah fled, but he was soon captured and presented to Nebuchadrezzar at Riblah. While Zedekiah watched, his sons were executed, then his eyes were gouged out, and he was taken in chains to Babylon (2 K. 25:1–21; Jer. 52:9–11). Two months later Nebuchadrezzar’s general, Nebuzaradan, torched the city, reducing even the temple to a pile of rubble and leaving only a few survivors to try to eke out a living among the ruins. The nation of Judah had vanished.¹¹

B. Social Environment

During Ezekiel’s tenure as a prophet of Israel, Jews were found in three principal locations: Judah, Egypt, and Babylon.¹² According to the biblical record, the Babylonians deported virtually all who remained of the population (yeter hāʿām) of Judah after the earlier exile (597 B.C.) and the devastations of 588–586 (2 K. 25:11; 2 Chr. 36:20; Jer. 52:15); only some of the poorest of the land (middallat hāʾāreṣ) were left behind to tend the vineyards and olive groves. Of the few that were left, many fled to Egypt in the wake of the assassination of Gedaliah, the governor installed by the Babylonians.¹³ Archeology confirms the complete devastation of the land, particularly the major population centers like Jerusalem and Lachish.¹⁴ In general, the people who remained suffered from severe depression expressed in economic poverty, political lethargy, and spiritual numbness. Although a new class of nouveau noblesses (relatively) emerged inevitably, they exhibited the same proclivity toward arrogance and spiritual bankruptcy as their predecessors. According to Ezek. 11:14–16, they had no understanding of their rich religious heritage and no sensitivity or pity for their deported compatriots.

According to Jer. 44:1, Jewish settlements were established in Egypt at a series of sites: Pathros, Migdol, Tahpanhes, Memphis. But the modern discovery of numerous papyri has made the most famous the military colony on the island of Elephantine on the Nile.¹⁵ How these people got there is unknown; some of them may have arrived as early as the time of Manasseh.¹⁶ These papyri reveal relative autonomy in internal social affairs. The religious climate was syncretistic. The Passover and Sabbaths were celebrated to Yahweh (yhw) and a temple was built for him, but many other deities were also invoked: Ishumbethel, Anathbethel, Sati, Nabu, Anathyahu, Khnub, Bel, Shamask, and Nergal.¹⁷

Ezekiel’s primary audience was the community of Jews in Babylon. Mesopotamia had long been the benefactor of forced Israelite immigration. According to neo-Assyrian records hundreds of thousands of citizens from the northern kingdom had been dispersed throughout the empire.¹⁸ Nebuchadrezzar continued this policy with the Judeans, bringing the cream of the population to Babylon and settlements nearby. These deportation policies were driven by several objectives: (1) to break down bonds of nationality and resistance; (2) to destroy political structures by removing civil and religious leaders; (3) to provide conscripts for the Babylonian army; (4) to bolster the economy of Babylon.¹⁹

Many questions remain concerning the exilic social scene, but some features may be pieced together. First, although Jehoiachin lasted on the throne of David only three months, after the initial humiliation of deportation, he seems to have fared relatively well in Babylon. Babylonian inscriptions referring to him as the king of the land of Judah report that he and his sons received rations from the royal storehouses.²⁰ Whether this was favorable treatment for good behavior or to keep the pressure on Zedekiah back home, or treatment common for all foreign kings residing in Babylon is unclear. Storage jars probably dating from this period have been discovered in several Judean sites bearing the inscription lʾlyqm nʿr ywkn, belonging to Eliakim steward of Yaukin, suggesting either that the king continued to hold title to crown properties or that people in Judah continued to look to him as legitimate ruler, Zedekiah being viewed merely as regent.²¹ Ezekiel insults Zedekiah by insisting on dating his oracles after the time of the deportation, rather than the date of Zedekiah’s accession (1:2; 33:21; 40:1; cf. 8:1; 20:1). But evidence that pride in the Davidic stock was maintained even after the exile is provided by the identification of Sheshbazzar as prince of Judah (Ezra 1:8). In fact, despite Jeremiah’s pronouncements against Jehoiachin (Coniah, elsewhere also Jeconiah) in 22:24, the prophets never lost hope in the continuation of the line, and Jehoiachin remained the critical link.²²

