Côte D’Ivoire: An African Economic Model Transformed into a Chaotic Arena from September 19Th, 2002 Until April 11Th, 2011

By Ley G. Ikpo

The end of the twentieth century, which was marked by multiparty democracy in Eastern European entities and Third World countries, moved Cte dIvoire to adhere to the new democratization system in 1990. Nine years later, the territory registered its first bloodless state coup. On September 19, 2002, the country was shared into two parts with human losses and damages when President Gbagbo was on official visit to Italy. After different attempts in negotiations (Linas-Marcoussis (2003), Pretoria agreement (2005), and the Political Agreement of Ouagadougou (2007)), for some protagonists, international organizations and NGOs, the perfect conflict resolution was about running elections so that the former peaceful land could regain its image of a prosperous and stable country. The elections that were delayed six times came to pass, and two presidents came out of the scrutiny. Gbagbo was proclaimed victorious by the Ivorian Constitutional Council, while Ouattara was acknowledged by the Independent Electoral Commission. Once more, the country fell into a postelection crisis. Meanwhile, the African Union, the European Union, the USA, the French Licorne, and the United Nations urged President Gbagbo to step down since Ouattara was considered the happy winner of the scrutiny. The refusal of Gbagbo cost human losses and led to his arrest on April 11, 2011. Nowadays, the country is not unified and reconciled, but it will have the 2015 elections.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Xlibris US
• Release date: Sep 16, 2015
• ISBN: 9781514403044

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Copyright © 2015 by Ley G. Ikpo.

