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Throw All the Bums Out, Legal!; Amendment for a National Vote to Suspend Given Legislators' Re-election Eligibility
Throw All the Bums Out, Legal!; Amendment for a National Vote to Suspend Given Legislators' Re-election Eligibility
Throw All the Bums Out, Legal!; Amendment for a National Vote to Suspend Given Legislators' Re-election Eligibility
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Throw All the Bums Out, Legal!; Amendment for a National Vote to Suspend Given Legislators' Re-election Eligibility

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Many participants, representatives of their young Republics' at Constitutional Convention, felt the Constitution proposed with the objective of forming "a more perfect Union" of the thirteen States (than the one experienced under the previous Articles of Confederation) flawed in parts – notoriously so in the aspect of lifelong indenture; which was to be left to the discretion of each State.

Article IV§4-Republican government, affirmed that the union of these United States "shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican [a representative] Form of Government. The idea was that if dictatorship were allowed to take hold of one Republic; then this tendency towards autocracy would spread to others; and so the Federal Government would be there as guarantor preventing this.

The innate contradiction was that it was left to each State to decide on its own definition of what representative government was, or who would have access to the enjoyment of it. A Bill of Rights was sorely lacking in the original Constitution; and so the first Amendments were added to correct the omission. But again, who would have access to the enjoyment of these rights was left to the States.

Article I§-Limits on Congress; 3rd Clause: "No Bill of Attainder ... shall be passed." [Attainder Bill: law punishing ancestry-a blood law]. The Congress couldn't pass a law allowing slavery-couldn't pass a law punishing blood; but the States could. And so the States were each left to define the difference between representative governance and tyranny. The States didn't do so well, and the contradiction couldn't and didn't last. Unfortunately reason was not the immediate remedy chosen to expunge the remnants of tyranny as we all, as U.S. citizens, know so very well.

Nevertheless, and regardless of the folly and the avarice of those who seek to govern; the Constitution was always and is open to amendment and correction responsive to the concerns of later eras; it is understood to come from the People, & the People have the ultimate right and means to adapt it even while dealing with incapable politicians' resistance and obstruction.

The growth of national level corporate entities as well as the two national powerful political fundraising platforms of the respective majority parties has developed since the Union's inception. Corporate interests, such as the weapons suppliers' interests documented in this book; can demonstrably easily co-opt key party elite players and thus gain more than nominal control of party policies to the detriment of the General Welfare (as is examined in this book). Local constituencies are no match for the nationwide Corporate-Party Machine alliances.

A theoretical Lower House nit-wit politician representing, perhaps absurdly, even a tiny peninsula in northern California; could conceivably, by virtue of longevity in office and with national level backing, gain vastly disproportionate influence over national policy. And if sufficiently venal & non-too-bright a person, could be flattered by the influential into believing and enacting the preposterous.

2 amendments to the Constitution are urged in this book. These are designed to deal with ongoing entrenched imbecility, corruption or influence peddling evidently carried on within the Congress of the United States. As is examined, there is nothing in the Constitution which responds to a situation where an entire mega political party in Congress goes haywire; or the entire 2 Party congress goes nuts.

Fundamentally this is a discussion of how a national vote favoring suspension for one term, the re-election eligibility of a legislator to the same office held previously; would enable the national electorate to more readily force entire political party house cleanings; and force political respect of; and responsiveness and accountability to, the national electorate.

LanguageEnglish
Release dateJan 10, 2019
ISBN9780463753286
Throw All the Bums Out, Legal!; Amendment for a National Vote to Suspend Given Legislators' Re-election Eligibility
Author

Jean-Marc Lebouquin

Jean-Marc LeBouquin is an U.S. Citizen native to deep southern Louisiana. He professes no political party affiliations or loyalties, and qualifies himself as an independent who values foremost the United States Constitution; and is skeptical of unsubstantiated boastful claims Washington partisan politicians make in favor of promoting themselves and the fundraising political party machines that support their re-election campaigns.

