Revitalization of Somalia: Dib U Soo Nooleynta Somaaliya

By Qasim Hirsi Farah

The content of this books is as following:
1.Summary of the Civil War in Somalia
3.Political Introduction To Somalia
4.Geographical Map Of Somalia
5. Introduction To Somalias Civil War
6. Summary Of The Stages Passed In Two Decades
7.The Role Of Federalism In The Somali Conflict
8.Urgent Moral Rearmament For Revival
9. Is Revival Possible?
10: Everyone Could And Should Contribute
11: Prisoners Contribution
12.The Role Of The Civil Society
13.Voluntary Services
14. Making Mindful Man To Make a Meaningful Nation
15 Transforming Revolution To Rehabilitation
16: Familyhood& Childcare
17: Education
18: Religion
19: Work Ethics
20.Sustainable Peace And Stability
21: Social Reformation For Sustainable Security
22: Somalia As A Hospitalized Patient
23: Our Problem Is A Mind Faculty
24: Mental Rehabilitation
25.Somalia Needs No Military, But
26. Conflict Between Culture And Politics
27: Curing The Chaos From Its Causes
28. Reconciliation And Reintegration
29: Public Investment Creates Reconciliation
30: Somalia Does Not Need Foreign Peace Operation But Border Surveillance
31: Somalis Know How To Resolve Their Internal Conflicts
32: Peace Making Methodology
33: Disarmament And Demobilization
34.Changing The Disputed Territories To Brotherly Neighborhood Denizens

Chapter Six:
35.Domestic And Foreign Policy
36.All We Are Lacking Is a Leader
37: The Best Generation to Lead
38: Election And Its Toolkits
39: Governmental Structure
40: Competitive Leadership For Somaa
41: Political Choice For New Somalia
42.Personal Principles Lead To National Development
43: Tackling The Crisis Of Nepotism.
44: How To Eliminate Nepotism Based on Clannish System
45: How To Combat Mal-Administration,
46.General Advice To the Domestic Political Stakeholders
47: Special Advice To Foreign Political Stakeholders
48.Special Advice To the To The Islamic Extremists
49.Special Advice To New Generation
50.Modern Electronic System TO Eliminate Corruption
51. Fresh National E-Census
52.Economic Reformation For Development
53.Poverty And Hunger Eradication
54: Humanitarian Aid Or Development Cooperation
55: How To Deal With NGOs)
56: Privatization of Institutions
57: Local Product vs. Imported Product
58.Sustainable Development Collectively Working With Gender Balance
60. Commerce And Trade
62. Tourism And Energy Industry
63: Creating Job Opportunities
64: Land Construction And Environment
65. City Planning
66: Mogadishus Urban Development Strategies

Conclusion
General Annotations
Concluding Remarks
Bibliography
Introduction To My Political Platform

• Language: English
• Publisher: AuthorHouse
• Release date: Feb 25, 2011
• ISBN: 9781456738310

Qasim Hirsi Farah

Qasim Hersi Farah was born in Decmber 1969 in Abudwak, Somalia. Academically, he graduated from Marine and Fishery Institute in Mogadishu, Somalia in 1986, and enrolled in Somali National University in the same year, which awarded him Bachelor of Islamic Studies/Law (LLB) in 1990. In 1997, the International Islamic University of Malaysia in Kuala Lumpur awarded him Masters of Comparative Law (MCL). From 1999 to 2005, he was writing his Ph.D. dissertation on Land Degradation in Somalia at the University of Malaya, Malaysia. In 2007, the University of Malaya awarded him another Masters Degree-(LLM) on Environmental Law and Policy. In the time of writing this book, 2009, Qasim is undertaking Doctoral research on Maritime Policy in Somalia at York University, Canada. Besides formal education, Qasim attended several vocational courses and seminars, and obtained certificates on Marine Studies, Environmental Studies, Municipal Studies, Women Studies, Religious Studies, Parenting, Management, and Communication. Qasim authored 39 books on various disciplines including Somalias socio-politics, environment, religion, and arts in English, Somali, and Arabic languages. He is also a regular columnist for several journals and magazines. He is a multi-lingual speaking in Af-Somali, English, Arabic, French, Swahili, and Bahasa Malayu. As a technocrat, Qasim was the Director General, and then Permanent Secretary for the Ministry of Environment - Somalia from 2000 to 2005. Politically, Qasim is a freelance Somali political analyst. He was one of the Presidential Candidates for Somalia during the corruptive and compulsive election held in Kenya in 2004. Throughout 1998, Qasim was devotedly lobbying for the reconciliation of the Somali rival groups with the help of the International Community and the United Nations. Prior to the Somali civil and evil war, at the age of 18 years old, Qasim Hirsi was a political prisoner for 3 months, and house arrestee for 5 months. Currently, he lives in Canada as a Researcher, Writer, and Lecturer. He is the father of Abdul-Fatah, Abdul-Halim and Hanaan. He can be reached at www.qasimhersi.com.