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Rev. date: 09/14/2015

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CONTENTS

Abstract

Acknowledgment

List of abbreviations

Introduction

1. Aim

2. Methodology and sources

3. CH Model

PART ONE

I:   CÔTE D’IVOIRE: ECONOMIC PROSPERITY AND POLITICAL STABILITY

1. Côte d’ Ivoire and general background

1.1 Colonial history

1.2 Independence and early prosperity

1.2.1 Independence of Côte d’Ivoire

1.1.1 The prosperity of the country

1.2 The importance of Côte d’Ivoire in the international economy

1.2.1 The main agricultural sectors

1.2.2 Cocoa activity

1.3.3 Coffee culture

1.3 Problems of the 1980s, economic and political turmoil in the 1990s

1.3.1 Problems of the 1980s

1.4.2 The 1990s economic crisis

1.4.3 The 1990s political turmoil

II:   THEORIES

1. Theories leading to origins of wars and armed conflicts

1.1 Difference between Old and New Wars

1.2 Theory of resource war

1.3 Theory of neocolonialism

1.4 The clash of civilizations

1.5 Theory of media

1.6 Theory of feminism

1.7 Theory of justice

PART TWO

III:   CONFLICT IN CÔTE D’IVOIRE

1.   Côte d’Ivoire about losing its economic prosperity and political stability title

1.1 The conflict of September 19, 2002 in Côte d’Ivoire

1.1.1 The eventual reasons of the Ivorian conflict of September 2002

1.1.2 A resource war and neocolonial war

1.1.3 A religious war and an ethnic conflict

IV:   THE IVORIAN CONFLICT RESOLUTIONS

1. Discussion on intervention

1.1 The international community intervention

1.1.1 The agreement of Linas-Marcoussis

1.2 The national and the regional conflict resolutions

1.2.1 The cease-fire

1.2.2 The Ouagadougou agreement

1.3  Analysis about the Linas-Marcoussis and Ouagadougou agreements

1.4 The reconciliation process

1.5 The ethnic groups referred to as political parties

1.5.1 Baoulé

1.5.2 Bété

1.5.3 Dioula

PART THREE

V:   NEW ELECTIONS AND RESTORATION OF EVERLASTING PEACE

1. The 2010 Presidential elections

1.1 The elections’ organization

1.1.1 The enlistment process

1.1.2 The electoral list

1.1.3 Printing and distribution of voter cards

1.1.4 The Independent Electoral Commission

1.1.5 The Constitutional Council

1.2 First round of the presidential elections

1.2.1 The major candidates to the presidential elections

a) Alassane Ouattara

b) Henri Konan Bédié

c) Koudou Laurent Gbagbo

1.2.2 Elections’ results

1.3 Second-round elections

1.3.1 The second-round elections’ results

1.4 The population’s reaction after second-round results

VI:   POST-ELECTORAL CONFLICTS

1. The media

1.1 The media before, during and after the presidential elections

1.2 Women involvement in post-electoral conflicts

1.3 The final phase of post-electoral conflicts

1.4  Foreign reactions and involvement in the post elections situations

VII:   LIFE AFTER POST-ELECTORAL CONFLICT IN CÔTE D’IVOIRE

1. Life in Côte d’Ivoire (after April 2011)

1.1  The actual social life among Ivorian ethnic and religious groups

1.2 Strategies enforced to recover economically and maintain social stability

1.3 The reconciliation process

1.3.1 The CDVR

1.3.2 The CDVR’s action

1.3.3 The CDVR’s limits

VIII:   GENERAL ANALYSIS

Theories

Civil war

Political parties and ethnic groups

The October and November 2010 elections

Postelection crisis

Bédié, Gbagbo, and Ouattara

Women and the media in the postelection crisis of November 2010

The reconciliation process

Post-reconciliation process leading to economic growth

Conclusion

References

Appendix

Endnotes

ABSTRACT

A t the end of the late 1980s, opposing both the capitalist and communist blocs surely did not help to stop conflicts. Since wars and armed conflicts are observed all around the world, much more effort is needed to be done to acquire peace and justice. The mass popular revolutions arising from various areas, territories, and countries for the democratization process ended the last decades. However, people noticed conflicts in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Burundi and Rwanda, Somalia, ex-Yugoslavia then Côte d’Ivoire. Therefore, the aim of this research project is about understanding the conflict, which burst out from September 19, 2002, to April 11, 2011, in Côte d’Ivoire. The solutions enforced to put an end to the first part of the conflict will be examined, and later, the issue will be about the 2010 presidential elections. It is therefore useful to understand strategies applied in order to help solve the Ivorian drama since these were necessary tools to maintain or restore peace and security in the territory. The motivation in understanding the phenomenon may lead to the comprehension of the main conflict generators. It is about explaining the relationship existing between the new rivalries and the Ivorian conflict. Moreover, the main idea is provide insight on events that corroborate the transition between prosperity and chaos in Côte d’Ivoire. The research project will aim about recent conflicts (new wars) based on civil wars in order to supposedly find out the origins of hostilities. In sum, various theories will be used in the research project. The work tends, therefore, to be of multidisciplinary approaches. Out of the understanding of September 19, 2002, conflict will be added the 2010 post-electoral crisis in Côte d’Ivoire.

Somehow, Côte d’Ivoire is located in sub-Saharan Africa, a territory that is seemingly most engaged into conflict and is faced with starvation, disease (HIV/AIDS), underdevelopment, and violation of human rights. On the one hand, the strong presence of war and internal conflicts considered as civil wars observed in the 1990s corresponding to the millennium hostilities are said to suit or belong to the region. Thus, the conflicts that burst out in Somalia, Burundi, Rwanda, Algeria, and in Liberia and Sierra Leone could have had a spillover effects in Côte d’Ivoire. One might probably think and consider the spillover effects of these regional conflicts to have affected the Ivorian territory. On the other hand, it seemed to be the reason or justification of the United Nations soldiers’ presence in those regions so that they could maintain peace and restore security within those destabilized territories. Finally, it serves as an example fitting the Ivorian case. The agents of the United Nations after the attack of the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire were therefore present in the old French colony. Otherwise, these peacekeeping agents intervened in order to enforce international peace and security. In this research project, the action of these is examined since they deal with the concerned ideologies figuring on the agenda of the United Nations.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

I would like to seize the opportunity (to say thank you) to all those who motivated me in traveling to Côte d’Ivoire numerous times in order for me to do this research. I am also thankful to the personnel and institutions that had permitted me to have access to some exclusive documents. I am grateful to the Ministry of Economy and Finance, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as the Ministry of Interior. I thank the Ivorian representative of the Ministry of National Education, John Biney Francis. Best regards to the Ministry of Public Health precisely to Dr. Kuyo G. Abel, Dr. Gnamien, and Dr. Kouakou B. Paul Eric. My respect to all those who eased the interpretation of the Bété, Baoulé, and Dioula languages into French.

My sincere appreciation to His Excellency Prof. Pascal Chaigneau for his help and to Dr. Nohra for his technique in methods and theories as well as his pedagogy, which I have been taught. Thanks to Michel Roger, an affiliate professor at HEC Paris, for his advice. And I appreciate the strategies learned from General Jean Patrick Gaviard during the 2013 coalition exercise at War College (École de Guerre) and many thanks to Gen. Jean-Marc Journot (air vice-marshal) for his teachings. Without forgetting Prof. Jonathan Feldman from the University of Stockholm, a disciple of Noam Chomsky, for the teaching he gave me from my first university year to my master exam in order to make me stronger than ever. I have high regard for my friend, His Excellency Adebayo Emmanuel Adeyemi of the Nigerian Embassy in Paris, with whom I used to discuss on academic issues rested on scientific research. And my regards to His Excellency Carlos Antonio Carrasco the Bolivian Ambassador at UNESCO (former Bolivian Minister of Information) for his living seminars, the same thoughts go to His Excellency Michel Raimbaud (former French Ambassador) for his teachings.