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    Throw All the Bums Out, Legal!; Amendment for a National Vote to Suspend Given Legislators' Re-election Eligibility - Jean-Marc Lebouquin

    Throw All the Bums Out Legal

    Amendment for a National Vote to Suspend Given Legislators' Re-election Eligibility

    Jean-Marc LeBouquin

    Author of:

    Congress Jerks the General; the Citizen too

    Ignoring Zelenskyy, an Impeachment Lark and Contest

    Bluster Strike and Beyond; Notes on the Impeachment Trial of the Decade– Etc.

    Copyright © January 10, 2018 Jean-Marc LeBouquin – illustration under same copyright.

    Smashwords Edition, License Notes:

    This ebook is licensed for your personal enjoyment only. This book may not be re-sold or given away to other people. If you would like to share this book with another person, please purchase an additional copy for each recipient. If you’re reading this book and did not purchase it, or it was not purchased for your use only, then please return to your favorite ebook retailer and purchase your own copy. Thank you for your very kind regard.

    Table of Contents

    Throw All the Bums Out Legal

    Chapter 1 – Governance by Nemesis – an Orientation Overview

    Chapter 2 – Conflict of Interests Contending with the Oath of Office

    Chapter 3 – Obama's Claim Abolishing U.S. Sovereignty and Jurisdiction

    Chapter 4 – Refusing to Read the List

    Chapter 5 – Vote Quietly Put Aside

    Chapter 6 – Participation in Crimes Against Peace

    Chapter 7 – Ruse Over Oath

    Chapter 8 – Gossiping Up a Resolution's New Name

    Chapter 9 – Refusing to Acknowledge the List; Acolytes and Grievances

    Chapter 10 – Explanation of Why a No Confidence Vote Cannot be an Impeachment

    Chapter 11 – The Ninth Amendment

    Chapter 12 – Bipartisan Establishment, State Legislated, National Voting Electorate Freeze Out

    Chapter 13 – Current Notion of Unchallengeable Tenure

    Chapter 14 – Outline of a Vote of No Confidence Amendment; Basic Parameters

    Chapter 15 – Amendment as Applied to the Senate

    Chapter 16 – Amendment as Applied to the Lower House

    Chapter 17 – What Would a Ballot Look Like?

    Chapter 18 – The No Need Option

    Chapter 19 – Bi-Partisan Angry Resistance; Getting Reform Underway Regardless

    Chapter 20 – Concluding Note on the Immediate Danger of Ongoing Proliferation

    Chapter 21 – Some Concluding Notes on the Need for the Two Amendments

    Chapter 22 – Further Observations on the Suggested Amendments

    Chapter 23 – Excerpt of inventory listed on Missile Technology Control Regime; Equipment, Software and Technology Annex

    Chapter 24 – How (why) the Missile Technology Control Regime; Equipment, Software and Technology Annex was renamed "S/2015/546

    Chapter 25 – Excerpt of the contents of INFCIRC/254/Rev.9/Part 2a inventory list. (Nuclear weapons associated inventories Iran is entitled to acquire under Resolution 2231.)

    Chapter 26 – The Procurement Working Group and its mandate to expedite Iranian acquisitions of INFCIRC/254/Rev.9/Part 2a listed inventories

    Chapter 27 – The Procurement Working Group mandate to prohibit the International Atomic Energy Agency from discovering, investigating, or reporting on Iranian acquisitions of nuclear weapons associated assets listed on INFCIRC/254/Rev.9/Part 2a – this in violation of Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (Nuclear non-Proliferation Treaty, NPT); Article III; first clause

    Chapter 28 – Secrecy arrangement concerning Iranian acquisitions of INFCIRC/254/Rev.9/Part 2a listed inventories

    Chapter 29 – Documenting the Obama Administration's Intransigent refusal to transmit Security Council Resolution 2231 to the 114th Congress

    Chapter 30 – Part of how the IAEA is prevented by the Security Council's JCPOA from reviewing "Activities Which Could Contribute to The Design And Development of a Nuclear Explosive Device