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© 2011 Qasim Hirsi Farah. All rights reserved.

No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted by any means without the written permission of the author.

First published by AuthorHouse 2/22/2011

ISBN: 978-1-4567-3830-3 (sc)

ISBN: 978-1-4567-3831-0 (e)

ISBN: 978-1-4567-3832-7 (dj)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2011902514

Printed in the United States of America

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Because of the dynamic nature of the Internet, any web addresses or links contained in this book may have changed since publication and may no longer be valid. The views expressed in this work are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the publisher, and the publisher hereby disclaims any responsibility for them.

Contents

Chapter One

Introduction to Book

1. Abstract

2. Preface

3. Research Methodology

and Literature Review

4. About the Author

Chapter Two

Civil War in Somalia

2.1: Political Introduction To Somalia

2.2: Physical Geography Of Somalia

2.3: Introduction To Somalia’s Civil War

2.4: Summary Of The Stages Passed In The Last Two Decades

2.5: Current Situation In Somalia

2.6: The Role Of Federalism In The Somali Conflict

Chapter Three

Urgent Rearmament For Revival

3.1: Is Revival Possible?

3.2: Everyone Could And Should Be Contributing

3.3: Prisoners’ Contributions

3.4: The Role Of The Civil Society

3.5: Voluntary Services

Chapter Four

Making Mindful Man

To Make Meaningful Nation

4.1: Transforming Revolution To Rehabilitation

4.3: Familyhood And Childcare

3.5: Education

3.6: Religious Conflicts

5.2: Our Problem Is A Mind Faculty Aqli

Chapter Five

Social Reformation

5.1: Somalia As A Hospitilized Patient

5.2: Mental Rehabilitation

5.4: Somalia Does Not Need Military, But Wide-Ranging Police

5.5: Conflict Between Culture And Politics

5. 6: Curing The Choas From Its Causes

5.7: Fresh National E-Human Census

Chapter Six

Domestic And Foreign Policy

6.1: All We Are Lacking Is An Appropriate Leader

6.2: The Best Generation To Lead The Nation

6.3: Election And Its Toolkits

6.4: Governmental Structure

6.5: Competitive Leadership For New Somalia

6.6: Political Choice For New Somalia

Chapter Seven

Democracy and Shura

7.1: Adjusting Democratical Parliament To Shura System

7.2: The Role Of The Islamic Law In The Mechanics Of Law And Order

7.3: The Five Supreme Councils (Shanta Golaha Sare)

7.4: Scientific Democracy

7.5: Why Do We Need A Scientific Democracy?

Chapter Eight

Special Advices

8.1. Special Advice To The Islamic Extremists

8.2: Special Advice Of How To Eliminate Islamic Extremism

8.3: Special Advice To The External Political Stakeholders

8.4: Special Advice To The Internal Political Stakeholders

8.5: Special Advice To The New Generation

8. 6. Special Advice On The Use Of Modern Electronic System For The Elimination Of Corruption

Chapter Nine

Sustainable Peace and Stability

9.1: Reconciliation And Reintegration

9.2: Public Investment Creates Reconciliation

9.3: Somalia Does Not Need Foreign Peace Operation, But Border Survailance

9.5: Somalis Know How To Resolve Their Internal Conflicts

9.6: Peace Making Methodology

9.7: Disarmment And Demobilization

4.8: Changing The Disputed Territories And Borders To Brotherly Neighborhood Denizens

Chapter Ten

Personal Principles Lead To National Development

10.1: Work-Ethics

10.2: Tackling The Crisis Of Nepotism Through Eliminating Corruption

10.3: How To Eliminate Nepotism Caused By Clanism

10.4: How To Combat Mal-Administration, Corruption, Selfishness, Graft, And Greed

Chapter Eleven

Economic Reformation For Development

11.1: Poverty And Hunger Eradication

11.2: Humanitarian Aid Or Developmental Cooperation?

