Somalia: Unending Turmoil, Since 1975
By Al J. Venter
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About this ebook
Al J. Venter
Al J. Venter is a specialist military writer and has had 50 books published. He started his career with Geneva’s Interavia Group, then owners of International Defence Review, to cover military developments in the Middle East and Africa. Venter has been writing on these and related issues such as guerrilla warfare, insurgency, the Middle East and conflict in general for half a century. He was involved with Jane’s Information Group for more than 30 years and was a stringer for the BBC, NBC News (New York) as well as London’s Daily Express and Sunday Express. He branched into television work in the early 1980s and produced more than 100 documentaries, many of which were internationally flighted. His one-hour film, 'Africa’s Killing Fields' (on the Ugandan civil war), was shown nationwide in the United States on the PBS network. Other films include an hour-long program on the fifth anniversary of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, as well as 'AIDS: The African Connection', nominated for China’s Pink Magnolia Award. His last major book was 'Portugal’s Guerrilla Wars in Africa', nominated in 2013 for New York’s Arthur Goodzeit military history book award. It has gone into three editions, including translation into Portuguese.
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Somalia - Al J. Venter
people.
INTRODUCTION
Few countries in Africa have had such powerful links with both the Soviet Union and the United States – each for years at a stretch – as Somalia, or more correctly, the Federal Republic of Somalia.
From a quiet Indian Ocean backwater that had once been an Italian colony, it remained aloof for a long time from the kind of power struggles that beset other African countries like Ghana, the Congo, Guinea, Algeria, the Sudan and quite a few more in the 1970s.
Overnight, that all changed in 1969, when the Somali army, led by Major General Siad Barre, grabbed power. His first move was to abrogate all security links he might have had with the West and to invite Moscow to become, as he would phrase it, ‘my trusted ally’.
Bakaara Market, Mogadishu. (Photo AMISOM Public Information)
The Soviet move was not only unexpected, but it was, as one hack phrased it ‘an overnight revolt against all things linked to the West’, with Moscow establishing several air bases in the interior while stationing its warships in Somali ports.
Baledogle, a small airport north of Mogadishu, became the biggest Soviet air base in black Africa, from where Soviet military aircraft operated across much of the Indian Ocean. Washington, London, Paris, Riyadh, Jerusalem, Addis Ababa and Nairobi were appalled, but there was little they could do.
An impetuous man, Siad Barre believed his links with the Kremlin were secure enough to realize the Somali imperial ambition of annexing several neighbouring regions. The Somali flag has a five-pointed star, signifying the five regions of ‘Greater Somalia’, two of which lay in neighbouring countries. One of these was Djibouti, a miniscule former French colony on the Red Sea. The other was Ogaden, which lay to the immediate north in what was formerly known as Abyssinia.
But when he invaded Ethiopia’s Ogaden Province – Addis Ababa was then Washington’s staunchest friend in Africa’s Horn –the Soviets had had enough. To the consternation of the West, the Kremlin abandoned the Mogadishu government and embraced Addis Ababa.
Mogadishu from the air. (Photo ctsnow)
That resulted in the Russians giving full support in the Ogaden War to the people of Ethiopia, establishing the largest international airlift of weapons since the Six-Day War.
For more than a decade thereafter, conditions within Somalia deteriorated markedly. A number of the country’s tribal leaders established themselves as ‘warlords’, some with Soviet support, others getting succour from Western sources. The country spiralled into anarchy. Conditions became so bad, that in 1992 the United Nations eventually stepped in with Operation Restore Hope, ostensibly intended to help Somalia’s starving millions.
Technically an ‘invasion’, Operation Restore Hope was a multinational force headed by the United States military, created for conducting humanitarian operations in Somalia. The starving masses were only part of the equation.
The move was controversial from the moment the first batch of US Marines stepped ashore on Mogadishu’s beaches – in the full glare of waiting television crews whose batteries of lights illuminated the way– with many tribal leaders retaining either clandestine Soviet links or receiving aid from radical Arab forces. Some of these disparate elements included powerful al-Qaeda cadres.
Worse still, it took only a day or two thereafter for several warlords to lay claim to food supplies that started to be unloaded from freighters that berthed in Mogadishu port, the idea being that this largesse would be handed over piecemeal to those desperate people who were worst off, and free of charge.
But there was no controlling the belligerent demagogues. Most of the food aid ended up on the open market, where those in need were expected to pay for whatever was on offer.
The situation soon became intractable. The warlords, having spotted a gap – with the multinational forces of Operation Restore Hope either unable or unwilling to stop the rot – moved into the next phase in a bid to dominate the status quo. Washington, unaccustomed to this kind of strident tribal militancy and in fear of being regarded as politically incorrect, sat back and did nothing.
Although both the United Nations and a powerful African Union (AU) military force continue to maintain a strong presence in the country, a high level of hostilities, as well as multiple killings, continue.
AMISOM forces in Mogadishu. (Photo AMISOM Public Information)
For the record, it is worth looking at how conditions have developed since Operation Restore Hope, together with an insight into some of the previous developments.
Al-Qaeda, through its surrogate insurgent force al-Shabaab, remains a major player in Somalia, receiving its support from Iran, today a close ally of the Russians.
There is still much evidence of the role that the former Soviet air base at Baledogle originally played in Somalia, including scores of jet engines abandoned where they had originally been deposited alongside the main runway. All this sophisticated equipment, abandoned, rusted and useless today, was to have been used to build fighter jets, planned before the Ogaden débâcle.
A new form of post-Soviet terrorism has emerged in Somalia. Suicide bombings have become commonplace, regarded by many because of Iranian and al-Qaeda involvement with al-Shabaab.
Even today, Somali insurgents never dare touch Moscow’s interests in the country. The Russians in Somalia are hardly ever molested and, unlike many Western embassies, their diplomatic enclaves are regarded as sacrosanct by the jihadis.
The story begins in 1950, when Italian Somaliland (southern Somalia) became a UN trust territory under Italian administration.
Renamed Somalia six years later, the country was granted internal autonomy and subsequently held its first elections, won by the Somali Youth League. In July 1960, both British and Italian Somaliland were granted independence, uniting to form the independent Republic of Somalia. Aden Abdullah Osman Daar became the first president, but the newly revived country’s borders were not clearly defined, resulting in border skirmishes and hostilities with Kenya and Ethiopia throughout the 1960s.
On 15 October 1969, President Shermarke was assassinated by a member of his own police force. Mohamed Siad Barre seized power in the subsequent coup, and in 1970, he declared Somalia a socialist state, strengthening ties with the Soviet Union and subjecting the country to his absurd ideology of ‘scientific socialism’.
In 1974, Somalia joined the Arab League, which, with the support of countries like Egypt, Libya, Saudi Arabia and Iraq, should have brought peace. But in 1977–78, Somali forces invaded the Ogaden region of Ethiopia, an area roughly the size of Norway or Malaysia, traditionally inhabited by Somali nomads. It has always been a remote, semi-arid region, with no large cities that has been subject to numerous border hostilities since the 1960s.
The invasion was a gamble. The president did not anticipate the Soviets, their former allies, rushing to help the government of Ethiopia. A major war followed in which thousands were killed on both sides, but, eventually, the better-equipped Ethiopian army and air force