Psalm 137 locates the Judean exiles generally by the rivers of Babylon. Ezekiel’s ministry focused on one specific community, Tel Abib, by the Chebar canal.²³ Although humiliated by the experience of deportation, the exiles do not appear to have suffered economic hardship. Dan. 1 indicates that some Judeans soon distinguished themselves and rose to the top in the Babylonian court. Documents of the Murashu Archive from the last half of the 5th century B.C. suggest that Jews quickly got involved in mercantile and banking enterprises. Within a couple of generations the Murashu family at least must have become wealthy.²⁴ According to Jer. 29:5–7, the exiles seem to have engaged in agriculture. In fact, they flourished so well that when Cyrus issued his decree in 539 permitting the Judeans to return to Jerusalem, many apparently preferred not to go.²⁵

Even though the Judean exiles integrated quickly into the Babylonian economy, they managed to remain a distinct ethnic and social community. References to Jehoiachin of the house of David and the existence of elders of the people/Israel (ziqnê hāʿām/yiśrāʾēl) attest to their commmunal self-consciousness. This sense of ethnic cohesiveness was promoted and reflected in the careful keeping of family records (Ezra 2; Neh. 7) and continued communication with Jerusalem, especially before the fall of the city (e.g., Jer. 29). Even though we have no record of a temple for Yahweh in Babylon (which contrasts with the situation in Egypt), Israelite religious institutions like circumcision and the Sabbaths were apparently maintained, at least externally (cf. Isa. 56:2–4; 58:13; Ezek. 44–46). From the prophecies of Ezekiel, however, we learn that the underlying spiritual condition was much different. The people seem to have brought all their apostasizing baggage with them, including their tendencies toward idolatry and all kinds of social evils (see ch. 18).

In truth, the exiles suffered from intense theological shock. Even though the prophets justifiably denounced the people of Judah for their idolatrous and socially criminal ways, throughout the Babylonian crisis the people had maintained confidence in Yahweh’s obligation to rescue them. In keeping with standard ancient Near Eastern perspectives, this sense of security was based on the conviction of an inseparable bond among national patron deity (Yahweh), territory (land of Canaan), and people (nation of Israel), as reflected in the following triangle, which they perceived to be inviolable:

More specifically, however, Israelite confidence in Yahweh was founded on an official orthodoxy, resting on four immutable propositions, four pillars of divine promise: the irrevocability of Yahweh’s covenant with Israel (Sinai), Yahweh’s ownership of the land of Canaan, Yahweh’s eternal covenant with David, and Yahweh’s residence in Jerusalem, the place he chose for his name to dwell (see fig. 1). The nearer the forces of Nebuchadrezzar came, the more the people clung to the promises of God.

But Jerusalem fell, the Davidic house was cut off, the temple was razed, and the nation was exiled from the land. The spiritual fallout was more difficult to deal with than the physical. Nebuchadrezzar’s victory left the Judeans emotionally devastated, raising many questions about Yahweh—questions of divine impotence, betrayal, abandonment. Based on appearances, Marduk, the god of Babylon, had prevailed. Ezekiel faced an audience that was disillusioned, cynical, bitter, and angry. The house of rebellion (bêt mĕrî, e.g., 2:5–6) had collapsed, with no one to rescue them.²⁶

II. Author, Purpose, and Methods: The Response of Ezekiel

A. The Prophet Ezekiel

All that we know of Ezekiel we learn from the collection of prophecies that bears his name. Like many Hebrew names, yĕḥezqēʾl (1:3; 24:24) represents either an affirmation of faith, God strengthens/toughens, or an appeal of faith, May God strengthen/toughen.¹ Though related in meaning to Hezekiah (ḥizqîyāhû, Yahweh has strengthened), the name Ezekiel is used in the OT of only one other person, also a priest from an earlier generation (1 Chr. 24:16). Unless Ezekiel is a pseudonym attached to some otherwise anonymous prophet based on the nature of his ministry,² the name expresses the faith of his parents at the time of his birth. But the prophet lives up to his name. In the face of cynicism and rejection of his ministry, Yahweh does indeed strengthen him.

