The Seeds of Disaster: The Development of French Army Doctrine, 1919–39

By Robert A Doughty

This military history examines the development of French Army doctrine from the end of WWI to the disastrous German invasion of WWII.

The importance of military doctrine has never been more powerfully demonstrated than in May of 1940, when France suffered a swift collapse in the face of German aggression. Though the French had spent twenty years preparing for just such an event, their military was defenseless against the type of fighting they suddenly faced. Few defeats have been so unexpected.

In The Seeds of Disaster, military historian Robert Doughty examines the doctrinal origins of this historic failure. Doughty traces the development of the French Army’s military doctrine from 1919 to 1939, revealing how its fundamental misunderstandings of modern warfare led to an elaborate yet inept system of defense.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Open Road Integrated Media
• Release date: Jun 14, 2023
• ISBN: 9780811760768

Book preview

THE SEEDS OF DISASTER

The Stackpole Military History Series

THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR

Cavalry Raids of the Civil War

Ghost, Thunderbolt, and Wizard

In the Lion's Mouth

Pickett's Charge

Witness to Gettysburg

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After D-Day

Airborne Combat

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Beyond the Beachhead

Beyond Stalingrad

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Blossoming Silk against the Rising Sun

Bodenplatte

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The Breaking Point

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Bringing the Thunder

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Coast Watching in World War II

Colossal Cracks

Condor

A Dangerous Assignment

D-Day Bombers

D-Day Deception

D-Day to Berlin

Decision in the Ukraine

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Destination Normandy

Dive Bomber!

A Drop Too Many

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Europe in Flames

Exit Rommel

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Fatal Decisions

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Hold the Westwall

Infantry Aces

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Mechanized Juggernaut or Military Anachronism?

Messerschmitts over Sicily

Michael Wittmann, Vol. 1

Michael Wittmann, Vol. 2

Mission 85

Mission 376

Mountain Warriors

The Nazi Rocketeers

Night Flyer / Mosquito Pathfinder

No Holding Back

On the Canal

Operation Mercury

Packs On!

Panzer Aces

Panzer Aces II

Panzer Aces III

Panzer Commanders of the Western Front

Panzergrenadier Aces

Panzer Gunner

The Panzer Legions

Panzers in Normandy

Panzers in Winter

Panzer Wedge, Vol. 1

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The Path to Blitzkrieg

Penalty Strike

Poland Betrayed

Prince of Aces

Red Road from Stalingrad

Red Star under the Baltic

Retreat to the Reich

Rommel Reconsidered

Rommel's Desert Commanders

Rommel's Desert War

Rommel's Lieutenants

The Savage Sky

The Seeds of Disaster

Ship-Busters

The Siege of Küstrin

The Siegfried Line

A Soldier in the Cockpit

Soviet Blitzkrieg

Spitfires and Yellow Tail Mustangs

Stalin's Keys to Victory

Surviving Bataan and Beyond

T-34 in Action

Tank Tactics

Tigers in the Mud

Triumphant Fox

The 12th SS, Vol. 1

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Twilight of the Gods

Typhoon Attack

The War against Rommel's Supply Lines

War in the Aegean

War of the White Death

Warsaw 1944

Winter Storm

The Winter War

Wolfpack Warriors

Zhukov at the Oder

THE COLD WAR / VIETNAM

Cyclops in the Jungle

Expendable Warriors

Fighting in Vietnam

Flying American Combat Aircraft: The Cold War

Here There Are Tigers

Land with No Sun

MiGs over North Vietnam

Phantom Reflections

Street without Joy

Through the Valley

Tours of Duty

Two One Pony

WARS OF AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE EAST

Never-Ending Conflict

The Rhodesian War

GENERAL MILITARY HISTORY

Carriers in Combat

Cavalry from Hoof to Track

Desert Battles

Guerrilla Warfare

The Philadelphia Campaign, Vol. 1

Ranger Dawn

Sieges

The Spartan Army

THE SEEDS OF DISASTER

The Development of French Army Doctrine, 1919–1939

Robert A. Doughty

STACKPOLE

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Copyright ©1985 by Robert A. Doughty

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Cover design by Wendy A. Reynolds

Front and back cover photos from Blitzkrieg France 1940

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Doughty, Robert A.

