Explaining the Practice of Elevating an Ancestor for Veneration
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About this ebook
George Shakwelele
George Shakwelele has been a pastor with a Baptist church for over twenty years in Zambia, and he also served as a professor at the Theological College of Central Africa, now Evangelical University in Zambia. He has spoken at missions conferences in Germany, Africa, and the USA. He has published some articles with Evangelical Missions Society. Shakwelele is currently serving as a missionary with Liebenzell USA. He serves as professor at the Global Impact Academy and is also in charge of training and mobilization on the West Coast.
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Explaining the Practice of Elevating an Ancestor for Veneration - George Shakwelele
1
Introduction
In Zambia, ancestor veneration rites have become a televised event used to promote tourism (as illustrated by https://www.zambiatourism.com/about-zambia/people/festivals/). Most tribes observe annual traditional festivals in which different elements of their culture and beliefs, touching every aspect of the cultural structure, are made public. These festivals offer a colorful showcase that includes traditional attire, foods, warfare, and performances depicting core beliefs and values.
Annual festivals often focus on celebrating a bountiful harvest and many other favors enjoyed in that season of the year—the atmosphere is mostly celebratory. There is usually dancing and feasting. Key participants are regularly dressed in their traditional attire. It is this aspect that makes these gatherings a tourist attraction. Tribal traditional organizers of these meetings publicize them on Zambian national television and radio to invite people from all walks of life to attend.¹
The Zambian government takes advantage of such advertisements through the Tourist Board of Zambia; they are documented in print and electronic media. Countrywide, many tribes hold such annual events, which include chanting and pouring out libations, to celebrate various activities of ancestor veneration. It must be emphasized, though, that the climax of all these events is the petitioning of ancestors, at which a chief or traditional leader leads the people in pouring a libation into a river or stream as a sacrifice to the ancestor (living dead).
I observed this practice in various communities across the country as I traveled to teach and train church leaders on behalf of my denomination. In my teaching and training ministry, I established a three-year training program in theology for lay people. At the invitation of the chief, it was in this capacity as a national denominational leader that I first visited Nabwalya in 1999. I made several subsequent visits, the latest as a researcher in 2017.
It was on my first visit that I observed the explicit devotion of this area’s people to the tradition of ancestor veneration. Ancestor shrines were present in almost every village—a demonstration of African Traditional Religion par excellence. African Traditional Religion (ATR) is congruent with the worldview expressed in the belief of the spirit world.² Magesa argues that ATR is a generic whole
in Africa, though specific expressions of it would vary from place to place. Most sub-Saharan African cultures share this commonality in their worldview.³ The African worldview rarely questions the reality of God’s presence and influence in the world.
Wendland explains the idea of God being away from the people. He argues that God has
simply removed himself to the periphery, in sacred isolation, as it were, from the more mundane mechanics of its ordinary operation in everyday affairs. To be sure, the deity set things in motion in the beginning. That is, he is firmly believed to be Creator of the hierarchy of potency which animates life in all of its facets and regulates the mutual interrelationships among the diverse constituent forces. God is also seen as the paramount Force who continues to initiate, maintain, order, and stabilize the manifestations of all others. But now, though accessible to everyone . . . he now generally reveals his presence only in certain crisis situations, when the very course of human existence is threatened and society has reached its last resort, e.g., as the result of a drought, plague, pestilence, or infertility.⁴
He further asserts:
For many African Christians today, this same dynamic nucleus of traditional beliefs remains very much alive at the center of their thoughts and lives. The distinctive faith and practice of their respective denominations may be reflected strongly on the outside, especially when the going is good. But when times get tough, no matter how modern sophistication a person might exhibit otherwise, there is a great, almost overwhelming, temptation for him to revert back to the religious tenets of the past—to Spiritism, magic, wizardry, and witchcraft in particular. This is so because, as far as Western theology (and medicine) is concerned, such beliefs have no basis in empirical fact. Theoretically, then, since they do not really exist, there is no way in principle to deal with the life-threatening problems which they raise, except perhaps to perfunctorily ascribe them to the works of the Devil and his agents.⁵
The understanding of God, the spiritual world, and powerful forces that can cause harm to people incites them to seek help from even stronger powers. Because God cannot be accessed directly, he is contacted through ancestors who are considered to function as intermediaries between God and man. These are the dead who are believed to take on some spiritual form and are recognized and honored in African Traditional Religion. Such recognition and honor are expressed through ancestral veneration rituals, in which ritual performances conforming to tribal traditions are conducted by the traditional leaders in honor of the spirits of ancestors.