11.3: How To Deal With Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs)

11.4: Privatization Of Institutions

11.5: Local Products Versus Imported Products

11.6: Safe Food And Safe Drinks (Baad Iyo Biyo)

Chapter Twelve

Sustainable Development

12.1: Collectively Working With Gender Balance

12.2: Commerce And Trade

12.3: Tourism And Energy Industry

12.4: Creating Job Opportunities

12.5: Land Construction And Environment

12.6: City Planning And Housing

12.7: Mogadishu’s Urban Development Strategies

Chapter Thirteen

General Summary

Annotations

Concluding Remarks

Chapter Fourteen

Introducion To My Political Policy

My Concept on Today’s Leadership for Somalia:

Mechanisms And Strategies

Law and order machinery:

Drafting a Federal/National Constitution:

Human Rights:

Territories and Borders:

Economics and Development:

Employment:

Environment:

Human Settlement:

Conflicts over Religious Interpretations:

5. Bibliography

6. Endnotes

Chapter One

Introduction to Book

Abstract

Somalia has been a war-torn society over two decades. In respond, more than 16 national reconciliation conferences attempted to restore its position in the globe were held one after the other, but all came to no avail. Other efforts have been opted with the same objective besides those reconciliations without any tangible result. Now, what is the left option? Which system do we resort?¹

In this book, I have attempted to seek practical and applicable solutions for the prolonged Somali civil war and political unrest, providing guidelines on how Somalis should make efforts to rid of all forms of negative behaviors.² Instead, I have strongly recommended the adaptation of a positive culture based on mutual respect and transparency.³ To adopt such a culture, I have enlightened effective means of making policy and plan for the creation of new Somalia that is compatible to the society’s cultures, customs, and circumstances. In the context, I have analyzed different approaches to revive the nation politically, socially, economically, environmentally, behaviorally, emotionally, and ethically. Thus, the theme draws recommendations that can be used by various political stakeholders to reduce and finally eradicate all forms of hostilities and insecurity causes. These are constructive options and tactics opted not only to rescue Somalia, but also to rebuild it post-conflict and avoid future devastation.

The content of this book is limited to analyzing the Somalia’s current discrepancies of the conflicting politics, economics, and social dimensions. It is also a useful lesson to be learned by the rest of the war-torn nations and countries; especially those may share similarities with Somalia.⁴ The subject of this book is to find out practical means of changing chaos and poverty crises to calmness and booming prosperity. Although the discussion is limited into two decades from 1990 to 2010, I would occasionally refer to the previous two decades of military dictatorship in the country.

I hope that this book might be used as a textbook by all the different Somali political schools⁵ decision-makers, administrators, and employees. Furthermore, it could be a reference for future researchers and analyzers of Somali politics, economies, and social behaviors.

Preface

Verily Allah never changes the condition of a people until they change what is in themselves⁶.

The content of this book are amplifications of my political platform during my candidacy for presidency of Somalia in 2004.⁷ At that time, I had published an introductory pamphlet regarding my views on governmental administration in Somalia. This book aims to update and elaborate that pamphlet in order to explain further my political opinions on Somalia. Because of the prolonged political tussle, I have been thinking about the miserable political situation of my beloved country. I have learned about various hidden conspiracies against my country and my people. Complex foreign interests deemed to be a serious factor that depresses any political analysis to be made. Yet, internal agonies and personal agendas are among the integral causes of the internal conflict and unrest. Thus, one needs to analyze the inconsistent predicaments together. I have endeavored to do so.

Carrying out comprehensive studies of several interests and causes, I have tried my best to be fair in convincing different political stakeholders. Each of the respective Somali groups and individuals, as well as each of the foreign individuals and governments needs to be satisfied with the outcome. Internal and external stakeholders competing in the country protect their respective ideologies and national and/or personal interests. This forces any sincere political analyst to seek attainable compromise in order to avoid hurting any of the conflicting groups’ sensation. As a mediation process, this book advocates a variety of perspectives for persuading adversary groups through their respective interests and ideologies.

Anyone who may try to seek solution for the Somali crisis should have kept in mind that today the majority of the Somalis, both extremists and moderates, do not want to hear any solution other than the Islamic system of pacification and regulation. Other than Al-Shabab’s⁸ merciless capital punishments based on let the world see that we implement Shari’ah, all Somalis would insist saying: the solution is Islam. The apparent reason is that they are sick and tired of secularism, warlordism, clanism, and lack of any administration. Due to such well-founded reality, the theme of this book recounts the Islamic way of resolving problems and legal administrations alongside modern political analysis. It intends to clarify some nihilistic and turbulent political mistakes from an Islamic perspective. These are the mistakes performed by uneducated individuals or groups claiming that they are on the fulfillment of Islamic ordainments.