Last but not least, my thankfulness to the Libraries of Sainte-Barbe and Sainte-Geneviève (Claudine Poligny-Couprie and Pauline Rivière), to the Stockholm University Library, and to the Swedish Royal Library (Kungliga Biblioteket: KB). I would like to express my gratitude to the personnel of the Swedish House at the Campus of Paris (CIUP) Marc Ormal, Mame Faty Ba, Manuella Aguiar and Marietou Sidibe. My thoughts go to Claire Douayelet Onainé Ikpo and children, Ikpo Vincent and to the families Ikpo and Nsarze. The same feelings to my friends Ahui Mathurin Sika, Anatole Zagadou (cousin), Ines and Peter Källenback, Simplice Zadi, Emile Aka (whom I interviewed about Aka Watta), Bathelemy Aka, Honoré Betancourt Ehui, Martial Séméné, Honoré Sokoï, Amedée Dibi, Aimé Kouamé, Gustave Lagos, Ephreme Charles Zéké, Prof. Bo Franzén, Colaco Toure, Lorougnon Obou Gaelle, Franklin Gonfouli Ehpelto, Pastor Tokro Pacôme, Marlone Lessou Aka and Kenneth Fjällborg for their moral support. Best regards to the British Coffee Association for all information gotten from them.

Lastly, many thanks to my daughter Linnea Ikpo, who, most of the time, motivated me in finishing my research at any moment through her numerous phone calls even though she was in Stockholm (Sweden). And many thanks to Djeinaba Diarra who most often took me out for dinner when I was exhausted and could not cook any food and who also sustained me morally. Then, I dedicate this work to the memory of the courageous French military at the French army base (24th BIMA) in Saint Louis (Senegal), and to Raphael K. Ikpo my father. May he rest in peace.

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

APO: Accord Politique de Ouagadougou (Political Agreement of Ouagadougou)

AU: African Union

BCEAO: Banque Centrale des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (West Africa’s States Central Bank)

CAISTAB: Caisse de stabilisation et de péréquation (Stabilization fund and equalization)

CC: Conseil Constitutionnel (Constitutional Council)

CDVR: Commission Dialogue, Vérité et Réconciliation (Dialogue, Truth and Reconciliation Commission)

CEDEAO: Communauté Économique des États de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (West Africa’s States Economic community)

CEI: Commission Électoral Indépendante (Independent Electoral Commission)

CFA: Communauté Financière Africaine (African Financial Community)

CH Model: Collier and Hoeffler Model

CNC: Coalition Nationale pour le Changement (National coalition for change)

CNI: Conseil National Islamique (National Islamic Council)

CPAD: Comité de Pilotage des Actions de la Diaspora (The Diaspora’s Actions Steering committee)

COJEP: Congrès Panafricain des Jeunes et des Patriotes (Patriots and Youth Pan-African Congress)

CNSP: Comité National du Salut Public (National Committee for Public Salvation)

CPE: Complex Political Emergency

DDR: Demobilization Disarmament Reintegration

ECOFORCE: (ECOWAS) Peace Force for Côte d’Ivoire

ECOWAS: West African Economy Community

FAFN: Force Armée des Forces Nouvelles

FDS: Force de Défense et de Sécurité (Security and Defense Forces)

FESCI: Fédération Estudiantine de Côte d’Ivoire (Côte d’Ivoire Students’ Federation)

FHB: Félix Houphouet-Boigny

FPI: Front Populaire Ivoirien (Ivorian Popular Front)

FN: Forces Nouvelles (New Forces)

FRCI: Force Républicaine de Côte d’Ivoire (Republican Forces of Côte d’Ivoire)

HDI: Human Development Index

IFCC: French research Institute for Cocoa and Coffee

IFI: International Financial Institutions

IMF: International Monetary Fund

LMP: La Ligue des Mouvements pour le Progrès (League of Movements for Progress)

MPCI: Patriotic Movement of Côte d’Ivoire

ONUCI: United Nations Organization in Côte d’Ivoire

PDCI: Parti Démocratique de Côte d’Ivoire (Democratic Party of Côte d’Ivoire)

PIT: Parti Ivoirien des Travailleurs (Ivorian Workers’ Union Party)

PK: Kimberley Process

RDA: Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (African Democratic Rally)

RDR: Rassemblement Des Républicains (Rally of Republicans)

RHDP: Rassemblement des Houphouetistes pour la Démocratie et la Paix (Houphouetists’ Rally for Democracy and Peace)

R2P: Responsibility to protect

SAA: Syndicat Agricole Africain (African Agricultural Union)

SAP: Structural Adjustment Programme

USD: Union des Socio-Démocrates (Socio-Democrats Union)

UN: United Nations

UNDP: United Nations Development Programme

UNSC: United Nations Security Council

UNTSO: United Nations Truce Supervision Organization

INTRODUCTION

T he Republic of Côte d’Ivoire, an old French colony, is a West African state. ¹ For many decades ago, it had been perceived by many as an island of stability under the presidency of Félix Houphouet-Boigny from 1960 to 1990. Meanwhile, in other African territories, there were multitudes of warfare. Some argued that the stability of Côte d’Ivoire was due to the open door policy enforced or practiced in the land. Thus, the strategy applied was based on the culture of cocoa and coffee, which most often attracted the northern neighboring immigrant working force. ² In fact, the state of Côte d’Ivoire knew a light economic issue in the 1980s. By that period, a strategy of restoration was enforced through the Structural Adjustment Programmes. Otherwise, its leading position as world cocoa- and coffee-producing country made the territory a stable one. It emanated from an advanced economic and political stability between 1960 and 1990 in comparison with some other African states. ³ Otherwise, in the 1990s, the collapse of the communist bloc and the fall of the Berlin Wall gave way to other sorts of political ideology. The wind of revolution that blew from Eastern Europe ⁴ to the Asian continent before ending up to the African territories also reached Côte d’Ivoire. The country of Houphouet was then added to the list of countries with multiparty democracies. After the instauration of the multiparty system of democracy, the country entered a period of new forms of human rights violations, injustice and rampant corruption as well as socioeconomic problems. Successively, the political and economic situations of Côte d’Ivoire were deteriorating and had a negative impact on the Ivorian population’s living conditions.

