African Politics and Society in the 21St Century

By Tyodzua Atim

After more than one hundred years of statehood, most African countries are still facing serious challenges of political instability, low growth, underdevelopment and stagnation. These challenges have created a dysfunctional African society and destroyed the heroic and proud myth of resilience and hard work associated with a typical African. The book has analyzed the trends, and dynamics of the breakdown of family and institutional values, which have necessitated the classification of most African states as failed. While the book is of the opinion that in as much as the relationship between Africa and the West has contributed to the continents current predicaments, Africas problems are predominantly, self induced and are traced from the stereotypical culture of lack of idealism. The book has empirically, demonstrated that this culture has hindered initiative and promoted mediocrity, deceit and tyranny on the part of African leadership while the politics of exclusion has promoted the culture of self resignation and fratricidal conflicts on the continent. The book has also proved that the current wave of democratization in Africa particularly, the electoral process as dramatized rituals that seek to legitimate the authority of the ruling class.

• Language: English
• Publisher: AuthorHouse UK
• Release date: Jul 30, 2013
• ISBN: 9781481786898

Tyodzua Atim

Tyodzua Atim, Ph.D, Political Scientist, Policy Analyst, Journalist and a student of developmental studies was born in Gboko, Benue State, Nigeria. He holds B.Sc. Political Science, M.Sc, International Relations and Ph.D Political Science from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Nigeria. He has worked in highly sensitive offices in Nigeria including; The National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, Kuru near Jos, the highest policy educational establishment in Africa and Government House, Makurdi. He is currently a lecturer with the Department of Political Science, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria. The Author’s other works include:The Search for a viable Benue State (1990), Muhammadu Buhar-. The Making of a legend (1998), George Akume-Oasis in the savannah (2006), Foreign Aid and the Paradox of Development 21st Century Guide to International Relations (2006), The Military and Integration Politics in Nigeria (2011) and The Print Media and Electoral Politics in Nigeria (2012). He is married to Grace Atim with three children, Terchir Atim, Wandoo Atim and Zainab Atim

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AFRICAN POLITICS

AND

SOCIETY

IN

THE 21ST CENTURY

TYODZUA ATIM

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© 2013 by Tyodzua Atim. All rights reserved.

No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted by any means without the written permission of the author.

Published by AuthorHouse 07/27/2013

ISBN: 978-1-4817-8688-1 (sc)

ISBN: 978-1-4817-8689-8 (e)

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CONTENTS

Acknowledgements

Acronyms

Introduction

Chapter 1

African Kingdoms—A Survey

Forest States

Classification Of The Main Language Families Of Africa

Post Colonial Democracy Effect Of European Incursion Into Africa

Instability And Change In Africa In The 21St Century

The Leisure Of The Theory Class

Psycho-Social Theories

Institutional Systemic Theories

Instability, Modernization And Change

Instability And Political Order

The Collapse Of Marxism And Rise Of Capitalism In 21St Century Africa

The Debate And Decline Of Marxism In Africa

Classless Africa

The Rise Of Nationalism And African Bourgeoisie

Petty Bourgeoisie

The Bourgeoisie Revolution

Chapter 2

Neocolonialism, Economic Dependence And Political Change: A Study Of Cotton And Textile Production In The Ivory Coast 1960-2012

The Role Of The State

Ivorian Cotton Production

The Distribution Of Textile Products In The Ivory Coast

Ivorian Textile Production: Industrial Policy

Ivorian Textile Production

Conclusion

Chapter 3

Africa And Democratization In The 21St Century

The Military And Democratization In Africa In The 21St Century

Elections In Africa As Dramatized Rituals

Lackluster Institutions And Authoritarianism In African Democracy

Issue Ducking By Political Parties-Ethnicism And Violence In African Elections

Chapter 4

Democratic Transition/Succession Politics And The Challenges To Peace And Stability In Africa