The seeds of disaster : the development of French Army doctrine, 1919–1939 / Robert Allan Doughty.

     pages cm. — (Stackpole military history series)

Originally published: Hamden, Connecticut : Archon Books, 1985.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 978-0-8117-1460-0

1. France. Armie.—History—20th century. 2. Military doctrine—France—History—20th century. 3. Military art and science—France—History—20th century. I. Title.

UA702.D68 2014

355'.03354409042—dc23

2014019790

eBook ISBN: 978-0-8117-6076-8

For Diane, Mike, and Kevin

Contents

Preface

Chapter 1. The Framework of French Doctrine

Chapter 2. An Army of Reservists

Chapter 3. The Defense of the Frontiers

Chapter 4. The Legacy of the Past

Chapter 5. Firepower and the Methodical Battle

Chapter 6. Institutions and Doctrine

Chapter 7. The Development of the Tank

Chapter 8. The Creation of Large Armored Units

Chapter 9. Conclusion

Notes

Select Bibliography

Index

Preface

It may have been a cool, sunshiny day in Paris in 1922 when Col. J. Roger addressed the assembled officers in a small, dimly lit amphitheater at the Ecole supérieure de guerre , France's War College. The hundred or so officers sitting around him were probably exhausted from late-night studying and from an overly full schedule of professional and extracurricular activities. Given a choice, they undoubtedly would have preferred to be elsewhere. But they had to attend Colonel Roger's lecture on artillery. After a long and tedious explanation of the doctrine for the artillery's support of attacks against a defense in depth, the lecturer reached his conclusion. He said, The loss of control over the attack, which is turned over to the battalion leaders, often renders it impossible for the division commander to intervene by artillery action, the principal means available for meeting unexpected and urgent situations. ¹ The students had listened to a familiar explanation of the importance of firepower and centralized control. Thankful for a momentary break, they probably hurried out of the amphitheater, anxious for some fresh air and a few moments of activity.

Beyond the confines of the War College, Paris and France paid little attention to what was said in that lecture hall on that day. Except for those in the army, almost no one bothered to examine the complexities and subtleties of doctrine as it appeared in army manuals or was discussed in lectures. Most believed that such material was the proper concern of military staff specialists, operating within the narrow confines of their responsibilities. And even the students at the War College, who had the study of doctrine as their primary concern, often found its study less rewarding than horseback riding or terrain walks. Almost none of the French recognized the profound effect army doctrine would ultimately have on their fate.

The importance of doctrine has seldom been illustrated as clearly as in the May–June 1940 campaign in western Europe. Few defeats have been as unexpected or as sudden as France's collapse. Few have altered so fundamentally the status or standing of a nation within the community of nations. Despite the swiftness of the defeat, France was anything but unready for war, for she had mobilized numerous units and fielded much advanced equipment. She had devoted more than two decades to preparing for the possibility of a future war against Germany. She was, however, prepared in 1940 to fight carefully controlled and methodical battles that were precisely the type of battles Germany intended to avoid. Under the pressure of war, France simply could not respond to the type of fighting thrust upon her. The resulting debacle swept her from the first rank of world powers.

By focusing on the development of French doctrine from 1919 to 1939, this book seeks to provide at least a partial answer for why French forces failed so disastrously against the German blitzkrieg. To explain the swift defeat, one could attribute the failure to the stupidity of French soldiers, or to the decadence of the entire society. Such explanations, however, fail to describe the difficult situation in which the army found itself, to reveal the choices that were made, or to illuminate why the army chose the path it trod. In seeking the reasons for the debacle, one must search for more profound or fundamental explanations than a failure of intellect or the bumblings of an officer corps dominated by its memories of the last war. And one must look beyond the supposed genius of the German officer corps. Such is the purpose of this book.

The story of France's failure clearly illustrates the complexity and difficulty of formulating an effective doctrine. According to French usage, doctrine represented the best available thought on what would usually work best on the battlefield. It usually appeared in military manuals, journals, and courses of study and consisted of officially sanctioned concepts for employing personnel, equipment, and units. In the broadest sense, doctrine provided the basis for organizing, equipping, training, and employing military forces.