From those days of multiparty system, Côte d’Ivoire became a bit moved by political and economic crisis. In 1999, the constitutionally elected President Bédié was ousted by Gen. Robert Guei on Christmas Eve of the same year). In October 2000, popular protests over election fraud by General Guei brought the candidate that was considered to have won the scrutiny, Laurent Gbagbo, to power. Since the fairness of these elections was still contested both internally and by international institutions, Gbagbo’s presidency was fragile. Some months later, a failed coup d’état was perpetrated against his government in 2001. Furthermore, in September 2002, partisans of Alassane Ouattara gathered in Forces Nouvelles, started an armed conflict, and took control over the northern parts of the Ivorian nation after failing to seize the southern part. It was a nightmare, the dark day in Côte d’Ivoire. In sum, the country was at war. No one knew precisely about anything, about what was going on that day, apart from the partisans of Ouattara. On the one hand, such situation had never been experienced in the country. The seriousness of the situation gave way to a huge wave of refugees migrating from every corner in order to save their own lives. On the other hand, the stable territory tried its best to stop the migratory movements of its children, fathers, mothers, and concerned populations, but it was in vain since they had lost hope.

Since then, Côte d’Ivoire has become the arena of various international actors with national supporters rather than an independent state of its own.⁵ Many solutions were projected by the regional and international communities to remedy the existing chaotic situation through conflict resolutions processes. Therefore, the United Nations (UN) intervened so that the objective for which it was created should find its reason. Thus, UN representatives and forces (soldiers) were sent to the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire. For the time being, some roundtables were organized in many places both on the African and European continents. Moreover, the best solution to end the Ivorian conflict seemed to be the rerun of elections, taking into account the participation of all political leaders without any discrimination. Finally, Ivorians arranged new presidential elections in 2010 so that they can renew stability. The scrutiny held on in October and November 2010.⁶ The elections were not conducted peacefully but gave way to new rivalries (post-electoral conflicts). On top of that, women were reported to be threatened and murdered. The country returns to war after coming up with two different presidents of whom M. Gbagbo and M. Ouattara for a unique presidential throne.

In the end, the resolution 1975 (2011) of the United Nations was enforced,⁷ M. Gbagbo and his comrades were arrested and Alassane Ouattara ruled over Côte d’Ivoire as president since April 11, 2011.⁸ At that very moment, after the arrest of M. Gbagbo, new waves of Ivorian refugees were received in neighboring countries and all around the world. Those who were anxious, afraid, and wanted to save their own lives moved on to new destinations within the borders of the Ivorian territory. People noticed mobility since some of the population were living in bushes or in other places other than their ordinary cities or towns. On top of that, M. Gbagbo was sent to the International Criminal Court in the Netherlands. Otherwise, a reconciliation program was implemented for the national unification of Ivorians. The CDVR went on a mission to meet with the children of Côte d’Ivoire living both on the national and the international arena, where Ivorians could be found as Diasporas. In contrast, Charles Blé Goudé joined M. Gbagbo at the prison in Scheveningen in The Hague, on March 22, 2014.⁹ Later, his trial began on March 27, 2014. Nowadays, the media, which seemed to be an active participant during the votes and the post-election crisis, is no more into action in Côte d’Ivoire since it does no longer talk that much about the territory. Thus, news about the Ivorian issue is obtained from social networks and some other media. Nowadays, information is received by the ProRussia TV (new media) and even available through amateurs and informal channels headed by Facebook, the Internet, photographs, meetings, leaflets, and private newspapers. Today, the Ivorian political arena is subject to the FPI opposition and the CNC (National Coalition for Change).

1. Aim

The aim of the research project is establishing an explicit and an extensive comprehension as well as the analysis of the evolutionary degradation of the Ivorian socioeconomic and political activities. By the way, looking at the world’s first cocoa-producing country falling consistently By the way, looking at the world’s first cocoa-producing country falling consistently in trouble may help in understanding the chaos that gained ground in the land. It would be therefore wise to describe the Ivorian conflict that had taken place during the night of September 18 to 19, 2002. The research project was performed during the visits made in summers 2007, 2008, 2009, and Christmas 2009 then January 2010 to Côte d’Ivoire. Likewise, the living conditions one went through while visiting the country were living testimonies that motivated to work on the decline of the world’s largest cocoa-producing country and one of the worldwide coffee-producing states. On top of that, another journey was planned for visiting Côte d’Ivoire to compare the Gbagbo administration with Ouattara’s ruling regime. But it was not possible. Instead, new interviews were performed in Paris since some living testimonies were given by people who experienced the hostilities and nowadays live in Europe (France, Sweden, Denmark, etc.). In sum, these people were interviewed since they were deeply involved in those conflicts. Some observations were examined in order to understand the Ivorian chaos. The research project needs to be more effective in delineating the difference between subjective feelings and objective reasoning. This may help to meet with individuals who truly survived the tragedies. In sum, they narrated about the events that occurred and still going on in Côte d’Ivoire. Thus, injustice, corruption, epidemic disease, and accidental matters observed in hospitals seemed pitiful. The situation moved someone to compare the period of president Félix Houphouet-Boigny (1960 to 1993) with the contemporary events (September 19, 2002, and April 11, 2011).