Basic Features Of Transitional Democracy

Types Of Transitions In Africa

Democracy And Transitional Paradox In Nigeria

Transitional Crisis And Instability In Nigeria

Military Transitional Politics And Instability

Military Transition Politics And Its Effects On Governance

The Nigerian Diarchy Transition Formula

Contradictions

Conclusion

Chapter 5

Democracy—Electoral Politics And Nigeria’s 4Th Republic

Theoretical Perspective

The Doctrine Of Democracy And The African Societies

Supremacy Of The People

Democratic Culture And Political Participation

Colonialism And Representative Politics

The Military And Politics Of Domination

The Murtala-Obasanjo Democratization Programme

Babangida And The Option A4 Electoral Politics

Rigging In The 4Th Republic And Its Political Implications

Mode Of Election Rigging In Nigeria

Conclusion

Chapter 6

Religious Fundamentalism In Sub-Sahara Africa And The Boko-Haram Challenge To Peace And Stability In Nigeria

Conceptual Clarifications

The Nature And Character Of Popular Conflicts In Africa: A Theoretical Perspective

Sub-Saharan Africa And Religious Fundamentalism

Boko-Haram Ideology

Book-Haram Philosophy

Colonialism And The Disintegration Of African Societies

The Failure Of Social Contract Philosophy By The Nigerian Government

The Political Dimension Of Religious Fundamentalism

Ideology And National Integration

Socio-Economic Conditions And Sectarian Violence In Nigeria

Implications Of Boko-Haram Radicalization

Conclusion

Chapter 7

The Media And Electoral Politics In Nigeria

Theoretical Explanations Of Electoral Politics And The Media

The Media And The Challenges Of Political Reportage-A Background

The Defining Variables

Media Politics In Democracy

Press Freedom And Democracy

Fourth Estate And African Leadership

The Responsibilities Of Journalists In A Democracy

Nigerian Governments And Media Control

The 2003 General Elections In Nigeria And Media Agenda Setting

The Mass Media And Contemporary Political Development Paradigm In Nigeria

Conclusion

Chapter 8

Nigeria’s Economic Reforms And The Challenges Of Political Stability

The Bretten Wood Club And Economic Reforms In Nigeria

Reforms: A Theoretical And Conceptual Overview

Background To Economic Reforms

Synopsis Of Reform Programmes In Nigeria

Post-Colonial Era 1960-1966

The Gowon Era 1966-1975

The Murtala-Obasanjo Era 1975-1979

The Second Republic Era 1979-1983

The Babangida-Abacha Era 1985-1999

Characteristics Of Reform Programmes In Nigeria

Contents Of Contemporary Economic Reform Programmes

Privatization Policy

Deregulation Programme

Capitalization Of The Banking Sector

The Challenges Of Political Stability

The Challenges Of The Reforms On Nigeria’s Democratic Experiment

Conclusion

Chapter 9

Politics And Gender Health Policy In Nigeria: A Study Of The Challenges Of Toxemias Of Pregnancy And The Peurperium Among Tiv Women Of Central Nigeria

Methodology

Population Of Study And Sample Size

Conceptual Clarification

Theoretical Framework

Health Challenges Before African Rural Women

Health Policy Before 2004

Health Sector Reform: A Case Study

National Insurance Scheme/Policy

Bias In Health Policy

Effects Of Toxemias On Tiv Women

Government Management Of Women Health Problems And Implementation Of Health Policies

Conclusion

Chapter 10

The Structure Of Nigeria’s Political Economy And Its Effects On Educational Development

Theoretical Perspective

Politics And Educational Development In The Colonial State

The Nigerian National Policy On Education (1973-2011) And Its Socio-Economic Impact On The Country

Problem Formulation Stage

Policy Agenda Stage

Policy Formulation Stage

Policy Adoption Stage

Policy Implementation Stage

Resources For The Implementation Of The National Policy On Education

The Nigerian State And National Policy On Education

Social Status And Educational Inequality

The Benue State Experience

Crisis Areas In The Nigerian Educational System

Conclusion

Chapter 11

The American Presidential System And The Underdevelopment Of African Societies: A Study Of The Cost Of Governance In Nigeria