In 1:3 Ezekiel is identified more precisely as a priest, the son of Buzi. His vocational classification need not be doubted, and probably explains why he was included in the deportation of 597 B.C. Although he seems not to have assumed priestly responsibilities before his exile, his familiarity with the temple layout, orthodox and pagan cult forms, the spiritual heritage of Israel, specifically Levitical/priestly issues, as well as his concern for a rebuilt temple, leave the impression of one thoroughly prepared for spiritual leadership in the tradition of the priesthood. He was probably one of the few in line for priestly ministry who took the calling seriously.³ Nothing is known of his family, except that his vocation took a colossal toll on his own marriage. As a sign of what Israel was about to experience, Yahweh brought about the death of his wife and then forbade the prophet from external expressions of grief (24:15–27).

Not surprisingly, Ezekiel has been the subject of numerous psychoanalytical studies. While prophets were known often to act and speak erratically for rhetorical purposes, Ezekiel is in a class of his own. The concentration of so many bizarre features in one individual is without precedent: his muteness; lying bound and naked; digging holes in the walls of houses; emotional paralysis in the face of his wife’s death; spiritual travels; images of strange creatures, of eyes, and of creeping things; hearing voices and the sounds of water; withdrawal symptoms; fascination with feces and blood;⁴ wild literary imagination; pornographic imagery; unreal if not surreal understanding of Israel’s past; and the list goes on. It is no wonder that Karl Jaspers found in Ezekiel an unequalled case for psychological analysis.⁵ E. C. Broome concluded that Ezekiel was a true psychotic, capable of great religious insight but exhibiting a series of diagnostic characteristics: catatonia, narcissistic-masochistic conflict, schizophrenic withdrawal, delusions of grandeur and of persecution. In short, he suffered from a paranoid condition common in many great spiritual leaders.⁶

This psychoanalytic approach has been rejected by commentators and psychiatrists alike.⁷ However, the psychological fascination with Ezekiel’s personality has been revived recently. D. J. Halperin attributes the extraordinary features of Ezekiel’s prophecy to an unconscious but overwhelming rage against females, whom he perceives as cruel and powerful, seductive and treacherous, and a more deeply buried rage against male figures because of some abuse experienced as a child.⁸ He opines, Ezekiel was surely unique in the severity of his sickness, and in the power of the images he found to express it, but recognizes that this sickness arose from a general cultural pathology that affected the elders of the exiles as well.⁹ While psychoanalysis of the person may explain certain features of the text, the entire enterprise is far too speculative about Ezekiel’s past and too conjectural about his emotional state to be convincing. Not only does it disregard the rhetorical function of prophecy to change the thinking and behavior of the audience; it also fails to recognize that the symptoms of authentic prophetic experiences may often resemble what uninitiated folk diagnose as a fundamental pathology.¹⁰ Most seriously, it turns the explicit evidence of the text on its head. The pervasive emphasis of the book is on the initiative of Yahweh in controlling the thinking and actions of the prophet. Yahweh becomes a creation of Ezekiel’s own brain.¹¹

One cannot deny the uniqueness of Ezekiel’s style of ministry. But to attribute this uniqueness to a pathology arising from early abuse and an Oedipus complex misconstrues the profundity of his message and the sensitivity of his personality. His prophetic experiences, symbolic actions, and oracular pronouncements derive from encounters with God that have affected his entire being but were all directly related to his ministry. What other prophets spoke of, Ezekiel suffers. He is a man totally possessed by the Spirit of Yahweh, called, equipped, and gripped by the hand of God. Ezekiel is a môpēt, sign, portent (12:6, 11; 24:24, 27), carrying in his body the oracles he proclaims and redefining the adage, The medium is the message. Furthermore, he is a profound theologian,¹² exposing the delusions of his audience and reintroducing them to the God of Israel.