In spite of what was mentioned previously, the strong presence of UN cars in the capital city and in the rest of the country drew more attention in dealing with the research project. The work, therefore, was focused on the transition of the world’s first cocoa-producing country’s stability and its chaos since the idea is about working on the transition of stability to the chaos. The concern about the Ivorian case will, for that purpose, emphasize the seeming origins of the rivalries. It will be analyzed through the lenses of various theories. We think there still needs to be a focus on old and new wars. Then the theories of resource war, neocolonialism, and clash of civilizations and also media, feminism, and justice will be examined to provide insight on the understanding of acts leading up to conflicts and wars. The research project, therefore, will try to provide insight on the action of certain groups of individuals who have resorted to weapons against Ivorians and transformed Côte d’Ivoire into a battlefield.

The project helps in providing insights on the origins of conflicts and political violence taking place in early 1990s up to the 21st century in Côte d’Ivoire. On top of that, it will emphasize the bloodless state coup of December 1999 led by General Guei overthrowing the constitutionally elected President Bédié. In particular, the project stressed about the late and worst opposition (March–April 2011) confronting President Gbagbo to the internationally recognized and elected President Ouattara, the Forces Nouvelles (FN), the Licorne, and the UN. Probably, theories of political protest and social movements will be taken up in the body of the research project at a certain moment if and only if necessary. Since these theories should not be argued about in the section devoted to theoretical frameworks, it is not pretty sure that these theories generally used in the research project will fully treat or properly explain the Ivorian drama (the Ivorian society’s decline or chaos). It is still good enough to make use of them in order to understand some conflicting issues. The most important thing to remember in this research project is about understanding that this work is not of a personal political approach. However, the idea is about an academic viewpoint based on mainstreams leading to a scientific research while emphasizing the study of the object (objectivity). The project tried to deal with the study of the object and answering the question (demarcation) about the Ivorian chaos. Generally speaking, it concerns conflict resolutions implemented by national and regional entities and international actors to solve the Ivorian nightmare (September 19, 2002, conflict and November 2010 post-electoral conflict). The research project tried to provide insights on the explanation of civil war while studying the CH Model (Collier and Hoeffler Model) and applying it to the variable Côte d’Ivoire. In doing so, one moved from the economic and political stability of the land to the chaos in order to understand the Ivorian tragedy. The research project examined an analytical framework covering the following research questions:

- What are the reasons that could explain the origins of September 19, 2002, conflict of a stable Côte d’Ivoire whose economic and political stability was transformed into a chaos?

• Was the conflict a civil war in type of ethnic or religious hostilities?

• Should it be considered a kind of resource war?

• Moreover, should the attack be seen as neocolonial conflict since new international actors were involved?

- What kinds of intervention strategies and conflict resolutions were enforced to the Ivorian crisis of September 2002 in order to restore peace and security?

- How did the media present and intervene with the Ivorian conflict?

• Were women present, threatened, and murdered during the votes and the post-electoral conflict of November 2010?

- Was justice enforced into the Ivorian design?

• What kind of relationship exists between Ivorian ethnic and religious groups nowadays?

2. Methodology and sources

The study of the Ivorian conflict is one among many others. It is a difficult subject. It was not an easy one since it has remained on the international agenda for so long. The issue was not simple since various approaches opposed each other. In other words, we seem to get into different analyses of various viewpoints. Therefore, it will be useful to deal with the Ivorian case throughout a great deal of academic frameworks while making use of a strong objectivity. The work will be a mixture of subjective and objective issues (hypotheses) in order to perform a good study of the object on the basis of observations. Certainly, the process will follow an objective analysis in regard to the empirical facts met on the ground (on the Ivorian territory). In doing so, a type of logic will be applied to the study of the Ivorian conflict in this research project. The research project will be interested in studying, understanding, and analyzing the Ivorian crisis that broke out on September 19, 2002. The case study will be based on an interpretative approach. The interpretative approach corresponds to the qualitative research, which is precise, specific, and detailed.¹⁰ A qualitative research may be of a systematic subjective approach, which is used to describe life experiences while giving them meaning.¹¹ In the project, we will intervene with a quantitative research in reference to digits and calculations. In other words, a quantitative research is a formal, objective, and systematic process. It helps obtain information about the world. The method also helps describe, test relationships, and examine causes and effects.¹²