Theoretical Perspective

The Conflicts Between The Presidential System And The Cultural Values Of African Societies

Presidential System—A Conceptual Clarification

Factors That Necessitated The Adoption Of The Presidential System In Nigeria

The President As A Figure Father Of The Nation

The Structure And Limitations Of The Presidential System

The Cost And Implications Of Governance In Nigeria

Senate

House Of Representatives

State Legislature

Judiciary

States And Local Governments

Implications Of The Cost Of The Presidential System On Nigeria’s Development

Conclusion

Chapter 12

China’s Political Economy As A Pa Nacea To Nigeria’s Transformation Agenda

Theoretical Perspective

Nigeria’s Industrialization And The Collapse Of The Petit Bourgeoisie

Chinese Commerce: Attitudes Versus Economics

The Role Of Chinese Tax Policy On Development

Chinese Trade Relationship As Stimulus To Growth

Chinese Commerce—Industrial Growth And Global Integration

Chinese Government Policy Toward Industrialization

Education As A Factor Of Growth

The Impact Of Chinese Political Economy On The Developing Societies

Conclusion

Chapter 13

An Appraisal Of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy And The Yar’adua/Jonathan Presidency

Factors That Can Influence Foreign Policy Of A Nation

Fundamental Principles Of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy

Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: An Historical Perspective

Post Civil War Nigeria (1970-1975)

Domestication Of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy

Regional Cooperation

The Oil Factor In World Politics

A Critique Of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy Under The Military

Foreign Policy Under The Yar’adua/Jonathan Presidency

Conclusion

Chapter 14

Democratization-Poverty And Repression In Africa

Democratization And Poverty Eradication In Africa—Myth Or Reality

The Culture Of Poverty And Resignation

Depression And Community Organizations

Poverty And Repression In Post Apartheid South Africa

Policy-Growth And Distribution

Conclusion

References

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to acknowledge the assistance of Professor Ayo Dunmoye. Professor Andrew Owhona, Professor Ejembi Unobe, Dr. John Anyam, Professor Sabo Bako both of the Department of Political Science, Ahmadu Bello University; Zaria for their various contributions in enhancing the quality of this work. Others are: Dr. Paul Izah, Brigadier-General Fidelis Makka (rtd). Major-General Idris Garba (rtd), Dr. George Akume, my late father, Chief Atim Dzungwe, Mr. S. Dekeh and family, Simeon Tarka, Kashim Ibrahim library, Ahmadu Bello University, Arewa House Kaduna, the Government of Benue State as well as Alhaji and Hajia Abubakar Usman. Also to share in the appreciation are Dr. Martin Ejembi, Mr. Emmanuel Audu, Gwen Fabris, April Rose and Mr. Nats Onoja Agbo.

I am equally grateful to Aveve Osu and Clement Tyav, for typing the original manuscript and making corrections. My wife Grace Atim has always been a source of inspiration to me as well as my children.

Above all, the Almighty God has been a motivator and the greatest source of my inspiration.

ACRONYMS

INTRODUCTION

This book; African politics and society in the 21st century came as an inspiration after my teaching experience of ‘The State and the Citizen’, a core course for hundred year students of the Department of Political Science, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria. After series of interactions with my students, I began to reflect very seriously what Africa had achieved over decades of years and whether; African States and society have been able to meet the basic and fundamental needs of their citizens in the 21st century.

Africa is a continent with great opportunities, yet full of contradictions, because of a number of variables ranging from the continents ecology, history, failure of leadership and absence of institutions that can strengthen the values of good governance and development. Again, the problem associated with the people’s poor attitude to core African value of hard work and transparency have combined to shape the continent as a sleeping giant in the 21st century. Over one hundred years of their existence, most African countries are still in crisis of values, underdevelopment, political and economic backwardness.

