Summary of Ilyse Hogue's The Lie That Binds

By IRB Media

Please note: This is a companion version & not the original book. Book Preview:

#1 Weyrich was a behind-the-scenes man who had helped build the conservative movement. But in 1990, he gave a speech at an Ethics and Public Policy Conference where he explained to the conservative foot soldiers that they had spent so much time repeating the myth that they originated from backlash to the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, that they had come to believe it themselves.

#2 The story of the conservative movement is not a story of true believers, but rather a story of a marriage between wild-eyed zealots and cynical political operatives who have long sought to profit from inflaming the anger, resentment, prejudice, and fear of a small minority of Americans.

#3 Evangelical leaders began to fear the loss of white supremacy, and began to flex their political muscle. They pushed for all-white, church-affiliated schools that became known as segregation academies across the South.

#4 Following the Supreme Court’s decision in Green v. Connally, Weyrich began searching for ways to activate evangelical voters. He had already tried to politicize the Equal Rights Amendment, school prayer, and even abortion, but nothing had clicked until desegregation sparked outrage among white Evangelicals.

• Language: English
• Publisher: IRB Media
• Release date: May 21, 2022
• ISBN: 9798822524279

IRB Media

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Insights on Ilyse Hogue's The Lie That Binds

Contents

Insights from Chapter 1

Insights from Chapter 2

Insights from Chapter 3

Insights from Chapter 4

Insights from Chapter 5

Insights from Chapter 6

Insights from Chapter 7

Insights from Chapter 8

Insights from Chapter 9

Insights from Chapter 10

Insights from Chapter 11

Insights from Chapter 1

#1

Weyrich was a behind-the-scenes man who had helped build the conservative movement. But in 1990, he gave a speech at an Ethics and Public Policy Conference where he explained to the conservative foot soldiers that they had spent so much time repeating the myth that they originated from backlash to the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision, that they had come to believe it themselves.

#2

The story of the conservative movement is not a story of true believers, but rather a story of a marriage between wild-eyed zealots and cynical political operatives who have long sought to profit from inflaming the anger, resentment, prejudice, and fear of a small minority of Americans.

#3

Evangelical leaders began to fear the loss of white supremacy, and began to flex their political muscle. They pushed for all-white, church-affiliated schools that became known as segregation academies across the South.

#4

Following the Supreme Court’s decision in Green v. Connally, Weyrich began searching for ways to activate evangelical voters. He had already tried to politicize the Equal Rights Amendment, school prayer, and even abortion, but nothing had clicked until desegregation sparked outrage among white Evangelicals.

#5

Evangelicals were largely indifferent to the issue of abortion, despite the Supreme Court’s decision in 1973 legalizing it. It wasn’t until 1980, two years after the formation of the Moral Majority, that the Southern Baptist Convention began to oppose it.

#6

The conservative movement in the 1960s and 1970s saw the rise of a Far Right that could punch above its weight in the political arena.

#7

The godfathers of the Radical Right were not just fundamentalists, but also corporate conservatives who were dedicated to preserving the status quo in a changing world. They were mainstreaming bigotry by twisting religion and philosophy to give a moral sheen to their agenda.

#8

Abortion had been illegal in the United States since it declared independence, and it was not a major political issue in the 1970s. However, people were becoming more vocal about wanting abortion to become legal, and Republican leaders were staunchly pro-choice.

#9

Before the Roe v. Wade decision, conservative Christians were largely indifferent to anti-abortion laws, but after the decision, they became staunchly anti-abortion. Evangelicals in the Bible Belt had more access to places to obtain abortions than most other parts of the country.

#10

Right-wing author and activist Phyllis Schlafly was already working on new ways to stoke right-wing fear, outrage, and political activism in the early 1970s. She found a niche in the Republican Party by focusing on the Equal