The most important thing is to emphasize quantitative research and intervene with an explanatory and a dependent variable. Explanatory variables can also be referred to as independent variables, while dependent variables are seen as outcome variables.¹³ The independent variable is a variable that is manipulated or changed while the dependent variable represents the results. Some interviews were performed during the course of several visits made toward Côte d’Ivoire at different periods. In sum, these travels had been made during summers 2007, 2008, 2009, and December 2008 and 2009 then January 2010. On the one hand, a future journey was planned in June or July 2014. On the other hand, the visit was projected in order to find out the truth (even if it is not absolute) about the Ivorian drama. The previous interviews performed were not tape-recorded ones. The different respondents indicated were still frightened and anxious because of what they went through during the attacks of September 18 to 19, 2002, and after. The journey that had been canceled will be replaced by interviews performed in Europe since, nowadays, these respondents are living in France, Denmark, Sweden, England, or somewhere else. Among them is Abel Naki, an active member and founder of the Cri Panafricain, who was already met in Paris on Saturday, June 28, 2014. Then Vincent Ikpo will be interviewed as the spokesman of the CDVR France (their interviews will be found in the appendix). Those who were met and interviewed while visiting previously Côte d’Ivoire automatically refused to be tape-recorded. By the way, some of them (respondents) spoke the Dioula, Bété, and Baoulé languages during the interview. Some new interviews will be performed this time in Europe (France, Sweden, Denmark, etc.) since the journey that was planned is canceled. One has the possibility to contact some of the respondents in Europe or outside Côte d’Ivoire today. Another strategy consisted of having some phone call interviews. This time, some respondents (in Europe) were tape-recorded but very few. Some of them are living testimonies since they survived the conflicts. Particularly, some respondents tried to narrate their story in French even though they hardly spoke the Moliere language. They gave testimonies in Dioula, Bété, and Baoulé while interpreted from their native tongue to the French language. The interpretation was later translated from French to English in order to be written down. Thus, the respondents were of a variety of social classes or of different political ideologies. The difference was noticed between their culture, religion, area, or native town.

For some, the similarity or divergence was enforced through their nation or identity. In spite of that, some respondents share a local or regional interest. Somehow, a great deal of the interviews was transferred to the appendix, and a few is found in the research project when necessary. Otherwise, the appendix contains samples of most of the participant interviews. In other words, why are these three ethnic groups (Dioula, Bété, and Baoulé) mentioned out of the sixty others? One may emphasize these three specific ethnic groups since they are considered to represent the three main political parties of Côte d’Ivoire—namely, RDR, FPI, and PDCI-RDA. Otherwise, the interviews performed were not only limited to Côte d’Ivoire but were also extended to the African and European continents. The importance of diversification of interviews demonstrates an evidence of neutrality and objectivity related to the research project. The interviews performed outside Côte d’Ivoire included native Ivorians and people who have lived for a long time in the country before, during, and after the post-election crisis. In general, they were those who fled the territory. Among them were students, politicians, university lecturers, civilians, some unemployed people as well as family members of those respondents and deserted soldiers.

Consequently, the research project was based on a scientific method since it leads to a scientific research. In other words, qualitative and quantitative research can respectively be systematic and scientific.¹⁴ Scientific research is most often evoked either to make descriptive or explanatory inferences finding origins in empirical information about the world. Therefore, one needs to be careful with the descriptions of specific phenomena that may seem useful to scientific research, but the accumulation of facts alone does not evaluate it (make it sufficient).¹⁵ On top of that, in order to corroborate those phenomena, the theory of falsification of Karl Popper¹⁶ will be accessed through the study of the unit Côte d’Ivoire regarding the September 19, 2002, conflict. Various hypotheses will be evoked in order to cope up with the Ivorian hostilities. For Karl Popper the theory of falsification is the solution to the problem of demarcation, which corresponds to the question of hypothesis. He insisted on the distinction or difference between science and nonscience.¹⁷

It will be understandable to intervene with hypotheses through the research project corresponding to scientific methods. A hypothesis is therefore considered scientific if and only if it has the ability to be rejected or refuted by some possible observation.¹⁸ One may stress about the objectivity of the research in order to project the study of the object. It will be useful to do so since one needs to get closer with responses linked to the study of the object looked for in this work. Most often, objectivity seems to underline the absence of bias, impartiality, or fairness. But the word or term objective may be linked to claims that are correlated with the existence of something that is independent of our minds. It will be just and reasonable to try our level best in intervening with ethics and morals while acting and working on the research project. Finally, it is useful to do so while moving on and getting close to the truth regarding the Ivorian drama even if the truth is not absolute or is impossible to be reached. Thus a descriptive research will be examined when necessary in the case of description of facts. The normative method can come into play while evaluating and making judgments linked to things to be done or to what they seem to look like or alike.¹⁹ Apparently, the research project is implicitly and explicitly done since every single detail was taken into account so that one has a selective and an analysis of quality. In other words, an analysis that makes the difference between a scientific and nonscientific theory.