Correspondingly, this book concentrates on the evolution of doctrinal concepts as they moved through bureaucratic institutions, appeared in official documents, and were applied in field exercises and plans. As it follows these movements, the trail of investigation winds through the historic relationships between doctrine and technology and doctrine and strategy. Since the formulation of doctrine is shaped and deflected by the larger policy of a country, the book also examines the larger issues of military policy as it was affected by questions of politics, economics, and geography. For similar reasons, the book touches upon the effect of military doctrine and policy upon foreign policy. The theme of doctrine provides the vehicle for examining broad aspects of the entire military establishment.

The book also demonstrates the vital role played by doctrine in modern armies. The creation of an effective military force depends upon more than the provision of adequate resources, the building of advanced weapons, or the availability of manpower. Military forces must be organized, equipped, and trained properly. Doctrine is the substance that binds them together and makes them effective. Although a false doctrine can be dangerously suffocating to all innovation, an adequate doctrine can be conducive to creative solutions and is a vital ingredient in any recipe for success. With an adequate doctrine, effective forces can be deployed. With an inadequate doctrine, a military force and a nation are courting disaster. The experience of France testifies to this clearly.

The book is not a study of the German army or the blitzkrieg. Since French doctrinal developments obviously occurred separately from the German effort to create a more mobile fighting force, the book examines German ideas and achievements only to contrast them with what happened in France. The book also is not a study of French air force equipment and doctrine. The air force gained a degree of institutional autonomy in 1928 with the creation of a minister of air and achieved its complete independence from the army in 1933. While its evolution in the interwar period and its role in the 1940 fighting are of evident importance, the air force's development ultimately lies outside the focus of this study. Finally, the book is not an examination of the 1940 campaign. Events in the fighting are mentioned only to illustrate the effect of the decisions made previously in peacetime.

In the course of my research and study I have benefited from the advice and assistance of numerous individuals. I am indebted to Brig. Gen. (Ret.) Thomas E. Griess and Brig. Gen. Roy K. Flint for their confidence in my abilities. I am grateful to Professors Eugen Weber, John Sweets, I. B. Holley, Jr., Dennis E. Showalter, and Henry Snyder for their guidance and constructive comments. I should also thank Jeffrey J. Clarke and Jeffery A. Gunsburg for their comments and suggestions. A special note of thanks is due to the staffs of the libraries of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College and the U.S. Military Academy, whose interlibrary loan services have always been superb. During my stay in Paris, the staff at the Service historique de l’armée de terre and members of the history section at the Ecole supérieure de guerre were more than willing to provide assistance. M. Paul Gamelin was also kind enough to allow me to use Gen. Maurice Gamelin's papers. The artwork in the maps is a product of the extremely talented Edward J. Krasnoborski, of the Department of History at West Point.

My greatest debt belongs to Diane, Mike, and Kevin, who ensured that good spirits and great affection have prevailed as the book was finished. To them this work is dedicated.

While it is difficult to exaggerate the value of the assistance of those I have mentioned and others, I alone am responsible for the text. The opinions expressed in this book do not represent the official views of the Department of Defense, the Department of the Army, or the U.S. Military Academy. Any errors in fact or interpretation are solely my own.

CHAPTER 1

The Framework of French Doctrine

The fall of France in May–June 1940 astonished the world because of its swiftness and completeness. On 10 May, German forces attacked. On 12–13 May they crossed the Meuse River. By the evening of 16 May, the Germans had ruptured the French front completely. By 20 May, armored columns had reached the English Channel and severed the French, British, and Belgian armies in the north from the French armies to the south. After failing to prevent the evacuation of the British and French forces at Dunkirk, the Germans attacked the French defensive positions along the Somme on 5 June, broke through these hastily established lines on 7 June, and entered Paris on 14 June. An exhausted Gen. Charles Huntziger, whose Second Army had been swept aside at Sedan, signed the armistice before a jubilant Adolph Hitler on 22 June in the same railway car and at the same spot where Marshal Ferdinand Foch had accepted the German surrender on 11 November 1918. It was difficult for experts as well as civilians to understand how the Germans had so quickly shattered a French military previously recognized as among the world's best-prepared forces. It was impossible for the French to accept the shameful defeat without recrimination and accusation.

