What Should Think Tanks Do?: A Strategic Guide to Policy Impact
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Think tanks and research organizations set out to influence policy ideas and decisions—a goal that is key to the very fabric of these organizations. And yet, the ways that they actually achieve impact or measure progress along these lines remains fuzzy and underexplored. What Should Think Tanks Do? A Strategic Guide for Policy Impact is the first practical guide that is specifically tailored to think tanks, policy research, and advocacy organizations. Author Andrew Selee draws on extensive interviews with members of leading think tanks, as well as cutting-edge thinking in business and non-profit management, to provide concrete strategies for setting policy-oriented goals and shaping public opinion. Concise and practically-minded, What Should Think Tanks Do? helps those with an interest in think tanks to envision a well-oiled machine, while giving leaders in these organizations tools and tangible metrics to drive and evaluate success.
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What Should Think Tanks Do? - Andrew Dan Selee
PREFACE
There is no easy way to plan for impact in the ever-moving terrain of policy ideas. A few years ago, as the director of the Woodrow Wilson Center’s Mexico Institute, encouraged by our board, I started off by trying to figure out how to do this better. I talked to people around the Wilson Center and at other think tanks and mined the business and nonprofit management literature for ideas, but I was troubled by the lack of a good strategy book for think tank professionals. In the end, I decided to take a shot at writing that book, if nothing else so as to learn something myself in the process. What emerged is this brief book, which is designed as a practical guide for think tank professionals—researchers, fellows, program directors, senior leaders, and board members—who want to think strategically about what they do and how they can do it better.
For the sake of economy, I limited the research for this book to think tanks in the United States and kept the interviews to a manageable number that I could juggle alongside my day job. While I strove for a fair sampling of think tanks large and small, those inside the Beltway and outside of it, those that have political or ideological ends and those that don’t, it is in no way an exhaustive list, and there are many excellent organizations that are not mentioned. I hope they will forgive the omission and still find the conclusions useful and relevant for their work. For those who agreed to be interviewed, I am grateful they took the time to be part of this project and share their experience, and I trust that others will find it useful for their own efforts.
Several people were crucial in making this book possible. First and foremost, I was fortunate during almost ten years as the director of the Wilson Center’s Mexico Institute to have an exceptional advisory board that invested in strategic planning and worked regularly through the steps discussed in this book. I am particularly grateful to Jose Antonio Fernandez Carbajal and Roger W. Wallace, co-chairs of the board, and to Guillermo Jasson, the chair of the Strategy Committee, as well as to all the other members, who have taken time twice a year to engage in strategic discussions to create, grow, and nurture the Institute. More recently, I have been fortunate to work on many of the same challenges on an institutional level as a vice president of the Wilson Center with Jane Harman, Mike Van Dusen, Peter Reid, Liz Byers, Meg King, and many other colleagues. I have benefited from their wisdom, and I also owe a special debt of gratitude to Barry Jackson, co-chair of the Wilson Center’s Strategy Committee.
I would also like to thank several people who provided specific guidance in preparing this project, several of whom also read parts of the manuscript and offered helpful advice. These include Don Abelson, Jim McGann, Abe Lowenthal, Demetri Papademetriou, Blair Ruble, Rusty Mikkel, Bill Antholis, John Sewell, and an anonymous reviewer from Stanford University Press. None are responsible for the final product, but all enriched the manuscript with their insights.
I am also particularly grateful to Margo Beth Fleming at Stanford University Press for believing in this project and for her crucial advice in editing and positioning the manuscript, and to Peter Reid and Joe Brinley at the Woodrow Wilson Center Press.
Finally, I am eternally grateful to my wife, Alejandra Vallejo, who has been both my companion in life and a source of intellectual inspiration, and to our daughter, Lucia, who reminds me every day that the truly important things in life are as much the product of serendipity and inspiration as strategy.
INTRODUCTION: IDEAS THAT MATTER
The Center for Global Development (CGD), founded by development economist Nancy Birdsall, had decided that it needed to do something about preventable diseases for which vaccines could be created but for which market forces alone would not push the research and production of the vaccines to the finish line. After looking at several options, the staff settled on a pilot program to address pneumococcal diseases—pneumonia, meningitis, and related illnesses—that claim more than a million children’s lives a year, mostly among the world’s poor. Led by a nonresident fellow, Harvard professor Michael Kramer, and Senior Fellow Ruth Levine, CGD launched a working group in 2003 called Making Markets for Vaccines to figure out if it would be possible to get an advanced market commitment—essentially an upfront agreement by governments to buy the vaccines once they were successfully produced—in order to spur private research.