As mentioned above, ancestor worship or veneration is a common feature in traditional Zambian festivals. It involves petitioning and expressions of praise and thanksgiving, depending on the issue at hand. People pay homage and, at times, prostrate themselves or kneel when offering petitions to ancestors. Petitions are offered by an elderly respected man in the community, usually a leader, who chants and speaks loudly, addressing the ancestor or ancestors. This is followed by offering food as a sign of thanksgiving for a good harvest, peaceful life, etc., but at times petitioning could be for appeasing ancestors in a time of a crisis. It must be noted that these festivals are open to the entire community to participate in, but when there is a tragedy in the family, these meetings are generally only for select members of the community and family.
Wendland observes, In religion, iconic, or analogical, symbolism is involved in the basic concept of giving libations and offerings to the ancestral spirits.
⁶ The spirits
of the dead are part of the African cosmology and are believed to be involved in all spheres of human life.⁷ The people regard ancestors as a part of the community and as the ones who protect and intervene when there is a serious tragedy; therefore, during the ceremony of veneration, the village petition ancestors for help in light of the existing need or challenge. Private ancestral veneration events are never announced to the public, and some locations where these activities take place are considered sacred and not to be visited by ordinary people.⁸
When I traveled to the Chief Nabwalya area, as alluded to already, I came to realize for the first time the critical and central place that ancestral veneration holds in Zambian communities. For example, when I visited the Bisa people in 2012, I noticed they had erected ancestral shrines (a big and small one) at designated places. The larger shrine represented a male ancestor and the smaller one the female ancestor. In this culture, these shrines were used by families for engaging the ancestors when need arose. These shrines were found in every village I observed during my visit. It is at these shrines that offerings like foodstuffs and other items are offered to honor an ancestor during petitioning. Observing these traditional events changed my mindset on ancestral veneration. In the past, I would watch these events and brush them aside as mere traditional activities without seriously thinking about their implications for the work of missions and people’s belief in the gospel. This time around, I reflected on those who attended these traditional festivals and who also attend our churches. What do they know and believe about ancestor veneration?
I remember asking my students in an ATR class I was teaching to explain to me how an ancestor is elevated for veneration. I was surprised that no student was sure about the process, yet every one of them was aware of ancestral veneration being practiced in their culture. This uncertainty piqued my interest. I felt I needed to find an answer to the question by extensively reading the available literature on the topic. The process was disappointing in that I did not find a clear-cut response that answered my question.
Although the sources cited above contain much information about how tribes revere ancestors for their role in the community, there is little explanation of the practice of elevating ancestors for veneration in their community or family.
Problem Statement
The seven major tribes in Zambia practice ancestral veneration. Ancestors are venerated, honored, consulted and petitioned for help in times of crisis. Ancestors include all acknowledged elderly dead community members, but not everyone who dies becomes a venerated ancestor.⁹ It is not clear how the Bisa people in Nabwalya, Zambia, explain the practice of elevating a specific deceased person to the status of venerated ancestor.
Purpose Statement
The purpose of this ground theory study is to explain, within the larger culturally-framed construct of ancestor veneration, the practice of elevating an ancestor for veneration among the Bisa people in Zambia.
Research Questions
This study’s central research question is the following: How do study participants explain, within the larger culturally framed construct of ancestor veneration, the practice of elevating an ancestor for veneration among the Bisa people?
Sub-questions:
1.How do participants explain the process of becoming a venerated ancestor?
2.How does the practice of elevating an ancestor for veneration interface with Bisa traditional religion?
3.How do participants explain the benefits of the practice of elevating an ancestor?
4.How do participants explain the role of the practice of elevating an ancestor for veneration in perpetuating Bisa identity and culture?
Definitions
For the purposes of this study, I use the following definitions:
Ancestor(s) refer(s) to the dead (the living dead) who are honored or respected in the community or household for their continued work in spirit form. When used otherwise, it refers to a qualified living ancestor, a surviving respected elderly individual in the family or community.
Ancestral veneration is used interchangeably with ancestor worship and carries the same meaning.
Elders refer to respected men and women who are elderly in age, though in this culture the word is applied mostly to male folk.
Family refers to an extended family.
Headman refers to the leader of a village, even though the position is sometimes occupied by a woman.
Hybridization is new expressions of worship that bring Scripture into human context. . . . What occurs when the Christian message encounters a people in a new socioreligious context.
¹⁰
Legendize is defined by the Oxford dictionary as to turn into, or make the subject of, a legend.
¹¹ It generally refers to a person of renown (e.g., Pele of soccer fame). For the purposes of this study, the term is applied to two renowned ancestors: Kabuswe Yombwe and Chongo.
Malaila refers to a recently introduced annual ceremony to honor the chief for the harvest and for victory over the people’s greatest enemy, lions. While Malaila once was connected to ancestor veneration, indicated by the venue and the presence of shrines, under the leadership of Chief Nabwalya at the time of this study, all such connections to ancestor veneration had been replaced (e.g., new venue, absence of shrines, Christian prayers offered).