This book, African politics and society in the 21st century is an analysis of the relationship between the state and the citizens. The relationship between African states and their citizens have continued to widen with a tiny minority growing rather at the expense of the poor in the 21st century. Also, it is the articulation of the re-occurring crisis that has become the bane of the continent. Divided into fourteen chapters, this book therefore, represents a reflection of the many crisis areas prevalent on the continent. Chapter one of the book has traced the historical origin of the countries of Africa. In chapter two, the book has looked at the relationship between African countries with their former colonial governments, a relationship that is still showing Signs of domination and exploitation. The case of Ivory Coast cocoa production and the extent of French involvement have been examined.

Chapter three attempt an evaluation of the democratic process where it is stressed that the ‘wave’ of democratization in Africa is more of a dramatized ritual by Africa’s ruling class to perpetuate itself in power. Also, the book admits that African leader’s quest for democratization is just to win economic and political favours from western countries. The economic favours come in form of foreign aid while the political favour arises from sympathy and backings to African countries that have adopted western style liberal democracies. Access to power in Africa is an automatic access to public funds where the political office holders approximate and administer state funds as private funds and public offices turned as private commercial investments by public officers. The notion of government is no longer that of service but primitive accumulation. Instability that had been associated with African countries for the past centuries have continued unabated except that in the 21st century, the crisis threatening African countries are that of religious fundamentalism, poverty and sectarianism. These crises, the book reveals, arises out of political conflicts and massive unemployment and that they are manifestation of the nature and character of the polity. The book has also identified the breakdown of institutions and constitutionalism as a factor responsible for the failed state status of most African countries. In this regard, the media, church and governmental institution become agents of governmental manipulation. The Armed forces are used as agents for political repression and suppression as the leadership of the churches are used as tools of attaining political advantages. Chapter nine looks at Nigeria’s Economic Reforms.

Another dimension of the book is the health problem associated with women in Africa where it is advanced in chapter ten that government policies are not targeted at addressing women peculiar health challenges like the Toxemias of pregnancy and the pauperium among Tiv Women of central Nigeria. Chapter ten is on Chinas’ political economy as panacea to Nigeria’s transformation Agenda

The presidential system of government operated by the USA is considered in chapter twelve of the book. The system is seen as a factor of underdevelopment of Nigeria because, instead of generating development, the system as practiced in Nigeria is creating tyrants and dictatorship because of the enormous powers associated with the Nigerian presidency.

Also, Nigeria’s Foreign policy under the Yar’Adua/Jonathan presidency has been critically analyzed.

Chapter fourteen of the book has examined poverty and repression in Africa and post apartheid South Africa where studies conducted have shown that rather than attain growth most South Africans remain poor and unemployed. The chapter has also shown that the ‘wave’ of democratization instead of stimulating participatory governance and rapid development, it is not improving the living standards of the people generally.

The conclusions arrived at in the book are that the complex nature of African societies and the accompanied deep divisions due to ethnicity, history, ecology and bad leadership has contributed in perpetuating crisis and underdevelopment. If colonialism was accused of under developing Africa, the question may be asked: what is contributing to Africa’s multi-complex crises and underdevelopment more than fifty years of independence?

CHAPTER 1

AFRICAN KINGDOMS—A SURVEY

Africa is a complex continent of diverse people with different cultures, history, politics and socio-economic formation. A proper survey of African kingdoms must take into account, the racial stock, ecological setting, and historical experiences (Remond 2009). Africa’s vast expanse of 11,677,240 square miles (30,244.050 square kilometer) stretches from the Mediterranean in the North to the Atlantic and Indian Ocean is the South Africa’s population of 750 million people represents 10% of the world population. The blacks and Arabs with small concentration of Asian and white who live on the continent speak more than eight hundred languages. 70% of the people of the continent live in the rural areas and are mostly farmers and pastoralist.

Africa’s fifty four States are a product of conquest, separation, amalgamation and continuity. Ethiopia and Egypt are among the oldest political entities known in human history (Remond 2009). South Sudan with its capital in Juba became the fifty five and newest country in Africa having gained independence from Sudan on Saturday July, 2011. The country was admitted as the one hundred and ninety three (193) member of the United Nation on Thursday 14, July, 2011. (The CNN.com 2011:35). When the Europeans arrived in Africa they met indigenous states alongside well organized segmented societies. Africa had a multiplicity of societies whose institutions predated the colonial intrusion (Ajayi, 1970:75-91, Flint, 1970-132).