The idea of intertextuality is mentioned since it refers to the action of reworking on texts. It is the interrelation between texts—generally works of literature—the way these similar texts influence, reflect, or sometimes differ from one another. Obviously, there is a correlation of previous work performed regarding the same setting. For the research to be perfectly done and well understood, it is necessary to clarify certain scientific words, which may be latterly used in the analytical part. These words will be as follows: paradigm, hypothesis, abduction, explanatory inference, deduction, induction, confirmation, corroboration, falsification, refutation, epistemology, and some others that will be added in the research project. It is therefore wise, useful, logical, and normal to define each word mentioned previously.

In fact, abduction is one of the terms, among various others, used by C. S. Pierce in reference to explanatory inference. It is opposed to the term induction since they contradict each other. It is referred to as the generalization of a hypothesis after noticing a preliminary result observed through an experiment. Lastly, one may confirm the preliminary results as working out for the rest of the experiment even though one does not fully complete the experimental work.

Deduction seems to be the best way, the logical part while describing the characteristics of argumentation. In other words, the results gotten from the premise of an argument that is true and will lead to the confirmation of its conclusion to be similarly true or good. It therefore leads to a deductive validity.

A confirmation is a relationship or the link of support existing between evidence or a proof (body of evidence) and a hypothesis or a theory. Otherwise, it is not the equivalent of evidence. To conclude, a theory can be confirmed (true) or refuted (false).²⁰

When it comes to the word corroboration, it is a term that, most of the time, was used or enforced by Popper. It is ahead of a scientific theory when it has resisted the test of rejection. A theory is therefore corroborated when it gives more elements or justifications in its favor, to constantly observe what the theory previously stated.

Epistemology deals with questions of philosophical issues. It is about facts emphasizing knowledge, justification of beliefs, and rationality.²¹

The word falsification or the falsifiability is a view set or a scientific idea stressed by Karl Popper. The term is used in order to prove or, with eventuality, to say of a theory to be false.²² The action therefore permits to distinguish scientific theories from nonscientific ones (the demarcation problem).

A hypothesis corresponds to the means to conduct orderly and strictly a response proposition to an asked question. The hypothesis turns to be a proposition linked to the value of parameter, the law of probability owing its sources to the types of observation. In sum, it turns to be a proposition or a group of propositions representing zero level or the starting point of the demonstration. It is a preliminary proposition, a presumption that needs verification. That is the reason why if it is not explicit, it is implicit or, moreover, unconscious.

Induction is a term with many senses referring to an old and a modern approach. In the seventieth century, it corresponded to the method defining science in Francis Bacon’s approach. It therefore emphasized generalizations and hypotheses that needed to be sustained with or supported by lots of facts. In fact, induction works in ways that are contrary to the method or the procedure of deduction. Finally, induction defines inferences, particularly in case of generalization, which is above the understanding or comprehension of observations. Therefore, it can be said of dealing with arguments that were deductively not valid.

An explicative inference is a group of data inference concerning a hypothesis referring to a structure or a consistent process detaining the possibility or the ability in explaining data. Particularly numerous terms coining subjects or ideas that are explained differently, such as abduction inference, clear explanation inference, explicative induction, and theoretical induction.

The term paradigm is an approach that is coined by Kuhn and the reason that motivated him in making it his scientific theory. Two principal senses came out of the term paradigm. In the narrow sense, paradigm leads to an impressive success, which inspired and tended to guide more than a tradition of scientific research—a tradition of normal science. In the broad sense, paradigm is a view or a general ensemble of scientific practice (how to practice science), which may come from the narrow sense of the approach (paradigm). In this way, paradigm may enclose theoretical ideas referring to the world, to methods, to subtle habits of thoughts or beliefs, and to norms leading to a good research.

The term refutation is an action of power to refute a theory. All theory that is not refutable by any other event is not conceived of scientific characteristics. Therefore, irrefutability is a default to theories. On top of that, the real reason to strongly improve a theory through certain tests leads to demonstrate its falsity (to prove that it is false) or to refute it (the theory).²³ The different definitions of the words above have been given. It will be wise enough and useful to examine the idea about sources.

For instance, the sources used during the research project will be primary, secondary, and in some other time, tertiary ones. The materials were set aside and assembled together for the purpose for which they could be used. Therefore both primary and secondary sources will be use the most while the tertiary one will scarcely appear in this work. In other words, a primary source is a source in forms of documents or physical objects that went through writings or were created during the period under study.²⁴ These sources are the ones that have supposedly been not yet used in previous works. They can be associated with the search of new materials. These types of sources existed or were present while the experience occurred and offered an inside view of a particular event.²⁵

A secondary source is about interpreting and analyzing primary sources and depends on a primary source. In fact, the sources seemed to have gone through a transformation since one or more steps are removed from the event. It seems a bit difficult to differentiate a primary source from a secondary one since they are almost similar. Sometimes the secondary source can be seen as a primary source. Here, it seems to be quite ambiguous since one may not exactly know how and when to make use of one instead of the other. Moreover, some academics (scholars) make use of secondary sources to examine the work of previous researchers while referring to their research work or project. To conclude, a secondary source can present pictures, quotes, or graphics of primary sources.