The context of this book deliberates on modern administrative theories and methodologies so that to suggest comprehensive pacification and progressive policies. Thus, it contains scientific and artistic methods of combining modern governmental system, lifestyle, civilization, and new tactics to eliminate Somalia’s chaos and crisis. These are strategically explained in the light of Somalis’ local custom, circumstance, condition, culture, belief, and fact on the ground in an interdisciplinary technique. As a result, it may not be limited to scientific educating and healing approaches only, but also spiritual approaches of mental training, reminding, teaching, directing, and healing.

Finally, I would state that as a human being, I might not be able to master every particular field of discipline. Certainly, I may be qualified in one or more fields of knowledge, while having sufficient idea about several others, but may have no clue of others. Thus, I may provide deep explanation in a particular discipline because either I have a profound knowledge on it or due to its outstanding importance that attracted my research. As such, the reader should not expect from me the details of every single subject matter in one way or another. On the other hand, it is also important to state that this book does not intend to provide historical information; it rather strives to provide means of problem solving. In certain passages, the theme may necessarily refer to historical evidences for clarification and lessons should be learned from the past. Indulging into details will result in consuming the bulk of the book. In fact, what is important in this context is to provide general guidelines to revive and find a proper leadership for the currently dead country- Somalia.

No doubt, Somalia is a dead and failed State politically, economically, environmentally, socially, militarily, morally, materially, mentally, and even human resource. Somalia suffers from human loss where uncountable number of its citizens died unnecessarily and those who survived lost their mental capacity due to the inevitable war-trauma. In this regard, the destruction of mental health condition is more serious than the destruction of our physical environment (houses and infrastructures). The last two decades of ruthless, proxy and brutal civil wars created long lasting unrest and open-ended reconciliations that bear no fruits.

Research Methodology

and Literature Review

The methodology applied in writing this book materializes through problem identification to definition, then, to analysis. Through analysis, it indicates how to move from suggestions to actions. Both quantitative and qualitative research approaches were employed in a subjective way where appropriate and objective where appropriate. As for the exploration of the causes of the political crisis and their causal factors, I resorted to undertake an intrinsic method of case study. Firstly, I compiled a raw data and relevant information, while expanding the reader’s knowledge in the field by referring to an array of related subjects including news, reports, written literature, and institutional project proposals. Besides library research, I also engaged in empirical methods in order to ensure that concrete research has been carried out.

The fieldwork portion of the book involves conducting series of interviews with both senior and junior politicians, organized and unorganized militias, clan and religious warriors, former and recent government officers, religious and scientists, laymen and academicians, sages and imprudent, men and women, and cross-clan traditional elders. In order to suggest effective political, economical, social, and legal advices, I interviewed a range of members of the society and listened to various speeches on the matter. On the base of my findings, I have built my arguments with political, scientific, and spiritual evidences through informative, descriptive, evaluative, and persuasive approaches.

Intending to review literatures written about the subject, I found that a very few number have been written about it. Even, the authors of these few literatures available are Non-Somali historians who are not academicians. Thus, they rarely touch about the fact on the ground and problem solving measures. Generally, there is a limited Somali authorship, and even, these meager literatures barely attempt to identify problems exactly the way it is or seek proper and applicable solutions. Almost all the Somali authors wrote about arts: histories, stories, poems, personal biographies, traditional anecdotes, and romantic fictions rather than facts on the ground. Unlike those, Revitalization of Somalia is a theme of multi-faceted political and developmental approaches based on multi-methodological approach of problem solving.

Finally, I attached my political platform, which I presented during my presidential contest in 2004, because it is the milestone of this work.

Dedicated to

My father Hirsi Farah and my mother Salada Adam

Ohio Columbus, USA

"It is HE (the God) who brings out the living from the dead, and brings out the dead from the living, and who gives life to the earth after it is dead, and thus shall ye be brought out (from the dead)": Qur’an: Room –Roman: 19.