The great empires and kingdoms include:

(a) Ghana

(b) Mali

(c) Songhai

(d) Hausa city states of Nigeria—Emirate system

Forest States

41817.jpg

Classification of the Main Language Families of Africa

Fig 1: Showing Political Map of Africa

txu-pclmaps-oclc-792930639-africa-2011.jpg

Source: University of Texas Libraries’ Map Collection

Algeria, Angola | Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Congo, Republic of the Côte d’Ivoire Djibouti, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabon, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Morocco Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Réunion, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, South Sudan Swaziland, Tanzania, United Republic of Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe

GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT, NOMINAL

TABLE:1

Current Prices

($ Million)

1980 1990 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009a 1980-89 1990-99 2000-09

Excluding South Africa 193,303 189,013 279,985 340,092 406,780 502,768 593,774 734,377 669,740-0.7 1.2 16.7

Excl. S. Africa & Nigeria 124,769 160,605 212,189 252,030 294,213 355, 441 427,372 526,649 496,310 3.0 0.8 15.7

SKU-000637917_TEXT.pdfSKU-000637917_TEXT.pdf

Sources: World Bank Development Indicator for Africa 2011

MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT GOAL 1:

TABLE:2 ERADICATE EXTREME POVERTY AND HUNGER

SHARE OF POPULATION POVERTY GAP RATIO SHARE OF POPULATION POVERTY GAP RATIO

BELOW PPP $1.25 A DAY AT PPP $1.25 A DAY BELOW PPP $2 A DAY AT PPP $ 2 A DAY

SURVEYS SURVEYS SURVEYS SURVEYS SURVEYS SURVEYS SURVEYS SURVEY

1990-99C 2000-09C 1990-09C 2000-09C 1990-09C 2000-99C 1990-09C 2000-99C

Year Percent Year Percent Year Percent Year Percent Year Percent Year Percent Year Percent Year Percent

SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA

SKU-000637917_TEXT.pdfSKU-000637917_TEXT.pdf

Sources: World Bank Development Indicator for Africa 2011

Post Colonial Democracy

Effect of European Incursion into Africa

(a) The Burden of Economic weakness:

European incursion introduced economic changes to the people. Farmers were interested in producing for export

(b) Erosion of the peoples’ culture

(c) creation of artificial boundaries

(d) African countries became highly dependent on the West

(e) production of a small educated African elite

(f) Absence of a shared political culture.

(g) The fragile nature of the political system led by the colonial master also, left a deep psychological effect on the people as they looked at themselves as being inferior to the white (Anene, 1970:92-109).

Instability and Change in Africa in the 2¹st Century

Of the fifty-four African States, which have become impendent since 1960, all but a few have at one time or the other succumbed to military take-over or attempted take-over. In some cases there has been rapid interchange between military and civilian regimes, as in Togo or Dahomey, where a civilian regime was displaced by the army, which in turn gave way to a civilian-controlled regime that was soon displaced by the military. In 1970, Togo was ruled by the military while Dahomey had a civilian administration, but how long these civilian administrations lasted remains a matter of speculation. After a brief spell of military rule, Sierra Leone returned to government by civilians as has Ghana. Again, while Nigeria went through the thrones of a civil was following upon a coup which displaced the civilian government under which the country gained independence, in Gabon; the civil administration was only prevented from collapse by the intervention of French paratroopers. In Kenya and Uganda, military help from Britain saved the overthrow of civil rule while in Tanzania; the threat from mutinying troops was only overcome with the aid of British and Nigerian forces.