Working closely with international institutions and individuals knowledgeable about public health programs and the pharmaceutical business, the CGD task force was able to develop a plan to spur innovation in vaccine research, built around a specific example. The report laid out the rationale and concept and, including model term sheets that could form the legal basis for a binding purchase agreement. The task force’s work led a coalition of governments, some of which had participated in the research process, along with the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, to commit over $1.5 billion to purchase pneumococcal vaccines once they were produced successfully. This commitment, in turn, generated a round of private investment into tailoring pneumococcal vaccines for low-income countries, and by 2010 the vaccines were being successfully produced and distributed in countries around the world.¹ What was once an ambitious, though not particularly controversial idea, has now become a reality because CGD made sure the necessary research was done and sufficient stakeholder buy-in was achieved to move the issue forward in a practical way.
Over the past two decades, a very different organization, the liberal Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP), has had a central role in getting the earned income tax credit (EITC) approved in twenty-five U.S. states. Dedicated to presenting economic data that can support policies to alleviate poverty, CBPP has built a network of state organizations with the capacity to research and promote new policy ideas to help poor families. Nick Johnson, who runs CBPP’s state alliance program, notes that the organization’s efforts on economic and social policy have grown exponentially because of this network, which allows state-level organizations to coordinate with each other and with CBPP, thus enhancing all of the partners’ impact. Johnson notes that it all comes back to the credibility of the research
and to clear and compelling messaging,
finding the intersection between the substance of CBPP’s economic work and the ability to advocate successfully for policy changes. Legislation on EITC, which was only an embryonic idea in the late 1980s, has now spread to half the country, largely because of the work of this extensive but well-integrated network supported by CBPP.²
A few blocks away, the conservative Heritage Foundation set a very different goal. Realizing that the newly created Department of Homeland Security (DHS) was still in a formative stage, it decided to help the Bush administration work on how to structure and consolidate the department. Heritage hired James Jay Carafano, a former Army lieutenant colonel with a doctorate in government, to lead the effort. Over the next few years, he would become intimately engaged in every aspect of DHS’s plans. He offered advice and expertise to department staff, held public forums, hosted congressional briefings, prepared policy papers, and conducted endless media interviews to influence the direction of the department’s development. Heritage had realized early on that DHS needed strategic guidance, and it used its ties to Republican lawmakers and Bush administration officials—and a professional expertise that won respect in both parties—to create a role for itself in this process. Carafano’s work would leave a powerful imprint on the new cabinet department as it took its first steps.³
Meanwhile, Geoff Dabelko, who ran the Woodrow Wilson Center’s Environmental Change and Security Program (ECSP) for fifteen years, pursued a different path to shaping policy debates. Created in the mid-1990s to bridge the divide between environmental organizations and the security establishment, which was increasingly worried about environmental threats to stability around the world, ECSP worked tirelessly to bring people from two separate and mutually suspicious policy communities together to share ideas and develop new paradigms to face emerging threats. Over time, the work evolved to include health and population issues and their intersection with environmental concerns and security threats. Ideas developed in ECSP forums found their way into the president’s National Intelligence Estimate on Environmental Security; Tom Friedman’s best-selling book, Hot, Flat, and Crowded; and dozens of high-level meetings in the administration, Congress, and international organizations. The program initially started a written report, but by 2007 the platform went virtual with the widely consulted New Security Beat blog, which has become a reference point for environmental activists, demographers, public health professionals, and security specialists, an eclectic but suddenly connected group. This virtual meeting place has generated original and often pathbreaking discussions about issues that otherwise would be limited by disciplinary and professional blinders, and helped create a new field of study that merged security, health, and environmental concerns.⁴
Each of these four organizations believed that ideas had power to shape public policy in innovative and meaningful ways, and all were committed to ensuring that their efforts would have a profound impact on the issues they work on. And what all four organizations shared, in addition to a desire to generate impact, was a strategy for doing so. These organizations were successful at what they set out to do because they had a clear idea of the change they wanted to achieve, and they got there by finding the set of activities with which they could make a unique difference, through engaging key target audiences and by leveraging needed resources. Moreover, all four had internal feedback systems that allowed them to evaluate what they were doing and to adjust to meet new challenges, which helped them stay relevant over time as circumstances around them changed. This book looks at how successful think tanks develop systematic approaches to planning for impact and how they learn from the experience so that they make the greatest possible difference on public ideas and policy decisions.
A STRATEGIC APPROACH
Generating and sharing policy ideas—the basic work of think tanks—can change the way that the general public and key audiences think about an important issue, bring new issues to the fore, and provide alternatives for decision makers to consider. However, generating and promoting ideas that can influence policy and public thinking is no easy business. It requires strategic thinking, credible research, and a clear communications plan. Millions of dollars are spent each year trying to accomplish