About the Author

IMG_0002.jpg

Qasim Hersi Farah was born in Decmber 1969 in Abudwak, Somalia. Academically, he graduated from Marine and Fishery Institute in Mogadishu, Somalia in 1986, and enrolled in Somali National University in the same year, which awarded him Bachelor of Islamic Studies/Law (LLB) in 1990. In 1997, the International Islamic University of Malaysia in Kuala Lumpur awarded him Masters’ of Comparative Law (MCL). From 1999 to 2005, he was writing his Ph.D. dissertation on Land Degradation in Somalia at the University of Malaya, Malaysia. In 2007, the University of Malaya awarded him another Masters’ Degree-(LLM) on Environmental Law and Policy. In the time of writing this book, 2009, Qasim is undertaking Doctoral research on Maritime Policy in Somalia at York University, Canada.

Besides formal education, Qasim attended several vocational courses and seminars, and obtained certificates on Marine Studies, Environmental Studies, Municipal Studies, Women Studies, Religious Studies, Parenting, Management, and Communication.

Qasim authored 39 books on various disciplines including Somalia’s socio-politics, environment, religion, and arts in English, Somali, and Arabic languages. He is also a regular columnist for several journals and magazines. He is a multi-lingual speaking in Af-Somali, English, Arabic, French, Swahili, and Bahasa Malayu.

As a technocrat, Qasim was the Director General, and then Permanent Secretary for the Ministry of Environment - Somalia from 2000 to 2005. Politically, Qasim is a freelance Somali political analyst. He was one of the Presidential Candidates for Somalia during the corruptive and compulsive election held in Kenya in 2004. Throughout 1998, Qasim was devotedly lobbying for the reconciliation of the Somali rival groups with the help of the International Community and the United Nations. Prior to the Somali civil and evil war, at the age of 18 years old, Qasim Hirsi was a political prisoner for 3 months, and house arrestee for 5 months. Currently, he lives in Canada as a Researcher, Writer, and Lecturer. He is the father of Abdul-Fatah, Abdul-Halim and Hanaan. He can be reached at www.qasimhersi.com.

Chapter Two

Civil War in Somalia

2.1: Political Introduction To Somalia

Somalia became an independent State in 1960, and formed a civilian system of governance that lasted 9 years term. The civilian government was critically undermined by the citizens and condemned for being weak and haphazardous. Although most probably this would be expected from any newly established state, Somalia’s first administration was accused of letting few individuals manipulate the country’s resources and power. There were constant clan-based warfare, droughts and lack of national progress, while a very few individuals lived with high tranquility and a prosperous lifestyle. The majority of the Somalis, irrespective of their clans, neither had their rightful shares in the national resources nor the political cake.

Ultimately, the second President of that system, Mr. Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke was shot dead on 15 October 1969 and the Parliament kept disputing over who would replace him in several weeks. Consequently, the nation’s military, under the leadership of their Chief Commander Major General Mohamed Siad Barre, overtook the power by force, staging a surprise coup on 21 October 1969. It was a bloodless coup with no one injured and there was not a single bullet fired. The Military Junta that was established called its mission the Holy Revolution, naming M. S. Barre as the President of the country with an unlimited mandate. During its first 15 years, the revolution transformed the Somali military into one of the most powerful military forces in Africa, the economy boomed and was recognized as one of Africa’s miracle economy. In terms of security, the country became one of the most stable places in Africa. In late 1980s, Mogadishu, the capital city of Somalia was recognized as the most peaceful and cleanest capital city in the World.⁹ The reason is not only that the regime ruled the country with an iron hand, but also administered it with strategic domestic policy.

In terms of foreign policy, Somalia played an appropriate game with both its friends and enemies. At certain points, the foreign policy was the most tactful external strategy to be demonstrated at the time, which was based on let us wait and see your action first. The President used to put his country’s interest before anything else, albeit later on he developed putting his personal political interest before anything else. Nevertheless, these honey years started falling down to a deep whole after their maturity age of 15 years. And this gives us the very important lesson that, as a matter of fact, any positive system that goes beyond 15 years old should end up to destruction and malevolence. The reason relates to the system of the human nature, where any good leader should be retired after that age, as his or her mind would go back to childhood. Unfortunately, the bloodless revolution gave birth to the bloodiest revolution in the World.

Since the late 1985, the administration of the regime was getting weaker and steadily worsening. Consequently, the citizens were divided into several clans and sub-clans, while deep hatred animosity against one another was instigated and sewed. Majorly, there were three clan-based strong war parties known as SNM, USC and SPM¹⁰ (after the first one of the same mentality - SSDF was wiped out). Each of the three parties was practically serving the interest of one particular clan or sub-clan of Somalia, while using the word S standing for Somalia in their logos. For instance, SNM was exclusively serving the interest of the Isaq sub-clan of Dir so that could have better been named as Isaq National Movement – INM rather than SNM. Similarly, USC could have been named as United Hawiye Congress – UHC, and SPM as Ogaden Part Movement – OPM." Furthermore, each of these clannish war parties had its own agenda to control the rest of the Somalis and bring the rest of the war parties to its knees by dominating their leaders and eliminating their supporters.