    Throw All the Bums Out Legal

    * * * * *

    Chapter 1

    – Governance by Nemesis – an Orientation Overview –

    It would seem, in the United States of today, that there would be little controversy in beginning this writing with the contention that the Congress is inundated by a constant influx of lobbying groups pulling and pushing the Congress in various directions – this being a business tradition within the United States which had arrived at prominent status in the era immediately following the Civil War, developing and expanding further in the later 19th Century. During that period, the opportunity for a few to accumulate lavish concentrations of wealth became more evidently available, and there were those in a position to take substantial advantage.

    That large scale business interests of expanded nature permeate the United States Government even today did not come about without origin of circumstance. Accompanying the development of extraordinary accumulations of wealth during the Civil War and the post Civil War period has been a development of some business practices evolving in the United States since that time. For example, the lobbying of the government by extremely powerful and influential moneyed interests really came to the fore in that era.

    Nowadays however – and adding to that, powerful lobbying groups have become so diversified, often exerting their influences in directions conflicting with one another; that the Citizen might begin to develop the artistic impression that, on a certain level, a congressional politician might have secretly begun to feel confounded by the great diversity of influences from which to choose; and that politicians' publicly stated political platforms might have become confused with what the politician (distracted by the vast selection of lobbying interests) publicly claims these platforms to be; as opposed to the politicians' actual course of action undertaken at the caprice of the moment, possibly in response to some new unexpected trendy influence appearing from nowhere.

    The same has been known to have happened to political parties whose public proclamations of good intentions have been regularly been subject to arbitrary reinterpretation by the partisans themselves in the often raucous and exuberant dash to satisfy themselves in pursuit of a political expediency suddenly brought on by a latest tempting external inducement;

    The electorate might have long since begun to feel justified in guessing that the real, underlying unstated platform of the politician is to be discovered in the politicians' choices made in selecting which conflicting lobbying interests and influences the politician has chosen to seek out; pick out from the pile of the embarrassment of riches as it were; and then, having selected the desirable influence, adhere to the marvelous preference.

    Such personal decisions concerning patronage could be the guiding light to many of the politicians' decisions, affording some assurance of financial security in future re-election campaigns, and general backing in meeting the challenges of a given term in office.

    For a congressperson – choices between influences might be thought of as something like choosing stocks for one's portfolio. To clarify, I don't mean that the Congress person is literally buying stock in the companies that he supports or that support him. I consider that this is something more like a Congressperson's seeking and grooming powerful influences to assist and support the politician in some possibly legitimate manner.

    What I'm seeking to describe would be more of something like a politicians seeking out and selecting powerful interests which would support the politician's political career; influences which could be thought of as placed in the personal favorite scrapbook portfolio of choice influential groups.

    In general, partisan member of Congress might respond best to the influences and interests sought out and generally selected by the general party membership. The choice of which influence is to be responded to by a given political party could be thought of as the real underlying political party platform – reflective of a kind of unannounced political party Business Plan if you will.

    As an analogy therefore, not intended to imply an illicit financial relationship a political party's preferences in choosing their sources of influence; this is an analogy which suggests something like the party's choosing of its own particular favorite photo album stock portfolio of selected influences; which can serve as reminder to the lower echelons partisan party line followers, which of the selected influences are thought most wise, agreeable, and desirable to attract, appease and focus attention on.

    * * * * *

    United Nations Security Council Resolution 2231 (2015) is the official United Nations Security Council name of Barack Obama's Iran nuclear deal; the document is not officially known as the JCPOA, as many have been misled into believing. The JCPOA is only one part of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2231. JCPOA is the misnomer applied to the resolution by the Obama administration. This misnomer has helped Obama acolytes to hide from the public many of the provisions incorporated into the Security Council resolution which do not appear in Resolution 2231: Annex A: JCPOA. These provisions all are weapons related; they embody a series of concession to Iran on nuclear, ballistic missile and conventional class weaponry.