Political instability is not an unfamiliar phenomenon. It is a characteristic found in the Middle East and in Latin America. Since all of these areas are usually regarded as underdeveloped, it might be thought that political instability is a characteristic of ‘developing’ countries, the more acceptable and less pejorative term than underdeveloped. Some commentators have been led by this to speculate on whether there is some specific ‘non western political process in developing area’ (Diamant 1959, Ashford 1962). Others have written about the politics of (Almond and Coleman 1963) is not often clear how these concepts are to be interpreted. On the one hand, they can be seen as categoric’. Concepts delimiting specific geographical areas, in this case, the ‘non-Western’ world, much in the same way that economists, for example, talk of ‘high’ ‘medium’ and ‘low’ income countries. A parallel example is when political scientists write of ‘traditional’ ‘transitional’ and ‘modern’ societies (Lerner 1958). It should not be taken that there is any correspondence between the economists and the political scientists’ classificatory schemata. The former would regard Greece, for example, as falling within the medium income range of countries, while many of the latter would regard it as modern. On the other hand, Yahaya and Saddique (1980) are of the opinion that concepts like developing’ and ‘non-Western’ when used by political scientists might be taken to suggest that there is something intrinsic about the political processes in the countries so described that serves uniquely, to differentiate them from all other countries. There is a suggestion of this in the very notion itself of a ‘non-Western political process’; or, to take another example, in the use of such expressions as ‘areas with low or minimal political cultures’ employed by Finer (1962). From this, it is a short move to correlating the intrinsicness of the political processes and political instability, the former ‘explaining’ the latter. Some analysts have described the intrinsic quality of these societies in conflict presumed to exist between the elite and the ‘lower’ classes the peasants and workers—the so-called’ elite-mass gap’ (Almond and Roseberg 1964). Others describe it in terms of the absence of a ‘political formula’, ‘weak’ legitimacy of government, or of the lack of organized articulate groups and a low level of literacy. It is scarcely surprising, therefore, that one writer, Karl Deutsch (1960) has developed a ‘stability index, which has for its ‘variables’ the ratio of government income to total national income, the percentage level of literacy, the degree of political participation, the total national income and the income received by the top ten percent of the population used as an indicator of income inequality. On this basis, given the total national product, political stability would vary with the level of literacy and participation in decision making, the latter being measured in terms of the ratio of the voting population to the total population (Deutsch 1960). With the low levels of both variables in the developing countries, it follows that their stability indices would be equally low.

There is an element of arbitrariness in the use of indices such as Deutsch’s (1960). For instance, Yahaya and Siddique (1980) have argued that one could just as easily take the percentage of total income received by the top five or twenty-five percent of the total population as take the top ten percent; or the percentage of political militants to registered electorates as a measure of political participation or substitute for the level of literacy, the percentage of all crimes, using data, say, from police files, committed per thousand of the population from specified time periods. Moreover, there could be considerable conceptual problems associated with the notion of income received, particularly in the developing countries. Again, Yahaya and Saddique (1980) have argued that it is difficult to see how one could explain the relative political instability in France during the Fourth Republic as against the relative stability in Britain during the same period using the suggested variables. The lack of a time scale and historical dimension, they further argue makes one wonder if there is not an ethnocentric orientation to the viewpoint of those whom one might call the intrinsic differentiation theorists (Yahaya & Siddique 1980).

Taking an historical perspective, the political instability which has marked the progress of the ‘new’ states could be seen as a phenomenon arising from the conflict between civic ties and more primary, primordial ties of lineage, blood or language, a characteristic, which seems to follow the process of establishing a centralized political authority over any territorial area (Geertz 1963). Britain, France, the United States and practically all of the present West European States have gone through a similar experience. Besides, one only has to think of the experience of France during the Fourth Republic and of present-day Greece to realize that there is nothing to generalize in the political experience of the ‘new’ states. Arguments, which purport to show the contrary not infrequency turn out in fact to be circular. Thus, for Finer (1962), to take him again as our example, states falling into the class of countries with a ‘low political culture’ are marked by political instability and the evidence that a country has a low political culture’ are marked by political instability and the evidence that a country has a low political culture is that it is politically unstable. One is an evidence for the other and vice versa thereby making us face the problem of circularity.