As the shock of the initial losses swept France, bitter accusations of treason and conspiracy swept the country. The signing of the armistice formally began a search for those responsible for the bloody second Sedan in which the powerful descendant of Prussia had destroyed the military power and wounded the pride of France. French soldiers were condemned for lacking discipline and the will to fight; they seemed to differ from the poilus of 1914–1918. Fifth columnists had supposedly conducted espionage for the enemy, sabotaged bunkers, bridges, and military equipment, and spread terror and panic among the refugees and soldiers. Nazi sympathizers reputedly had infiltrated the ranks of the political authorities and key administrative officials. Other critics perceived the entire society to be at fault. Some Frenchmen thought that their own people had become apathetic if not decadent, their political institutions ineffective if not obstructive, and their schoolteachers unpatriotic if not hostile to national interests. In this floundering morass of accusation, some even believed that God had abandoned France because of her sins and the error of her ways.¹ No explanation was beyond belief.

Charges of incompetence also filled the air. The low point in character assassination came at the Riom trial from February to April 1942, when the Vichy regime conducted an investigation of the military and civil leaders of the Third Republic. A veritable parade of military authorities testified to the inadequacies and errors of such leaders as Paul Reynaud, Léon Blum, Edouard Daladier, and Gen. Maurice Gamelin. After the liberation of France, the National Assembly conducted its own investigation in 1947 and made its own accusations when Marshal Philippe Pétain, Gen. Maxime Weygand, and Pierre Laval were accused of being defeatist, pessimistic, and unwilling to pursue victory. No political or military leader from the interwar period seemed above reproach by the various schools of criticism.

France's allies also came under fire in the verbal battle. Numerous observers pointed out that the emergence and initial successes of Nazi Germany were due as much to a failure of Europe as to a failure of France. In that sense, the unexpected loss in 1940 could be considered as much a defeat of the Allies as a defeat of France.² The yielding of the Dutch and the flight of Queen Wilhelmina, the surrender of King Leopold III of Belgium, and the evacuation of the bulk of the British forces at Dunkirk were all part of the battle of France. The improvised coalition, the late and inadequate planning, and the inefficient and faulty coordination at the highest political and military levels sprang as much, if not more, from the lapses of Great Britain, Belgium, and the Netherlands as from those of France.

In comparison to the British, Belgian, and Dutch forces, the French forces were a model of preparedness and modernization. For example, Great Britain had completely failed until March 1939 to prepare any ground forces for use on the Continent, despite her large population and industrial base. The outbreak of World War II caught her in the awkward position of having begun the expansion and modernization of her army too late. When the Germans attacked on 10 May 1940, the British Expeditionary Force was outnumbered in personnel by both the Belgian and Dutch forces. While the Belgians had twenty-two divisions and the Dutch nine, the British had only ten divisions and about six hundred armored vehicles in France. Only twenty-three of these vehicles were equipped with a 2-pounder main gun; the rest carried only machine guns.³ In comparison, the French had 2,285 tanks with main guns and ninety-three divisions on the northeastern front, including three armored, three light mechanized (division légère mécanique), and seven motorized divisions.⁴ Had France not been compelled to link her destiny to that of her weaker allies, had the Allies cooperated more closely, or had Great Britain prepared herself more fully, the strategy and its results might have been far different.

But whatever may have been the weaknesses and unpreparedness of the other allies, the crucial disasters occurred in the French sector. The decisive penetrations of the Allies’ lines came in the area of the French Second and Ninth armies along the Meuse River, around Sedan, Monthermé, and Dinant. Even if the forces of the other allies were not ready for the challenges confronting them, even though the Allied command structure remained inadequate and obsolete, the final collapse of the Allies began when the French forces crumbled. No criticism of France's wavering allies can obscure this very painful truth. The strength and resolve of the allies may have been illusory; the final paralysis and helplessness of the French army were not.

Some Frenchmen have acknowledged that the key event in the military catastrophe was the collapse of the army. They have recognized that this collapse came not from a spiritual or political failure of the French people but from the fact that the military was overwhelmed on the field of battle by a better-prepared opponent.⁵ At the Riom trial, numerous witnesses criticized what they perceived as the inherent weaknesses in the army's doctrine. After the liberation of France, other critics argued that the army suffered from deficiencies as much self-inflicted as due to factors outside the military's control. In recent years, it has become increasingly apparent that the immediate cause of the defeat was that the French army was not ready for the rapid and often tumultuous pace of mobile warfare that it encountered in the dismal days of May and June 1940. The most recently published volume of the French army's official history, for example, admits that the army may have been prepared for mobilization and concentration, but that it was not ready for combat.⁶

The French army, in short, had formulated a doctrine, organized and equipped its units, and trained its soldiers for the wrong type of war. The framework for this doctrine, and thus for the organization, equipment, training, and employment of French units, came from an emphasis on the destructiveness of firepower, the strength of the defense, the ascendancy of the methodical battle, and the unifying power of the commander. The French firmly believed that the new weapons and greater firepower which had become available to modern armies between 1919 and 1939 had made the battlefield much more lethal than in the past. The great destructive power of the new weapons strengthened the defense, and relatively fewer men could establish a virtually impenetrable barrier of fire. An attacker could overwhelm a defender only by the closely coordinated employment of massed men and matériel.