    The U.S. Congress has never openly discussed any of these concessions on the Congressional Record – not all of these concessions appear in Annex A: JCPOA; and the 114th and 115th Congress has worked very and been very diligent about avoiding public discussion, or even mention of the existence of the remainder of Resolution 2231.

    The Congress has worked hard and done its damnedest, from 20 July 2015, early in the tenure of the 114th Congress through the tenure of the 115th Congress (through 2018, January 2019) to prove to the U.S. Citizen and to the World that the 114th and 115th Congresses were derelict national assemblies either too lazy and negligent to earlier read through and publicly comment on the entire Resolution 2231 – or later, too dishonest to openly discuss on record the concessions Obama made to Iran regarding U.S. sponsored and approved of sales to Iran of nuclear, and ballistic weapons associated assets which are not contained in Annex A: JCPOA of the resolution – but are found in Annex B: Statement of Resolution 2231.

    The ruse of avoiding any public mention of Resolution 2231 – and all that is contained within it – has over a long period of time proven very effective in helping to seemingly maintain arguments in favor of Barack Obama's Iran nuclear weapons deal through the device of fraud by omission coupled with direct fabrication.

    That the 115th Congress certainly knew about the nuclear and ballistic missile associated weapons concessions granted Iran by the Obama administration is confirmed by a 115th House of Representatives vote taken in October 2017, almost unanimously favoring U.S. Government recognition of, and continuing approval of sales to Iran of nuclear and ballistic missile associated classes of weapons inventories. That vote will be examined and discussed in detail further on in this writing.

    This writing, among other things, examines the nasty politics and current filthy political tactics undertaken when a U.S. Government attempts, or does, engage in the sport of contraband weapons racketeering in violation of Oath of Office, the U.S. Constitution, international treaty and international law. This writing later suggests two amendments to the Constitution which conceivably could be very effective in curbing the conceits, extravagances and corruption carried on with in a currently unrestrained Congress;

    The writing explains the natural origins of these amendments, how they logically arise out of the Constitution; and how these work within the enumerated limits and conditions specified in the Constitution.

    * * * * *

    This following provision of Resolution 2231 does not appear in Annex A: JCPOA, it appears in Annex B of the Security Council resolution:

    On 18 October 2020 this following provision of Resolution 2231; Annex B: comes into play:

    United Nations Security Council Resolution 2231 (2231); Annex B.

    5. All States may participate in and permit, provided that the Security Council decides in advance on a case-by-case basis to approve: the supply, sale or transfer directly or indirectly from or through their territories, or by their nationals or individuals subject to their jurisdiction, or using their flag vessels or aircraft, and whether or not originating in their territories, to Iran, or for the use in or benefit of Iran, of any battle tanks, armoured combat vehicles, large caliber artillery systems, combat aircraft, attack helicopters, warships, missiles or missile systems, as defined for the purpose of the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms, or related materiel, including spare parts, and the provision to Iran by their nationals or from or through their territories of technical training, financial resources or services, advice, other services or assistance related to the supply, sale, transfer, manufacture, maintenance, or use of arms and related materiel described in this subparagraph.

    This paragraph shall apply until the date five years after the JCPOA Adoption Day or until the date on which the IAEA submits a report confirming the Broader Conclusion, whichever is earlier.

    If only President Trump would agree to remain in the Iran nuclear deal long enough – through 18 October 2020 – when, as gentle Barack Obama has provided for, potential conventional weapons sales might help benefit the pocket books of U.S. arms dealing interests. Then, if he decided to continue supporting Resolution 2231 after that; the then would-be known as an internationally helpful weapons purveyor Trump, should he be re-elected President in November of 2020, could keep on going with a clear and unencumbered conscience comfortable in the knowledge that he had kept Congress happy. And there would be all this business interest momentum gathered behind him to continue to support him. How lucky he would be if only he would learn to cooperate!