While recognizing the force of Ezekiel as a rhetorician, his authenticity as a spokesman for Yahweh, and his stature as a theologian, few scholars have contemplated the possibility of a reluctant or even rebellious prophet.¹³ However, reading his prophecies, particularly the account of his call to ministry, leaves one with nagging questions about his disposition toward his calling, especially at the beginning of his ministry. Why is the theophanic prelude to his commissioning so overwhelming (1:4–28)? Why does the divine Spirit (rûaḥ) need to enter him and set him on his feet before he will listen to the voice of Yahweh after he has been commanded to stand up (2:1–2)? Why does Yahweh warn him not to be rebellious like the rest of his compatriots (2:8)? Why does Yahweh need to command Ezekiel three times to eat the scroll? For that matter, why does Yahweh feed the prophet the scroll himself (2:8–3:3)? Why does Yahweh deliver two, in many respects redundant, commissioning speeches to Ezekiel (2:3–7; 3:4–11)? Why does the prophet emerge from the commissioning embittered in the rage of his spirit (mar baḥămat rûḥî), necessitating the strong hand of God upon him (3:14)? When he returns to the exiles, why does he sit among them for seven days in a state of shock or emotional desolation (3:15)? When Yahweh finally breaks the silence, why does he deliver such a stern warning to Ezekiel against noncompliance with the prophetic charge (3:16–21)? Why are such severe restrictions placed on the prophet’s movements: he is to shut himself up in his house; others will bind him; Yahweh will tie his tongue (3:24–27)? Why is the prophet explicitly forbidden to defend or mediate for his people (3:27)? Why do the Spirit and the hand of Yahweh play such a dominant role at the time of his call and throughout his prophetic ministry? The coming of the Spirit upon him is particularly reminiscent of the Spirit’s activity in the book of Judges, when men were ill disposed toward doing the will of God.¹⁴

These questions are not easily answered unless one recognizes in Ezekiel a fundamental resistance to his call. One should not be surprised if Ezekiel was tempted to rebel against his prophetic calling. Although the priesthood would not become a primary target of his pronouncements,¹⁵ Ezek. 22:26 explicitly denounces the priests for dereliction of their professional duty. One should not be surprised if Ezekiel, a member of the priestly class (1:3), was infected with the same spiritual malady that plagued the group as a whole. His contemporary, Jeremiah, also of priestly descent, provides the classic example of resistance to the call to prophetic ministry (Jer. 1). In the face of these considerations, Ezekiel’s effectiveness as a prophet says less about him as a person than about Yahweh, who is able to take the most unlikely vessel and transform it into an agent of his glory. As in the days of the judges, candidates for divine service are few and unpolished spiritually. But in the hand of Yahweh, and under the control of his Spirit, even a man like Ezekiel may become a vehicle of divine revelation.

B. The Message of Ezekiel

Some recent commentators have evaluated the personalities of the prophets on the basis of the enlightened standards of modern, Western civilization, and pronounced judgments upon the God they represented. Accordingly Ezekiel was not necessarily a worse man than Jeremiah; only his God was worse. Chs. 16 and 23 portray him as a revoltingly bloodthirsty God, devoid of the most elementary compassion or decency.¹⁶ Thus what some have interpreted as the most powerful literary portraits of undeserved love, perhaps in all of Scripture, are transformed into images of a male figure who is incapable of indulging in physical contact with the bloody, discarded and pitiful female infant who must urge her into adulthood where she is ‘mastered’ by means of the sexual act.¹⁷ And when she does not respond the way he demands, his jealousy is aroused.

It is true that Ezekiel’s performances arise out of perceived divine jealousy. Indeed, the word qinʾâ, though appearing only ten times in the book,¹⁸ expresses the underlying motif of his ministry, and one’s interpretation of the word determines one’s perception of the God whom it describes. To render this term jealousy is not only inadequate but also misleading. In common parlance jealousy tends to be associated either with envy and covetousness, the desire to own what someone else possesses, or exaggerated possessiveness over what one already owns, that is, an unwillingness to share it with others. In psychiatric terms, jealousy amounts to vindictiveness born of sexual frustration.¹⁹ While both perspectives perceive jealousy as a negative quality, it is doubtful that Ezekiel would accept either view. Instead of treating qinʾâ cynically, one should hear in the word the legitimate, nay amazing, passion of God for one whom he loves.²⁰ This love is fueled not by an exploitative need to dominate but by ardor for the well-being of the object.²¹ In the OT qinʾâ is aroused when a legitimate and wholesome relationship is threatened by interference from a third party. Thus the word expresses an entirely appropriate response by a husband or wife when another lover enters the picture.²² Since the marriage metaphor provides the basic image for understanding Yahweh’s covenant with Israel, the description of his response to infidelity as qinʾâ is both logical and natural. Indeed, qannāʾ is not merely an attribute of God; it is an epithet.²³ Yahweh has committed himself to Israel, a devotion expressed in gracious redemption of the nation from bondage; and he rightfully expects grateful and exclusive loyalty in return.²⁴ The intensity of his wrath at threats to this relationship is directly proportional to the depth of his love. It arises out of the profundity of his covenant love. Because he feels so deeply he must respond vigorously. His relationship with his people has been violated, and he must defend it.