Religiosity is defined as strong religious feeling or belief,
in the Oxford English Dictionary.¹² While the term can connote religious affectation, I use it in the less pejorative sense cited above.
Syncretic or syncretism refers to the practice of mixing the word of God with cultural practices that are not in line with the word of God.
Veneration refers to showing honor
or respect
to someone esteemed for their good personal qualities and contribution to the family or community.
Village refers to an established and recognized community constituted by family members of the same clan and who have a leader over them.
Worship means to honor, respect, revere, or show homage. In this study, I use the two terms veneration
and worship
synonymously because some sources use them interchangeably. I examine these concepts in greater depth in the literature review (chapter 2). I also explain the meaning of the two words as they are used by the participants.
Scope of the Study
The emphasis of this grounded theory study is explaining the practice of elevating an ancestor for veneration among the Bisa tribe in Zambia, a subtribe of the Bemba, the biggest tribe among the seven major tribes in Zambia.¹³ The participants were chosen from among the Bisa people living in the Luangwa Valley in Muchinga Province in the north of Zambia (not to be confused with Northern Province). This people’s way of life and their artifacts, like ancestral shrines, underscore their traditional beliefs in ancestor veneration. The thirty-two study participants included the village headmen, older men and women, and some young women. They were born, raised, and had spent most of their lives in that area. They were chosen to participate in the study because they understood the culture of the people of Nabwalya well.
Limitations
The study’s major limitation was the absence of shrines in the villages of the central area near the chief’s palace, resulting from the chief’s ban of ancestor veneration. My first reaction to the prevailing situation was to question how I would continue my research since the people had abandoned the shrines, hence making it difficult to engage in a conservation related to ancestor veneration. Following the ban participants, especially headmen, appeared to be very cautious about discussing ancestor veneration, as doing so implied ignoring the chief’s edict. To avoid detailed explanations, the headmen were quick to give a general statement that the tradition was no longer being observed following the ban. However, I discovered that the absence of shrines did not necessarily mean that the people had abandoned the practice. Rather, the people had moved the shrines from the public eye to secret sacred places. I managed to overcome this obstacle by revising my interview questions: I asked the participants to explain how the tradition was observed in the past. This approach allowed participants to talk freely about ancestor veneration both in the past and present.
Because I was an outsider, some participants were hesitant to talk to me until my host, who is a respected pastor in the area, shared with the participants my involvement in pioneering the established church that he was then pastoring in the area. At the beginning of every interview, the pastor shared a summary of my involvement in the work as a leader in my denomination and my work in Nabwalya. This strategy helped all the participants open up to me and freely share their stories. This approach was particularly helpful for interviewing women, who traditionally would not be comfortable talking to a man.
I had limited funds to rent a suitable vehicle for the terrain during the data collection. Having a vehicle without four-wheel drive and not designed to drive on bad roads, the journey took me three days instead of three hours. I was stuck twice in the sand along a river bank. I managed to collect the data between July and September, but the bad road conditions prohibited follow-up visits with the participants.
Significance of the Study
This section on the study’s significance is divided into practical
and theoretical.
I begin by presenting the study’s significance for those closest to it.
Practical Significance
This study’s findings benefit, both directly and indirectly, study participants and their communities, the Zambian people, Africa, and the West, by providing educational information. The findings give voice to the study participants and preserve a record of their traditional practices. They also encourage individuals and some Christian training institutions, including churches, to visit the area for hands-on experience and an opportunity to give aid to the people both physically and spiritually. The study also has attracted institutions like HEART by providing a stipend to the area’s pastor to pursue community development training in the USA, which will equip him to conduct holistic ministry in the area. Through this strategy, members of the community can be reached with the gospel, become skilled in solving their own problems, and learn how to develop their villages. The result will be meaningful development for the entire area.
Theoretical Significance
The study provides ATR scholars in Zambia and beyond with a body of knowledge encompassing a well-articulated understanding of the meaning, process, and elements involved in the practice of elevating an ancestor for veneration among the Bisa people in Zambia. These benefits apply to missiological and anthropological disciplines and their practitioners, as well.
Furthermore, the outcomes of the research provide effective strategies to churches and Christian ministries both in Zambia and across the globe involved in the work of church planting, evangelism, and discipleship among adherents of ancestor veneration in African Traditional Religion.
Finally, the study offers a valuable educational resource for theological educators preparing pastors who need to understand people engaged in ancestor veneration. In addition, it informs pastors’ strategies for contextualizing the gospel in areas where people are given to the tradition of ancestor veneration.
1
. Bornwell Mwewa, Juba Ja_Nsomo.
2
. Magesa, African Religion.
3
. Magesa, African Religion,
18
.
4
. Wendland, Traditional Central African Religion,
36
.
5
. Wendland, Traditional Central African Religion,
36
.