    Boeing, Lockheed Martin Corp., Northrop Grumman Corp. for example; they've all got fast moving combat aircraft to sell. Any of these arms dealerships so dear to the defense of this nation might speculate that the aggressive Iran marketplace is suitable as an ideal venue wherein to sell these weapons. The Iranians have the money to buy what is needed, and so, it might be also certain as that the Iranian Government would not be timid to put such weapons advantage to good employ when or if the inclination was felt as wanted;

    It could be reasonably speculated that there would eventually be need for maintenance assistance, replacement spare parts; and should occasional mishaps arise – there could be found a need for full replacement of an item entirely destroyed in actions conducted outside of warranty coverage.

    This could turn out to be a very lucrative market indeed for the weapons purveyors!

    If only the pro-weapons portfolio politicians could keep this President Trump guy in line long enough until someone possibly more malleable and sensitive to industry needs could have a chance to get elected; then we should have a President who more readily understood such things as what makes the world go 'round the Congressional way.

    All the big arms dealers, as far as I've read, have said they will go along with whatever the President says about staying in, or getting out of the deal (damned right, they've got no choice). Nevertheless, I personally believe the sincerity of the statements.

    But that doesn't mean our wealthy speculative psychic mind-readers in Congress, replete with their own personal stock portfolios, won't jump at the chance of guessing at what they imagine are the real shadowy heart-felt interests of the corporations; which may have been, unbeknownst to the corporate leaderships themselves, possibly conscripted into some of those members of Congress's personal favorite scrapbook stock folders, or incorporated into the partisans' respective political party's overall chosen portfolio interests.

    Who's to say, as well; that the Congressional bi-partisan membership of the two party portfolio set, each part on its own, isn't involved in making empty promises to the arms dealing corporations – suggesting that these corporations do this or that and then the partisans of Congress will reciprocate by doing whatever?

    Obama's Iran nuclear weapons deal certainly opens up the door for rearmament of Iran replete with all the modernized enhancements which oil money will buy – this is a major part of the deal, the further documentation of which will be examined in more detail.

    All the weapons development assistance flowing into Iran would not have been possible without Obama's intrusion into the affair. United States collusion and participation in the illegal (by international and domestic law) sales of contraband weaponry to Iran – would not have been possible without Obama imposing interference aggressively instigating the whole international weapons trading scheme – which for many might turn out to be quite profitable – and certainly assists Iran in its weapons development programs.

    This Trump character claims to be a Republican. Nevertheless, he pulled the U.S. out of Obama's "Iran nuclear deal in early May 2018. What kind of a Republican does he think he is pulling U.S. out of such a potentially lucrative arrangement? Just look at him, he's an obvious traitor to his class. Why won't he acknowledge the business angle and potential; or at least try to see what's going on here?

    Here's a whole new weapons market engineered by the previous Obama administration that he wants to cut and run out on. What is he? Is he so resentful that the Democrats thought the scheme up first – so now he wants to check out on possible big time arms dealing profits just because the plotting of it was cooked up by the other big time political party? Is he such a resentful party line enthusiast proponent that he'll pass up a good money making opportunity like this – or is he to be thought of as a genuine Spoil Sport?

    THE REPUBLICANS AND DEMOCRATS in Congress sure could tell what was going on, they knew what was at stake; were Trump to pull out of the deal; and this wasn't just about conventional weapons either.

    On 26 October 2017, the House of Representatives voted in bipartisan near unanimity to pass a Lower House bill which was intended, if it were to be passed into law, to assert that the United States Government would continue to facilitate and approve of sales to Iran of nuclear and ballistic missiles associated assets conveniently bundled together into consolidated procurement packages.

    This is what the United States Government was already doing. The Trump administration, in its first year in office was following through on the policy of facilitating these weapons transactions instigated by his predecessor Barack Obama – and so, at that time, the United States was still involved in the racketeering venture of selling contraband weapons to Iran. The House of Representatives clearly felt they wanted to try and make the U.S. government stick to the plan.