Yahaya and Saddique (1980) further posits that to deny that there is anything to generalize about the politics of the ‘new ‘developing’ or ‘non-western’ states is not to explain why they are politically unstable. Similarly, they also stress, to refer to the conflict between civic ties and primordial sentiments leaves too much unexplained in that it fails to take into account the particular circumstances generating such conflicts. An explanation must therefore be sought elsewhere. An attempt to do this will be made with reference to Nigeria but before this is done, it might be just as well to examine other explanatory theories, which have been suggested by a number of analysts. Such an examination will not be exhaustive of the various theories of instability, which have been put forward at one time or the other. Those considered, however, may be regarded as a not unrepresentative sample of these theories, which for convenience, we can group into two broad categories; psychosocial and institutional-systemic. Both are products of what we might call the leisure of the theory class reminiscent of Veblen’s (1953) theory of the leisure class.

The Leisure of the Theory Class

Veblen (1953) saw in what he called the leisure class that the strata of society whose income is made in the main, from earnings are derived from invested capital. The members have a propensity for what he termed ‘conspicuous consumption’, the tendency, that is, to wasteful expenditure, which serves to demonstrate or exhibit wealth. On a parallel with this, one finds in the theory class, the propensity to propound theories which are incapable of disproof but, which are dressed with all the scientific trappings sufficient to gain them some acceptance and even some plausibility. The member of the leisure class belong to the higher echelons of society, while members of the theory class belong to the higher echelons of academic where, freed from the more mundane activities involved in the academic rate-race, they spend their leisure in theory construction. One could of course deny that these are theories, and to elevate them to the status of theories is to mistake their character, which is a description of the social process in a rather peculiar terminology. But this would be to presume that there is a hard and fast line between descriptive statements and the propositions embodied in explanatory theories whereas few would concede this. In any case, the proponents of this views being considered, regard them as theories. Taking them as such, the simple fact remains that they are incapable of disproof. With this brief characterization, specific views can now be examined to see if they bear out the generalization made about the whole class (Yahaya and Saddique 1980).

Psycho-Social Theories

This class can be divided into two sub-categories; the straightforwardly psychological and the sociological. Broadly, the former may be called diaperological; theories, and as an example. Lucien Pye’s (1965) formulation of this will be examined. Put simply, diaperologists assert that specific kinds of psychological processes are the ultimate explanation of socio-political phenomena and personality. These processes are built up through child-rearing practices to which each new generation is subjected and constitute the real and objective motive force in history. Pye (1965) expressed this in relation to Burma when he wrote what ‘Burmese politics are in part a distillation of certain fundamental qualities of Burmese culture and personality.

Since behaviour is a product of socialization processes, Pye (1965) therefore, thinks it is helpful ‘to picture the individual passing through three processes that condition his approach to political choice and action. The first of these, he calls, ‘the basic socialization process’ which at the manifest’ level involves the inculcation and learning of attitudes, values and skills and from which the individual ‘must find his adult position. At the latent level, this involves the set of experiences ‘that shape the unconscious and determine the dynamics of the basic personality structure. The next stage after the basic socialization process is that of political socialization, which also has its manifests and latent dimensions but it is at this stage that the individual ‘realizes his political identity. Political socialization is followed by political recruitment, the stage at which the individual goes beyond the role of the passive observer to become an active citizen and gains a deeper and more esoteric understanding of politics’. Though there is an interaction between all three processes. Pye (1965) somehow assumes that the basic socialization process which occurs during the formative period of childhood is primary, for as he put it, the lack of stability and of consistency of direction in the basic socialization process reduces the prospects of the individual’s finding a firm and reassuring sense of identity (Pye 1965).To explain Burma’s political instability, about which he writes, one must therefore turn to the child-rearing practices of the Burmese. Pye (1965) finds that in Burma, nobody except the mother has any sense of responsibility for the child’. The relationship between mother and child is one that vacillates ‘between the extremes of warmth and affection and of disinterest and exasperation. Thus from the time of his earliest experience, the child comes to realize that it exists in a world in which there is no rational relationship, no recognizable cause-and-effect connection between his powers of action and choice and the things he most desperately wants… (and) comes to feel unconsciously that the world is fickle, and that those who seem warmest and closest can become the primary source of one’s isolation (Pye 1965). A consequence of this early childhood experience is that the Burmese tend to seek in life those warm and close personal associations they occasionally experienced with their mothers, but their behaviour is governed by the expectation that any human relationship may hold great dangers.