In detail, the SNM’s plan was to separate the North-West regions from the rest of the country. This part had and still has the view that their particular sub-clan disserves to be treated specially, or at least be separated from the rest of the country. Because of the civil war, they succeeded to do the latter option controlling their territory under the denomination of Somaliland. The USC never had a very clear agenda or intention, but all its leaders were pitted against each other. The single shared idea within the majority of the USC’s leaders as well as supporters was to eliminate certain clans or at the least to drive them out of the country. The third party, the SPM never had any ambitions and most likely, its leader - Mohamad Jees, was the only one of the lot who was fighting for a deputy position, under anyone who would manage to take over the ruling seat of the country. After the regime’s collapse in early 1991, Somalia descended into turmoil, factional fighting, and anarchy. Each of the Somali clans and sub-clans named their own warrior or political party in order to defend their existence. That is how weak fiefdoms and autonomies such as Somaliland, Puntland and several other names with the suffix of Land were established haphazardly.

In terms of reconciliation meetings, there were 16 attempts to reconcile among the conflicting Somali clans, but all of them came to no avail due to insincerity and unpreparedness. The latest one was aimed at reconciling not only among rival clans but also among rival political groups. Thus, reconciliation conferences became open-ended ceremonies. Perhaps, in the waiting list, there is the 17th session that will be aimed at reconciling among religious groups, but who will host it?

Summing up, Somalia has been lacking a government for the last two decades, since the former President Mohamed Siad Barre was ousted of power on 26th of January 1991. It was only during the latter part of the year 2000 that Transitional National Government (hereafter TNG) was formed in Djibouti, but it failed to function properly. Again, another Transitional Federal Government (hereafter TFG) backed up by the Ethiopian government was formed in Kenya. However, it became to no avail too. One of the major reasons that led to its failure was that the Somalis abhorred the Ethiopian conspiracy to destabilize their country in order to divide and conquer it.¹¹ Several governments were formed; one after another, but each of them performed both negatively and poorly while condemning its predecessor. Each new administration revoked and blamed the former one, badly criticizing all its good and bad actions. All governmental administrations in the world, except for those that are formed in Somalia, do broadly acknowledge and appreciate any progress made by their predecessors and then they complete it.

Unfortunately, the latter TFG formed in Embagathi, Kenya, fuelled the problem to an unlimited stage of bloodshed and total destruction. Since it has been operating under the auspices of Ethiopia, majority of the citizens deemed it proxy forces for the semi-permanent enemy of Somalia. They also acted as foot soldiers waiting for an order from their Ethiopian commanders. Substantially, the public mobilized themselves for both attacks and counterattacks against both the TFG and Ethiopian military. Then, the TFG took tough measures of indiscriminate bombardments, mass killings, collective punishments, and ethnic cleansing activities to satisfy their self-serving desires, which are all hungry for power. In other words, a very small bloodthirsty clique had taken tough ethnic cleansing measures in the name of a self-styled government. This TFG was universally identified to be the first government, in the globe, that sought international and regional protection from its own citizens. The international community and the human right organizations protect civilians from their own dictatorship authorities, but the case of the TFG was the opposite.

Later on, early 2009, the TFG was transformed into a National Government of Unity (NUG)¹² as the Islamists toppled it out. However, even the NUG had a crippling start. Al-Shabab group, with help from an unaccountable number of carpet-beggars used the force of their manpower to bear pressure upon the NUG. After long years of civil wars and devastations, Somalis lost some of their hopes and ambitions. Many people became sick and tired of hearing bad news from Somalia, and decided to ignore any news coming from their homeland. They are desperate for a system of governance, any for that matter, that they can invest their trust in; a system that protects them against injustices and guards their rights to life, to own property, to enjoy basic freedoms, and to exercise their freewill.

Taking advantage from this feeling, belt-tightened, self-righteous groups named Al-Shabab and Hizbul Islam condemned anyone that was not a part of their aggressive thugs as an infidel. All they know is to label other Muslims as infidels and apostates. Little they know about Islam and its Shari’ah, and obviously that is why they are very ecstatic. Common wisdom goes to say: Little knowledge shakes its friend.