    The United States, when in the deal, participated in the activities of the Procurement Working Group, a bureaucracy set up in United Nations Security Council Resolution 2231, the official name of Barack Obama's Iran nuclear deal.

    The Procurement Working Group developed a document; a sort of Frequently Asked Questions list to help venders world wide understand that sales to Iran of specific weapons associated inventories were permitted in this very flexible Resolution 2231 device that Obama and the Ministers of the Government of Iran had developed between themselves.

    The Procurement Working Group set up its internationally publicized advertising campaign promoting, and encouraging international participation in this novel enterprise by its document "Information on the Procurement Channel."

    Some specifications as to the nature of weapons class related assets allowed to be sold Iran under Barack Obama's deal with Iran are found under the heading: B. Further questions and answers; paragraph 18 of that document, as follows:

    Information on the Procurement Channel

    B. Further questions and answers

    18. Can a proposal include items which are set out in S/2015/546 as well as in INFCIRC/254/Rev.13/Part 1 or INFCIRC/254/Rev. 10/Part 2?

    A proposal may include items which fall both under S/2015/546, as well as one of the INFCIRCs. Such a proposal should be submitted for review as an activity falling under Paragraph 2 of Annex B of Security Council resolution 2231 (2015). The Security Council will decide on such proposals based on a recommendation of the Joint Commission.

    That paragraph is found in the United Nations issued document "Information on the Procurement Channel" which is recovered from the United Nations website page: http://www.un.org/en/sc/2231/restrictions-nuclear.shtml

    The page directly accessing the document in question is: https://www.un.org/en/sc/2231/pdf/Information%20note_EN.pdf

    S/2015/546 refers to the Missile Technology Control Regime; Equipment, Software and Technology Annex; which is a comprehensive list of ballistic missile inventories and technologies which are presented with the admonition that distribution of such assets should be undertaken only after the most cautious deliberation.

    INFCIRC/254/Rev.13/Part 1 or INFCIRC/254/Rev. 10/Part 2 are lists of nuclear weapons inventories, support services and technologies which are presented with a similar admonition as is attached to the Missile Technology Control Regime; Equipment, Software and Technology Annex. The Obama Iran nuclear deal ignores both cautions – and seeks instead to have these assets approved for sale to Iran through the bureaucracy of the Procurement Working Group.

    [Appendix 01 – Excerpt of inventory listed on Missile Technology Control Regime; Equipment, Software and Technology Annex; provides an extensive excerpt from the cited Equipment, Software and Technology Annex. [01]]

    [Appendix 02 – How (why) the Missile Technology Control Regime; Equipment, Software and Technology Annex was renamed S/2015/546; explains the ruse of changing the name of the cited annex to suit the promotional purposes of the Iran nuclear deal. [02]]

    [Appendix 03 – Excerpt of the contents of INFCIRC/254/Rev.9/Part 2a inventory list. (Nuclear weapons associated inventories Iran is entitled to acquire under Resolution 2231.) It gives a large sample of nuclear weapons associated inventories listed on INFCIRC/254/Rev.9/Part 2 and INFCIRC/254/Rev.10/Part 2. [03]]

    Part of the Procurement Working Group mandate is to facilitate, expedite, and approve sales to Iran of nuclear and ballistic missile weapons associated assets, while prohibiting the International Atomic Energy Agency from verifying that these are not somehow being diverted to use in the development of nuclear weapons capacity. Details of how this system is set up will be examined later in this writing.

    Or, if the reader chooses, can be found in Appendix 04 – The Procurement Working Group and its mandate to expedite Iranian acquisitions of INFCIRC/254/Rev.9/Part 2a listed inventories [04];

    And Appendix 05 – The Procurement Working Group mandate to prohibit the International Atomic Energy Agency from discovering, investigating, or reporting on Iranian acquisitions of nuclear weapons associated assets listed on INFCIRC/254/Rev.9/Part 2a – this in violation of Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (Nuclear non-Proliferation Treaty, NPT); Article III; first clause [05]