Ezekiel’s overriding purpose is to transform his audience’s perception of their relationship with Yahweh, exposing delusions of innocence and offering a divine understanding of reality. His pursuit of this goal divides into two discreet parts, separated chronologically by the announcement of the messenger from Jerusalem, The city has fallen! (33:21). Prior to the fall of Jerusalem Ezekiel’s prophecies consist of negative pronouncements of judgment upon his people for their infidelity to the covenant. Contrary to prevailing opinion, the people of Judah have no reason to hope in Yahweh’s rescue. This message is communicated in chs. 4–24 by systematically attacking the pillars on which official orthodoxy constructed its notions of eternal security (see fig. 1). If Judah will be destroyed—and it will—it will not happen because Yahweh has reneged on his covenant commitment. Because they have been unfaithful to him, the deity-nation-land relationships must be ruptured: He will abandon his temple and send his people into exile in a foreign land.

But after 586 B.C. the tone and emphases of Ezekiel’s prophecies change. Once the old illusions of spirituality have been destroyed, he can look forward to a new day when the tripartite association is restored and all three parties experience covenant shalom. In the process Ezekiel affirms that official orthodoxy had indeed been based on a germ of truth. Yahweh’s covenant promises are eternal. The earlier problem had not been the veracity of the divine word, but the illegitimate appropriation of that word by those who failed to keep the terms of the agreement. Accordingly, in his vision of the new day, Ezekiel offers hope by systematically reconstructing the pillars on which the nation’s security had been based in the first place (see table 1). In both, the judgment and the restoration, the word of Yahweh is affirmed: not only the immediate word, whose fulfillment confirms Ezekiel’s status as a true prophet; but especially the ancient word, declared in the act of redemption from Egypt, and at Mount Sinai in the covenant.

C. The Methods of Ezekiel

Ezekiel’s rhetorical agenda is clear: to transform his audience’s (the exiles’) perceptions of their relationship with Yahweh and ultimately to change their behavior. But how does he seek to get this message across? That the prophet is portrayed almost like a puppet, with Yahweh pulling all the strings, might lead one to expect a bland and routine answer to this question. But the opposite is the case. In my view, no other prophet is so creative in his presentation of his message, and none is as forceful. The rhetorical strategies reflected in this collection are both visual and aural, all designed to penetrate the hardened minds of his hearers. I will discuss the genres of his prophecies specifically at their first appearance in the text, but for the moment one may identify four major categories of accounts, reflecting four of the major sections of the book: (1) the prophetic call narrative, involving an inaugural vision, a verbal commissioning, and a physical binding (1:1–3:27); (2) pronouncements of judgment against Judah and Jerusalem (4:1–24:27; 33:1–34); (3) oracles against foreign nations (25:1–32:32); (4) announcements of salvation and restoration (34:1–48:35). The following preliminary classification of judgment and salvation genres illustrates the breadth of the prophet’s rhetorical repertoire:

Judgment speeches of various subtypes:

a. Legal addresses (rîb): 14:12–15:8; 16:1–63; 20:1–44; 22:1–16; 23:1–49

b. Disputations: 11:1–12; 11:14–21; 12:21–25; 12:26–28; 18:1–32; 24:1–14; 33:10–20; 33:23–29

c. Figurative addresses (mĕšālîm): 17:1–24; 19:1–14; 21:1–22 (Eng. 20:45–21:17); 22:17–22; 27:1–36; 28:1–19; 29:1–16; 31:1–18

d. Laments: 19:1–14; 27:1–36; 32:1–16; 32:16–32

e. Woe oracles: 13:1–16; 13:17–23; 34:1–10

f. Miscellaneous forms: 6:1–14; 7:1–27; 22:23–31; 25:1–26:21; 28:20–23; 29:17–21; 30:1–19; 30:20–26

g. Interpreted sign-acts: 4:1–5:17; 12:1–20; 21:23–32 (Eng. 21:18–27).