Psychologically speaking, the first grade of education is similar to breaking in a room full of valuable items, enter it and turn on a torch around its corners. The second grade is like entering and walking into the room holding the light of a torch over many items, but not recognizing a single one. At this level, one realizes that the room is full of valuable items that need to be organized and taken care of. Here is where the second grade student becomes frustrated and harshly condemns those who were before him. At this level, a confused student may hit those who were inside the room before himself, blaming them for negligence. However, he does not yet know how to organize the scrambled items. Similar parable goes to the Islamic learners who immediately get wrath against their predecessors for not implementing Shari’ah. Referring to another parable, suppose, a fire accident takes place in a room in which there are two containers; one is full of water and the other is full of gas, the first person to come for help picks up the gas and starts pouring it over the fire flame.

Currently, the most serious problem facing the country and its citizens is the suicidal activities led by the self-styled and self-righteous religious groups whose aim is to seize power. These haphazardly functioning folks use religion as their sole tool of navigation, mean of attain power and as a justification for their crimes and mistakes. They try their best to take advantage from the people’s eager interest in Islam. Today, the majority of Somalis do not want to hear about any guidelines other than Islam. They want everything to be based on Islam, despite their excessive actions against the Islamic teachings. The apparent reason is that Somalis are sick and tired of secularism, warlordism, favorism, clanism, traditional radicalism, vandalism, pandemonium, and dictatorial administrations, which they have been passing them as chains of waves coming one after the other. Now, it seems that this is their final attempt, yet in one way, there is a long way to go in order to reach at long lasting solution. The major problem is that some radical cults of Islamists have emerged in taking an advantage from the citizens’ needs and wants. They have come up with the most dangerous ideology of self-proclaimed religious ruling system, which is far from the pure Islamic teachings. However, being an optimistic, still there are windows of hope open and there is light at the end of the tunnel, but how to reach it is another question. In the context of this book, I will endeavor to give details on means to seek applicable solution to this mayhem.

When it comes to resources, the country is rich of all kinds of both land and marine natural resources, including a variety of livestock, wildlife, agricultural products, minerals and forestry resources, like natural gas, oil, uranium, iron ore, tin, gypsum, bauxite, copper, salt and abundant biodiversities. During the two decades of civil war, there have been many attempts to explore some of the country’s mineral resources, especially in the Puntland areas, albeit none of them succeeded to do so. For instance, American Oil Company Conoco (blocks 27, 28, & 29), Range Resources Comp. Ltd, Korean National Oil Company, and others intended to discover oil and gas in Las Anod and Erigabo areas. Similarly, several other potential minerals, which are all economically significant, include tin, coal, gold, manganese, uranium, zinc, syngenetic sedimentary and volcanic exhalative types have been constantly explored in and around the same area.¹³ However, none of those companies ever achieved their goal.

Furthermore, the climate of the country accepts 24 hours of hard working and land development activities. Thus, it is the best place to make money, because each of the sources, manpower, climate, market and other necessary facilities are available all the time. However, it seems that no action can be taken without having peace and security available and attainable.

2.2: Physical Geography Of Somalia

Almost every footstep in the world is already mapped, with a clear demarcation between each two bordering footsteps. Usually, land is demarcated with certain features including mountains, plains, lowlands, and lines in the sky known as latitudes and longitudes. If you have a look at the Atlas, you can find that it contains landform maps for each continent, country, and county. Physical regions including climates, waters, soils, and natural vegetations also illustrate the map of local regions, countries, and continents. Delineating seawater boundaries is mostly connected to that of the land territory. Therefore, any land and marine territory owned by any nation has already been demarcated and marked on an emblem.

According to the international dimension, Somalia is an Afro-Arab country situated in the Horn of Eastern Africa. The Gulf of Aden, the East, and South Indian Ocean, to the Southwest by Kenya, to the West by Ethiopia, and the Northwest by Djibouti, border it to the North. The land of the recognized Somalia stretches over 638,000 km2, (246,201 sq mi)¹⁴. Somalia’s coastal line is the longest coastline in Africa stretching up to 3,330 km long¹⁵ and that makes it the longest in the Western Indian Ocean. Somalia’s coastal shore borders both the Indian Ocean and the Red-Sea, being one of the busiest marine traffic in the World¹⁶ connecting the East to the West and Africa to Asia. Its strategic location on the Horn of Africa extends to Bab-al Mandab route and through the Red Sea and the Suez Canal. However, it is currently the most dangerous spot in the world and its local problems have speedily changed in scope to a global one.