    This is all, naturally, in gross violation of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (Nuclear non-Proliferation Treaty, or NPT); but why should Obama, or the leaderships of the five permanent Member States of the Security Council; or the Ministers of the Government of Iran, and Germany; States all sitting on the Procurement Working Group business board thinking-council-decision-making round-table care anything about nonsense like international treaty. This is the five permanent Members of the Security Council we're talking about – they're untouchable (so, they seem to believe); and they've taken the unquestionable lead here in their pretense of phony authority. (The fake authority claimed is that any Security Council determination is recognized to supersede the Charter of the United Nations or international treaty. We examine later that the Obama-era Security Council officially did assert the false claim more than once).

    All indications seemed to be that Trump was at the time in his first year in Office seriously considering withdrawing the United States from the process; which as is well known, he eventually got around to subsequently doing in May of 2018 – as mentioned.

    The process, provided for in Obama's Security Council Nations Resolution 2231, of assisting the non-nuclear-weapons-State of Iran in acquiring nuclear weapons capacity, violates international treaty made under the Authority of the United States. The members of the House of Representatives did know this, and voted to support the adventure. This following is their product they decided to vote for:

    * * * * *

    Their bill they voted in favor of; the Iran Ballistic Missiles and International Sanctions Enforcement Act – HR 1698; contended that Iran would be permitted to violate international treaty by seeking to buy procurement packages of bundled nuclear and ballistic missile weapons assets in violation of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) – as long as this violation of treaty was carried out under corrupted United Nations auspices, it was to be endorsed by United States statute – or so these warped Congresspersons fantasized would assert. Following are the salient parts of the 115th Lower House Bill passed:

    Iran Ballistic Missiles and International Sanctions Enforcement Act – HR 1698

    SEC. 2. SANCTIONS RELATING TO EFFORTS BY THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAN WITH RESPECT TO BALLISTIC MISSILE-RELATED GOODS, SERVICES, AND TECHNOLOGIES.

    (f) SANCTIONABLE ACTIVITIES WITH RESPECT TO BALLISTIC MISSILES.

    ‘‘(B) ADDITIONAL BALLISTIC MISSILE-RELATED GOODS, SERVICES, AND TECHNOLOGY.—

    ‘‘(iv) PROCUREMENT WORKING GROUP DEFINED.—In clause (iii)(I), the term ‘procurement working group’ means the Procurement Working Group of the Joint Commission established under Annex IV of the applicable provisions in Annex A of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2231 (2015).

    Iran Ballistic Missiles and International Sanctions Enforcement Act – HR 1698

    SEC. 2. SANCTIONS RELATING TO EFFORTS BY THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAN WITH RESPECT TO BALLISTIC MISSILE-RELATED GOODS, SERVICES, AND TECHNOLOGIES.

    ‘‘(iii) EFFORTS BY THE GOVERNMENT OF IRAN WITH RESPECT TO BALLISTIC MISSILE-RELATED GOODS, SERVICES, AND TECHNOLOGIES DESCRIBED.— For purposes of subclauses (I) and (II) of clause i), efforts by the Government of Iran with respect to ballistic missile-related goods, services, and technologies described in this subsection are efforts by the Government of Iran to manufacture, acquire, possess, develop, transport, transfer, test or use allistic missiles or associated goods, services, or technology by the Government of Iran in violation of section 3 of Annex B of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2231 (2015), including efforts by the Government of Iran to manufacture, acquire, possess, develop, transport, transfer, purchase—

    ‘‘(I) goods, services, or technology listed on the Missile Technology Control Regime Equipment and Technology Annex of October 8, 2015, and subsequent revisions that have been acquired outside of the Procurement Working Group or not otherwise approved by the United Nations Security Council

    The above describes, in (iii) the character of what is to be sanctioned. Subsequently in (I) it specifies what is to be sanctioned: " goods, services, or technology listed on the Missile Technology Control Regime Equipment and Technology Annex of October 8, 2015, and subsequent revisions…; but adds that sanctions will placed on these items only if they are sold, acquired; acquired outside of the Procurement Working Group or not otherwise approved by the United Nations Security Council."