According to Pye (1965), the practical effect of this basic socialization process on Burmese political life is not far to seek. It expresses itself in a variety of ways; in a contradiction between gentleness and violence, which underlies the whole of politics; in an ambiguous attitude to authority, which makes political decision making a chore’ which has to be avoided in the tendency to avoid associational groups, which reflect on the low level of interest articulation; in the vacillation ‘between extended periods of inaction and short periods of frantic action’ and in the need for controls and the fear of provocation, which manifest itself in the tension between the administrator and the politician and which, with the other contradictions, accounts for the unstable character of Burmese politics and political life (Pye 1965).

Pye’s (1965) conceptualization, the extension of psycho-analytic theory to account for socio-political phenomena, is not exactly novel. To take one or two examples, both Erick Fromm (1960) and Taylor (1958) have made similar applications; the former to explain the tendency to authoritarianism in German political life and the latter to account for the rise of a capitalist ethos in Britain. What is novel in Pye (1965), Yahaya and Saddique (1980) have argued, is his distinction of levels, or rather, stages of socialization. The point may be made clearer by contrasting Taylor (1958) and Pye (1965). Taylor (1958) allows for reversals and interchanges in the two basic modes of attitudes he distinguishes the patrist and the matrist. Reversals interchanges and combinations of these enable him to account for social change, while Pye’s (1965) formulation leads him to talk of socialization almost in an epigenetic manner, the accretion and gradual differentiation of attitudinal forms (Elzioni 1966). But this immediately leads to difficulties. He seems to suggest that attitudes derived from basic socialization processes continue and persist throughout adulthood but are, so to speak, built upon during subsequent stages of socialization. But also, it gives the impression that attitudes developed and formed at one stage may, and can, get displaced and replaced by those formed at a later stage. Thus, for example, he writes that circumstances surrounding the political socialization process in transitional societies generally makes it peculiarly difficult for people to achieve compatible but still differentiated personal and political identities, and it remains ambiguous whether the peculiarly; refers to the political socialization’ process or to the transitional’ societies.

Whatever the difficulties involved in interpreting the significance of the different stage of socialization, and ignoring the methodological problems involved in attempting to explain collective behaviour’ in terms of micro, or individual, behavioural dispositions, the important point to be noted is no possible method by which Pye’s (1965) conceptualization can be disproved. Every event, every tendency, can be referred to either one or the other of the processes of socialization. Even contradictory tendencies, stability and instability can be explained are explainable in the same terms. A statement from which every other statement can be deduced can hardly be called by that name as it is in principle impossible to deny it.

‘Diaperological’ theory Yahaya and Saddique (1980) attests, operates with no developed conception of a social system since society, in this form of theory, and is no more than a heterogeneous collection of individual’s responding to personal influences in the different stages of the socialization process. The sociological variant, however, starts with a conception of a social system, which is generational stratified. And from the empirically demonstrable fact that there often exists a conflict relation between different generational groups, it is then argued that in the ‘new’ states the prominence of this conflict relation makes the system of these states politically unstable. Practically, all the ‘new’ states have gone through a colonial experience, and the first generation of nationalists, confronted by the intransigence of the colonial bureaucracy, has had to adopt an extremely radical posture in their struggle for independence. Not infrequently, this has been accompanied by wild promises of what the future holds once independence is gained. A representative sample of this sort of promise is given in Nkrumah’s pre-independence slogan; ‘Seek ye first the political kingdom and everything will be added unto you’. In Dahomey before independence, nationalist leaders went to the extent of promising that with self-government would come, an end to the need to pay taxes. However, when once the nationalist had taken over the reins of political power with the achievement of self-government, not only had they find it impracticable to fulfill their earlier promises, but the taming influence of authority and the responsibilities of government forced them to