On top of that, a tertiary source is usually in the form of simplified general background in terms of topic. They are seldom used in academic works (university level-research or writings) since they are less useful in comparison with primary and secondary sources. Then sources used come from books; articles; narrated, written, or tape-recorded stories (DVD and TV broadcast); or newspapers (of good validity). Books are linked to different theoretical approaches mentioned previously, and it is the same for articles. Moreover, the written stories will be based on works performed by certain individuals according to what they experienced or regarding their viewpoint. On the one hand, the newspapers examined during the research project are Le Figaro, Le Monde, The New York Times, Dagens Nyheter, Notre Voie, Libération, Fraternité Matin, and several others. Likewise, some archived documents, documentaries in DVD forms, and Internet links (not Wikipedia) were accessible to perform and fulfill the research project.

In sum, the interviews done will be part of the sources and transferred in the appendix. Probably, a bit of those interviews will appear in the research project if and only if it is necessary for that section to be included in the body of the work. In general, the questions the respondents were asked will also be more detailed in the appendix. To conclude, additional sources were incorporated in the research project for comprehension of the study of the object being looked for throughout the work. Otherwise, the limits of the research project will be tied to the title of the work. It signifies that, in a broad explanation, the limits are going to be extended on the intervals September 19, 2002, and April 11, 2011, to March 27, 2014. Somehow, at certain points, the research project will necessitate some case studies (comparison of cases) in reference to the variable Côte d’Ivoire. By the way, some political, journalistic, and scientific discourses may be part of the research project since it is good enough to incorporate their definition or purpose here. On top of that, they will be of great necessity in giving examples and dealing with empirical facts. In sum, their utility in the research project is of great interest. They will help in understanding different approaches referring to the politicians, media (journalists), and researchers or scholars, and students.

Political discourse is a kind of discourse that seems to be similar to the discourse of power or might operating with rhetorical means. It corresponds to discursive meaning or theme, system or method through which the concerned person (individual), the group, the party tries to obtain power through political manifestation against other personalities, parties, or groups.²⁶ This type of discourse encloses a pragmatic notion that gets into symbiosis with the discourse of power in order to be legitimated. In other words, it is therefore useful for the rest of the group to be convinced through imperative methods by the channel of a truly strong discourse (convincing discourse). Therefore, one tries his or her level best in finding words that suit the others or the group through concrete actions. It is said to be the means through which one manipulates and convinces the rest. Thus, a leader looks in the same direction of vision as the others while referring to a common interest or goal. It is about motivating others, and they are delighted to be encouraged to take the same approach as a master does. In this discourse, people enforced, emphasized, or insisted on identity, ideology while manipulating or seducing others. This type of method was the one learned from and applied by some great figures of the past such as Roosevelt, Lenin, Spaak (the general secretary of NATO²⁷), and some others. The purpose of acting in such way was about coming up with ideologies that can easily be spread over in biasing others.

Journalistic discourse is a discourse through which the journalist gives either information or advice. For example, in the worldmost of the reviews are not discourse of confirmation.²⁸ Somehow, there are a lot of similarities between journalistic discourse and political discourse.²⁹ From the ground up (bottom up), people have resorted to pragmatic ideologies while making use of prescription, incitation, information, instruction, and indeed giving more details.³⁰ Journalistic discourse tries to find out sources and information. People most often urged the press agent in charge of a documentary to go out for information. The investigative journalist would actively be on the ground for information of good (validity).³¹ In this way, the journalist becomes a commentator of information and events reported through an explicative discourse. The agent therefore intervenes with survey through time and space. The agent tries to convince people (receptors) while creating credibility when sending information, and reporting and narrating them (events). Anyway, the process implemented does not make of the project more or less scientific. Here, the type of strategy applied helps in dissuading receptors since the information dispatched seemed to be real, correct, or true.

Scientific discourse is a discourse defining the elaboration of concepts. In this way, the problem is posed, and one tries to respond or answer the question asked while giving it sense. It therefore develops or links the research project to the comprehension of the demarcation problem while studying the object (research question). Scientific discourse is therefore demonstrating, convincing, and persuading by any possible means for approving the process (scientific demarche).

In general, this kind of discourse finds its ground in a method of investigation and conceptualization. Scientific discourse can be considered a discourse of action while defining research and discovery. This is one of the reasons that motivated Popper in 1934 to take back the idea Kant evoked in 1786: The logic of scientific discovery.³² Since it is referred to as discovery discourse, it can be personal (individual) and can enclose demonstrative characteristics based on the structure of theories and epistemology.³³ Apparently, epistemology corresponds to the philosophical ideology stressing about questions leading to knowledge, sources, and rationality.³⁴ In other words, it can be similar to the savoir faire finding its identity in the argumentation and the quality. Scientific discourse is most often necessary to scientific knowledge.³⁵ Scientific discourse is usually associated with hypotheses linked to scientific methods in order to get close to or end up with scientific theory. In saying so, the rational and critical discussions will then lead