Amazingly, Somalia is very lucky to have its land endowed with special plantations, vegetations, climates, water, and air, which are completely different from those of its immediate neighbors. Have you ever travelled from Kenya – either via Mombasa or from Nairobi going east to the Somali border? As you reach the town called Garasyani of Southern Garissa, you will definitely come across the Somali earth by its hot climate, trees, and people’s feature and lifestyle. Have you ever driven from Ethiopia taking the land road from Nagaile to Dolow? As you are crossing the Liban region, you will easily figure out the land of Somalia from that of Ethiopia by its unique nature.

The city of Nagaile is a clear border between the two countries, where the road to Filito and Boqol Manyo up until Dolow is full of typically Somali climate and culture. Trees are short and full of threads, shrub is the decoration of the land, cluster of mixed goats and sheep are abundant, flocks of she-camels are grazing nearby shifting huts and wigwams made of shrubs namely "Aqal Soomaali" (Somali styled house). In the World, there is no community other than the Somali one that constructs their houses in such a style. These huts are usually installed separately in distance. A mother piggybacking a child and young boys with he-camel caravans are also among the outstanding signs. This is exactly how one famous song described the land of Somalia. The song lyrics went as following: a young boy that hunger cannot harm is the sign to tell our land; a short tree with threads is the sign to tell our land, a mother piggy-backing a baby while raiding a she-camel is the sign to tell our land17

In terms of seawater, it is also amazing that Somalia’s sea and river waters are completely different from those of their neighbors. This, amazingly, makes Somalia’s borders, both land and marine, unique as the features of its people and animals are also unique. No doubt, this is a clear miracle. Somali seawater is known to be balanced, lightness, light blue in color, average depth, temperate, not yawning continental shelf, full of natural resources, and there are certain types of marine ecosystems that are exclusively available in the Somali seawaters. Moreover, the sand under beneath the Somali seawater is typically that of its both coastal and bush lands. Actually, the oceanic temperature is what usually represents the color of the sea and its ocean, thus, Somali seawater’s color and temperature are different. Seawater also reflects the color and the nature of its land-based activities, landforms, vegetation, soil, salinity, seashore sand and, of course, the sky above it. Surprisingly, all these have different natures in the territory of Somalia.

No doubt, Somalia’s climate and culture are different from those of its neighbors (excluding Djibouti). Since the sky and the land form climatic appearance, Somalia’s seawater and air look alike and have the same light blue color. As a result, out of smartness, the color of our national flag is the same light blue.

Scientifically, the ocean plays a significant role in shaping the regional land’s structure, climate, plantation, and nutrition. The Earth functions as a system in which transpires processes in the different components of the Earth system including ocean, land, and atmosphere. This process takes place through five crucial systems, which are to store heat, to transport heat around the area and as far as around the globe, to provide water through atmosphere, to freeze, and to store and exchange gases like carbon dioxide with the atmosphere.¹⁸ In terms of color painting, it displays and reflects the colors of the sunshine above it and the marine ecosystems in it. To this end, the mixture of these colors would form one beautiful and attractive color and that is where we copied the color of our national flag.

Watersheds, both seawaters and ground waters (rivers) are delineated with their physical region. Of course, most of the boundaries between physical regions are not as precise as a watershed, but those surrounding Somalia are clearly identifiable. When geographers want to begin the process of identifying certain eco-zones, they first combine the two zones’ physical characteristics, and then apply their findings as a result. That is why drawing regional boundaries is mostly harder when different environmental factors are combined.

Geo-politically speaking, most of the areas have been surveyed and delineated according to their human regions, but their boundaries can be drawn through various methods. Some boundary lines follow natural separations, such as mountain peaks, rivers, middle of the lakes, edge of the oceans, latitude and longitude lines. Even within this process, Somalia’s geographical environment is obviously a unique one as its people’s characteristics and features. This is what made its fauna, flora and landscape so unique, and that is exactly the interpretation of the Arabic wisdom that goes to say: "al-insanu ibnu bii’atihi, which means, Man is the son of his environment." In terms of political strategy, the land and the sea of Somalia are very important to the east and west as well as south and north, as the equator line is above it.

Therefore, Somalia’s geographical border and society’s homogeneous characteristics allow neither cultural division nor political partition. Both their feature and nature are unique and provide no chance for disputes to mature into division. Now, the question is how should we