Summary of Taras Kuzio's Putin's War Against Ukraine

By IRB Media

Please note: This is a companion version & not the original book. Book Preview:

#1 The first group of scholarly work on the Ukraine-Russia crisis is focused on the Euromaidan Revolution, which was different from the 2004 Orange Revolution in five ways. First, it lasted for three months, far longer than the seventeen-day Orange Revolution. Second, the Euromaidan was driven as much by national liberation as it was by European integration and human rights.

#2 The second group of published materials portrays Russia as a victim and being forced to react to NATO and EU enlargement and democracy promotion into its privileged zone of interests.

#3 The third and largest group of scholarly and think tank published material can be defined as Russia in geopolitical competition with the EU and the West, and the West’s response to Russia’s re-assertion as a great power.

#4 The fourth group of published work focuses on Russia as a troublemaker and can be defined as in-out-in because of the complex inter-relationship between national identity, the search for great power status, and Russian imperialism.

• Language: English
• Publisher: IRB Media
• Release date: Jun 6, 2022
• ISBN: 9798822531437

IRB Media

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Insights on Taras Kuzio's Putins War Against Ukraine

Contents

Insights from Chapter 1

Insights from Chapter 2

Insights from Chapter 3

Insights from Chapter 4

Insights from Chapter 5

Insights from Chapter 6

Insights from Chapter 7

Insights from Chapter 8

Insights from Chapter 9

Insights from Chapter 10

Insights from Chapter 11

Insights from Chapter 1

#1

The first group of scholarly work on the Ukraine-Russia crisis is focused on the Euromaidan Revolution, which was different from the 2004 Orange Revolution in five ways. First, it lasted for three months, far longer than the seventeen-day Orange Revolution. Second, the Euromaidan was driven as much by national liberation as it was by European integration and human rights.

#2

The second group of published materials portrays Russia as a victim and being forced to react to NATO and EU enlargement and democracy promotion into its privileged zone of interests.

#3

The third and largest group of scholarly and think tank published material can be defined as Russia in geopolitical competition with the EU and the West, and the West’s response to Russia’s re-assertion as a great power.

#4

The fourth group of published work focuses on Russia as a troublemaker and can be defined as in-out-in because of the complex inter-relationship between national identity, the search for great power status, and Russian imperialism.

#5

Modern technology and social media, as well as growing cynicism and populist nationalism in Western democracies, provides Russia with greater opportunities to influence European politics and foreign policies.

#6

The sixth group of publications analyzes Russia’s domestic scene and can be defined as in-out. This scholarly literature incorporates definitions of Putin’s regime and how the type of regime influences military aggression against Ukraine and elsewhere.

#7

Putin’s personality is analyzed by many scholars to understand his actions after Yanukovych fled from power. Can Putin be best understood as an improviser and gambler who is spontaneous and emotional or a cold calculating strategist.

#8

The eighth group of publications analyzes national minorities, regionalism, and economics in Ukraine and can be defined as in-out. Only a small minority of Western scholars who have written about the crisis use Ukrainian language sources, and even fewer have visited the country or the ATO conflict zone.

#9

Ukrainian language and culture is also being attacked by Russian and separatist leaders, who continue to promote the primacy of the Russian language. Meanwhile, many Russian speaking Ukrainians do not hold Soviet style chauvinism towards the Ukrainian language.

#10

The Donbas is a region with a high level of atheism, and religion has never been influential there. The Russian Orthodox Church and extremist Russian Orthodox nationalist paramilitaries claim to be defending Orthodoxy in a region that was heavily Sovietized and lacked religion.

#11

The fourth myth is that Russians and Ukrainians are one people, and President Putin and Russian leaders have adopted the rhetoric of extreme Russian nationalists and fascists to describe Russians and Ukrainians as constituting one people.

#12

Where the opportunity costs of rebellion were lower, conflict was more likely in the Donbas. Support for the separatists was higher in regions of the Donbas where industries were dependent on trade with Russia.

#13

The Donbas is a region of Ukraine that is largely made up of coal mining and industrial areas. It has three ways of being analyzed: political culture, concept, and identity. The political culture of the Donbas has been gritty, proletarian, and violent since the industrialization of the region began in the late nineteenth century.

#14

The Donbas region of Ukraine has a longstanding regional identity that is different from Ukrainian civic and especially ethnic Ukrainian identity. The region has always been a problem child for both Moscow and Kiev, as it has never been willing to submit to either.

#15