The doctrine which emerged from this perception of great lethality stressed what the French called the bataille conduit, or the methodical battle. By this term they meant a rigidly controlled operation in which all units and weapons were carefully marshalled and then employed in combat. The French favored a step-by-step battle, with units obediently moving between phase lines and adhering to strictly scheduled timetables. Such methods, they believed, were essential for the coherent employment of the enormous amounts of men and matériel demanded by modern combat. A hastily prepared, impulsive fight was doomed to failure. The focus of decision-making was best kept at higher command levels, because centralized control was necessary to coordinate the actions of numerous subordinate units.

In contrast to a decentralized battle in which officers at all levels were expected to show initiative and flexibility, the French preferred rigid centralization and strict obedience. Their doctrine stressed the necessity of avoiding an encounter battle in which moving armies unexpectedly collided and had to fight in an impromptu and spontaneous fashion. They thus opted for a time-consuming, intricate process that prized preparation rather than improvisation. As a consequence of this approach, French doctrine envisaged first the weakening of an attacker by a defender's fire, and then his destruction by a massive but tightly controlled battering-ram attack.

Unfortunately for France, her army was prepared to fight precisely the type of war that Germany wanted to avoid. In the opening days of World War II, the Germans used their tanks, mobile artillery, and airplanes to achieve the short, violent lightning war, famous as the blitzkrieg. They recognized that in addition to firepower, the new weapons furnished shock, speed, and mobility. Instead of curtains of carefully regulated fire, they understood the new weapons made possible large mobile formations that could thrust and parry with the enemy. The Germans emphasized offense instead of defense by employing the mobility and mass of armored formations against enemy vulnerabilities. Instead of increased centralization, they wanted lower-level commanders exercising their initiative and adapting flexibly to continually changing circumstances. The German military all too effectively demonstrated the adequacy of their doctrine and of their high command and the corresponding unpreparedness of the French army. The charging panzers seemed to herald the war of the future, while the thinly stretched French lines reminded most observers of wars previously fought.

The complete collapse of the French army in 1940 demonstrated that it had failed to prepare adequately for the demands of modern warfare. Four days of battle, from 12 to 16 May revealed the weaknesses and the errors in the army's preparations more quickly, more clearly, and more painfully than two previous decades of examination and experimentation. Since French army doctrine was unsuited and inadequate for the war Germany thrust upon France in 1940, and since the strategy of rushing forward into Belgium was particularly vulnerable to the German attack through the Ardennes, defeat was virtually unavoidable after the battle began. The army and the army's leaders lacked the proper flexibility and responsiveness to reply to the unexpected.

Despite the army's failure to develop a sufficiently effective and modern doctrine, its leaders between the two world wars never completely closed their minds to fresh ideas and were never simply slaves to previous methods. In peacetime, armies do not prepare for defeat, and the French were no exception. They continued after 1918 to seek innovation and improvement. Above all, the army did not simply take the methods of 1918 and attempt lethargically and unsuccessfully to apply them in 1940.

After World War I, the French army devoted considerable effort to create the best possible and most modern doctrine. It organized a complex and sophisticated system for considering new ideas and new technologies. For two decades, the army carefully analyzed the variety of ways personnel, equipment, and units could be organized and employed. It believed it could identify those methods which had the best chance of success in a future battle, or which enabled the maximum benefit to be obtained from each weapon or unit. The French believed that exercises or tests conducted in a scientific fashion provided the best practical way of determining the feasibility of new concepts or perfecting new methods. They also, however, developed doctrine by the detailed study and comparison of theories offered by military professionals, and by the logical application of lessons of the past to anticipated conditions in the future.