    So it's definitely fine if the Procurement Working Group sells this stuff to Iran (at that time the U.S. was still in Obama's deal, and was a participant in expediting and approving this stuff for Iran); but it's out of the question if anyone else tries to set up their own independent shop attempting to do the same thing.

    The 115th Congress, in its willingness to encourage Iran to violate treaty, and thereby justify United States Government violation of treaty in collusion with Iran; by corollary, simultaneously announced to the world that it applauded not only the sale of such inventories to Iran, but also the United Nations sponsored violation of international treaty and the Charter of the United Nations itself, by the institution allowing itself to be entered into such an arrangement.

    Under the Obama plan, the United Nations guaranteed the sponsorship of a bureaucracy, assigned the task of expediting and approving of sales of nuclear and ballistic missile weapons associated assets to Iran. As mentioned, this bureaucracy is known as the Procurement Working Group.

    And this Procurement Working Group effectively acts as the best connected, most organized and efficient world wide syndicate officiating over expediting and approving of as defined by treaty, contraband arms sales to Iran.

    So here we come to the conflict between expediting the political party portfolio, as opposed to adhering to the social contract.

    There is no middle ground in this discussion. The decision for the members of Congress is to either remain loyal to treaty made under the Authority of the United States, or;

    To violate treaty in order to facilitate the flow into Iran of Weapons of Mass Destruction presumably in the speculative hope that there will be financial gains to be won somewhere for someone further down the road. Here is one portion of the treaty the 115 House of Representatives membership showed themselves eager to violate:

    TREATY ON THE NON-PROLIFERATION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS

    ARTICLE I

    Each nuclear-weapon State Party to the Treaty undertakes not to transfer to any recipient whatsoever nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices or control over such weapons or explosive devices directly, or indirectly; and not in any way to assist, encourage, or induce any non-nuclear-weapon State to manufacture or otherwise acquire nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices, or control over such weapons or explosive devices.

    On 26 October 2017 the 115th House of Representatives voted to violate treaty, and hence knowingly formulated a proposed law repugnant to the United States Constitution. The Lower House voted almost unanimously to enact the Iran Ballistic Missiles and International Sanctions Enforcement Act – HR 1698 which attempted to endorse by statute, sales to Iran of bundled nuclear and ballistic missile weapons associated assets knowingly in violation of treaty and therefore the United States Constitution:

    THE UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION

    Article VI - Debts, Supremacy, Oaths

    [Clause 2] This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.

    All members of Congress do know, or are required to know; that the Constitution is law unto them. Treaty made under the Authority of the United States is a piece of the supreme Law of the Land; Judges are bound to uphold it (as is the Executive and yes, even the Legislature) – and the Supreme Court is certainly not bound to uphold just anything the petty rule makers of Congress decide to impose upon the U.S. Citizen.

    Reminding members of the fact might help the – frivolous, capricious, and utterly insolent partisans of the national assembly – to regard their rule-making authority in some sort of constitutional perspective. They can drop the pretense that they are something like the happy Gods and Goddesses of Mount Olympus who have the authority to assist in the proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction, and spread despair upon the populations of the earth. They don't have the authority – and the Constitution of the United States; which they've demonstrated they so heartily disdain, prohibits them from doing – even if the Congressperson is under the impression that this program might or does help in the election.

    The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, (NPT, or Nuclear non-Proliferation Treaty) is law unto them.

    The members of a malfeasant Congress had no business wasting the electorates time, and money, by entertaining and exercising the effort to pass a reprehensible statue intending to violate of treaty in order to justify with congressional recognition, U.S. Government continued support for the proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction capacity to the foreign Prince, possibly also satisfying the designs of some domestic arms dealing interests.

    We, the national level taxpayers, pay the salaries of the members of Congress – we should be able to fire these people; or at least bar any one of them from re-election to the same office in the term that follows; we

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