Table 1. The Relationship between Ezekiel’s Judgment and Salvation Oracles

Salvation speeches of various subtypes:

a. Straightforward pronouncements: 6:8–10; 11:14–21; 16:60–63; 35:1–36:15; 36:16–38

b. Figurative addresses: 34:1–31

c. Visions: 37:1–14; 40:1–48:35

d. Literary cartoons: 38:1–39:29.

Ezekiel is not bound to traditional forms of these genres. On the contrary, he displays great creativity in modifying ideal forms and combining elements from several in individual prophecies.

Also contributing to the force of Ezekiel’s prophecies is his evocative use of language. He is warned at the outset that he will be dealing with a hardened audience, so he pulls no punches in breaking down that resistance. The abhorrence with which he views the syncretistic ways of his compatriots is reflected in the strong sexual and fecal language (e.g., chs. 6, 16, 23), which translators tend to soften to accommodate the sensitivities of modern hearers. Elsewhere his heightened emotions are reflected in incomplete sentences, strange constructions, and grammatical infelicities (e.g., chs. 1, 7). His verbal proclamation and performed communication are often intentionally shocking, to wake his audience to the reality of their state (e.g., chs. 4, 12). Frequently he exploits the rhetorical power of ambiguity, inviting his audience to interpret a message as they desire, usually positively, but then turning the image on its head and exposing the delusions of his hearers (e.g., 21:27 [Eng. 22]; 24:1–14). Ezekiel also demonstrates great creativity in playing with individual words and phrases, often shifting their nuances within a given oracle (e.g., rûaḥ in 37:1–14). When dealing with unique cultural issues, especially in his oracles against foreign rulers and nations, he takes special care to imbue the oracle with local coloring, reflecting the culture of the person or country addressed.²⁵ Even if the book of Ezekiel contains little evidence of any positive response to the prophet’s ministry, his audience recognized in him a masterful performer (33:30–33); and when all was said and done, they had to admit that a true prophet of Yahweh had been among them.

III. The Nature of Prophecy and Ezekiel’S Literary Style

A. From Prophetic Speech to Prophetic Book

Many questions remain concerning the relationship between oral proclamation and written prophecy in ancient Israel.¹ Scholars have long assumed that prophecy was originally purely oral in nature and that the written phase reflected a waning of the institution. They also assume that a great chronological distance separates the oral event from its reduction to text. According to some, the words of the masters were learned and recited by their disciples, but the production of prophecy as literature occurred much later. The resulting text is therefore many stages removed from the original event. In recent scholarship the time between the oral presentation and the transcription of the text has been drastically reduced, and some are even recognizing the original prophets themselves as writers.² This is not the place to answer all the questions involved in this issue, but the genesis of a biblical book, particularly a prophetic book like Ezekiel, must have involved at least seven discreet phases (some of which may themselves have transpired in stages):³

1. The prophetic event: the prophet receives a message from God.

2. The rhetorical event: the prophet transmits that message to his or her audience.

3. The transcriptional event: the oracle is written down.

4. The narratorial event: the account of the circumstances of the prophetic event are added to the transcribed oracle, creating a complete literary unit.⁴

5. The compilation event: the literary units are gathered.

6. The editorial event: the collection is organized and the individual oracles are stitched together by means of connective and correlative notes, resulting in a more or less coherent book.⁵

7. The nominal event: a formal heading is added to the book, identifying the prophet, the circumstances of ministry, and the genre of the collection.

Hereafter most alterations represent text-critical rather than compositional matters.