By 1939 the French army had adopted much new equipment and many new ideas, and its doctrine differed distinctly from that of 1918. It had conducted extensive tests with new equipment. It had devoted more efforts and resources to analyzing advanced weapons, such as the tank, than any other army. While numerous advances and changes had been made, the shattering events of May–June 1940 revealed that these advances had been either insufficient or in the wrong direction. What had been perceived as progress or improvement proved to be inappropriate for the unanticipated demands of 1940. Efforts to develop a viable doctrine had failed.

One myth that has emerged about the inadequate French doctrine is that it was the product of a very small group of people. Citing the French use of such terms as evangelism or Bible for discussing doctrine, some authors have suggested that doctrine in the interwar period fulfilled a role analogous to words of wisdom espoused by followers of a religious prophet. In particular, the notion of evangelic ideas flowing from a single military prophet has identified Marshal Pétain as being the source from whom the initial ideas for the French doctrine flowed. The official history of this period, for example, states, The doctrine for employment [of the army) will be essentially the work of Marshal Pétain.⁷ French doctrine, however, was an eclectic product, influenced by a variety of military thinkers and leaders. While Pétain certainly had great influence, especially through the early 1930s, other well-known officers, including Marshal Ferdinand Foch and Generals Maxime Weygand and Maurice Gamelin, also influenced doctrine.

Gen. Eugène Debeney, another key figure, may have had greater influence over the technical aspects of French doctrine than did Marshal Pétain. As director of the War College and the Center of Higher Military Studies (Centre des hautes études militaires) immediately after World War I, he established the educational curriculum and the subject matter that was taught to France's most promising officers during the interwar period. The operations of the First French Army in 1918, which Debeney commanded, provided the conceptual basis for many of the lessons at the War College and for many tactical concepts within French doctrine. As a member of the commission that wrote the important 1921 manual entitled Provisional Instructions on the Tactical Employment of Large Units, Debeney played a key role in establishing the foundation for French doctrine in the interwar period. As chief of the General Staff from 1923 to 1930, he was one of the major architects of the basic laws of 1927 and 1928 on organization, recruitment, and cadres and effectives that were to shape the army of the 1930s and 1940. He played a key role in the decisions affecting the design and emplacement of the Maginot Line. The final configuration of the northeastern fortifications were more similar to his initial ideas than they were to the initial ideas of any other leading member of the High Command. While his political and strategic influence may not have rivaled that of Marshal Pétain, his influence over the technical aspects of doctrine was at least as great.

The example of Debeney's influence should not suggest that he was the ultimate source of French doctrine. Other military officers also played crucial roles in the complex process of formulating and publishing doctrine. As will be demonstrated, French doctrine was the work of a large portion of the officer corps rather than the product of a narrow spectrum of the High Command or of a single individual. Simply stated, the process for developing new doctrine was too complex and too vast for any one person to dominate it.

Regardless of its origins, doctrine from 1919 to 1939 represented the best available thought on what would usually work best on the battlefield. Though practices often differed sharply from beliefs, the French believed doctrinal solutions had to be adapted to each solution, and that they should not bind soldiers to an inflexible, prescribed method. Doctrine thus supposedly shaped the actions of military personnel by providing guides, rather than precise formulas, for actions. Doctrine also provided the basis for military education and training; it ensured a uniformity of effort and thought among the numerous and varied units in the army.

In the interwar years, the French considered doctrine especially important, since huge armies required common tactical methods and organizations to assure a unity of effort. General Gamelin, who was chief of the General Staff, vice-president of the Superior Council of War (Conseil supérieur de la guerre), and commander of the French army in 1940, argued in 1935 that the military was different from other organizations. Its many layers of intermediaries often caused the leader's will to be deformed, thus threatening the objective of the leader and of the military. To avoid this possibility and to ensure that the many organizations in the military would orient their entire effort toward the same goal, an army required, according to Gamelin, unity of organization and coherent doctrine.⁸

An artillery officer expressed the views of many of his contemporaries when he argued that unity of doctrine imposed on the army the same tactical and strategic conceptions, the same discipline of thought, and the same terminology and mode of expression. The variety of weapons and units in a modern army made it difficult for an officer to understand how to employ all of them, but the various arms had to be coordinated to obtain the best possible contribution from each.⁹ Without such coordination, great inefficiencies or even chaos could result.

The methods, organizations, and weapons employed by infantry, artillery, tank, and cavalry units, for example, differed greatly. Yet each had a function to perform in