6
. Wendland, Traditional Central African Religion,
11
.
7
. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy.
8
. Wendland and Hachibamba, Galu Wamkota.
9
. Zahan, Some Reflections on African Spirituality.
10
. Shaw and Burrows, Traditional Ritual as Christian Worship, xxi.
11
. See Legendize.
12
. See Religiosity.
13
. Taylor, Culture and Customs of Zambia.
2
Literature Review
This chapter surveys literature relevant to the practice of elevating an ancestor to the position of honor within the Zambian culture. The survey begins with a high-level review of literature related to African religion; this establishes a framework for the study, showing its strong link to the African traditional worldview and belief system. It then focuses on African spirituality to demonstrate how the expression of African religion is integrated into the people’s daily activities and help to focus the study on ancestor veneration. Finally, and most specifically, a review of literature on ancestor veneration shows how widely the phenomenon is embraced among African cultures. This section also assisted in narrowing my research to the central topic of this study: explaining the practice of elevating an ancestor for veneration. This chapter provides an overview of the general knowledge pertinent to the study and demonstrates the existing gap that the study seeks to fill.
Given the exploratory nature of this project, the literature reviewed in this chapter provides an orientating framework
to the study.¹⁴ In my discussion of the study’s findings (in chapter 6), I revisit the literature presented here and introduce additional relevant literature as needed to compare and contrast my findings with those of other scholars. This approach is common in a grounded theory study.¹⁵
African Religion
The specific religion explored in this study is indigenous in nature; it is associated with African belief systems, values, and practices. The heading African Religion
limits the discussion to a religion that is exclusively African, and that is comprised solely of beliefs, values, and practices rooted in Africa’s religious heritage. The question that naturally follows the above subheading is What is African religion?
Mbiti’s work, Introduction to African Religion, aptly answers the question.
In this discussion, I utilize John Mbiti’s structure to explain the concept of African religion, given that it is strongly tied to African Traditional Religion (ATR). Mbiti proposes five components to understanding religion: These five elements include Beliefs,
Practices, Ceremonies and Festivals,
Religious Objects and Places,
Values and Morals,
and Religious Leaders.
¹⁶ These five elements of religion provide the lexical framework for my discourse and are revisited throughout this study. Some of these vital elements are revisited in the discussions below entitled African Spirituality
and Ancestor Veneration.
Mbiti’s assertion that African religion affects the African way of life
¹⁷ is affirmed by Wendland, who concluded that religion in the African context permeates every aspect of life.¹⁸ In this study, I expand on Mbiti’s concept of African religion and other available literature on the same topic. I introduce and expand upon the concepts of Religion or Religions,
Religion and Life,
Religion and Work,
Religion and Land,
Religion and Spirits, and
the Spirit of the Dead." In doing so, I seek to demonstrate the nature of African religion and its influence on the daily lives and interactions of the African people.
Beliefs
Beliefs are a critical component of any religion.¹⁹ They provide a lens through which people’s thoughts about the world can be understood. As Mbiti states, a person’s beliefs directly affect their attitude towards life itself.
²⁰ According to Mbiti, African religious beliefs are centered on issues such as God, spirits, human life, magic, the hereafter,
²¹ as well as other matters considered fundamental to their outlook on the universe and life in general. Beliefs influence the practice of religion, which in turn affects the people’s daily activities. In Zambia, as illustrated in the first chapter of the study, beliefs express one’s religion through religious ceremonies and festivals that are common features in most African cultures.²² Though Mbiti does not directly include deities or divinities in his description of religion, these spiritual realities are a part of African cosmology. Many African cultures recognize the place and role of gods or deities or divinities in their worldview. These spiritual beings are considered higher than spirits but lower than the supreme being or God.²³
Practices, Ceremonies, and Festivals
Many different religious performances and ceremonies are observed in African Religion. These activities are strongly associated with people’s beliefs and the culture in which they live. Mbiti views these performances primarily as an expression of people’s beliefs. He observes that praying, making sacrifices and offerings, performing ceremonies and rituals, [and] observing various customs
are the primary components that characterize traditional African religious practices.²⁴
Mbiti describes these religious activities as normally joyful occasions when people sing, dance, eat and celebrate a particular occasion or event.
²⁵ This observation agrees with my description in chapter 1 of the traditional festivals observed by most ethnolinguistic groups in Zambia. Most African cultures have festivals to set the harvest time, the commencement of the rainy period, the birth of a child, and triumph over adversaries. In some cultures, celebratory events would include name giving, rites of passage (young people becoming adults), circumcision, and other initiation ceremonies, marriage, funerals, harvest festivals, praying for rain
and other events deemed important to the people of that culture.²⁶
Religious Artifacts and Places
Religious artifacts and places refer to the things and places which people have set apart as being holy or sacred.
²⁷ In African religions, there