Ezekiel scholars part company over which of these phases may be attributed to the prophet.⁶ Those who interpret the book as a pseudepigraph deny Ezekiel even the first phase.⁷ On the assumption that the original prophet was a poet, some have reduced Ezekiel’s involvement to a few oracular fragments,⁸ but recent scholarship has been much more generous. C. G. Howie suggested that chs. 1–24 and 25–32 were recorded by a scribe-disciple in Ezekiel’s thirtieth year (cf. 1:1).⁹ Others have proposed that a prophetic core may have been transcribed earlier, but that the existing text incorporates many later accretions, by the schools of the prophet.¹⁰ Theologically and dispositionally, the persons in these schools were genuine heirs of their founder, but they accepted the responsibility of editing and updating the prophet’s original pronouncements and applying his teaching to new situations, often with fuller theological exposition.¹¹ The layers may be isolated by noting inconsistency of style, multiple openings and closures, explanatory additions, and grammatical improbabilities.¹² Those who pursue this approach often do not even consider the possibility that Ezekiel might have had a hand in the transcription of the text.¹³

While this scissors-and-paste approach to the text persists in many circles, the exilic prophet should find consolation in the way he is being rehabilitated elsewhere. Some go so far as to recognize his hand in virtually all of the book; others argue that he broke new ground as the first and foremost literary prophet.¹⁴ Several considerations at least raise the possibility of the prophet’s own hand in the book’s composition: (1) All the prophecies are written in a first-person, autobiographical style, suggesting that they may be based on Ezekiel’s personal memorabile.¹⁵ (2) Just as the opening vision of the divine glory (ch. 1) offers a foretaste of the prophet’s message (cf. chs. 9–11; 43:1–9), so the sight of the inscribed scroll in 2:9–3:3 anticipates a particular form for preserving Ezekiel’s oracles. This is more than a metaphor of human ingestion of divine truth; it suggests a written record of the prophet’s preaching.¹⁶ (3) On several occasions Ezekiel is explicitly commanded to record information he receives from Yahweh (24:1–2; 37:16). (4) The emotional response of the prophet seems to have left its mark on the confused and erratic shape of some texts,¹⁷ a phenomenon difficult to reconcile with theories of later reworking, unless the editors themselves were stylistic or literary bunglers. (5) Ezekiel’s contemporary Jeremiah is known to have had his oracles recorded after he received them from God, albeit by a scribe.¹⁸ (6) Ezekiel’s professional predecessor, Habakkuk, appears to have disseminated at least some of his oracles in written form (Hab. 2:2).¹⁹ (7) The practice of transcribing oracles immediately after they have been received from a deity, with the prophet’s name attached to the document, is firmly attested in extrabiblical sources.²⁰ (8) Ezekiel’s conflict with false prophets and the hardness of his audience heightened the need for written records of his oracles.

While prophetic messages were often recorded so they could be delivered by a messenger to the intended audience,²¹ or to be preserved for that and future generations, Ezekiel was faced with a special problem. In the absence of positive audience response and in the face of false prophetic opposition, it was important not only that his prophecies be fulfilled but also that the audience know that events occur specifically in fulfillment of his words. Many of Ezekiel’s pronouncements of judgment were issued years before Jerusalem actually fell. In the ancient world, where messengers had a reputation for deceit, written documentation of a predictive message provided the most foolproof means of determining whether a messenger was true or false.²² Accordingly, recorded oracles provided a test of the truth or falsehood of Ezekiel’s claims to prophetic status; earlier predictions, if written down, could be checked in the light of historical fact. For Ezekiel in particular, immediate transcription of his messages was necessary to prove that a [true] prophet [of Yahweh] has been in their [Israel’s] midst (cf. 2:5; 33:33). In my view, there is no reason to doubt that many of Ezekiel’s oracles were recorded immediately. Indeed, the autobiographical narrative (as opposed to poetic) style suggests that the prophet probably recorded them himself.²³ His audience’s hardness and lack of sincerity renders it unlikely that any hearer would have taken him seriously enough to record his pronouncements.²⁴ His reclusive professional style and the personal nature of many of his prophetic experiences may even rule out the use of a secretary to whom he might have dictated his messages. Although Ezekiel was undoubtedly familiar with clay tablets, a common medium of writing in ancient Mesopotamia, he probably recorded most of his oracles initially on leather or papyrus, though writing boards may also have been used occasionally.²⁵

Further involvement by the prophet in the production of the biblical book is more difficult to demonstrate. One may speculate, however, that the same incentive that drove Ezekiel to record his oracles may have motivated him to collect and store