The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Religion and Social Justice

By Stanley M Burgess

The Wiley-Blackwell Companion to Religion and Social Justice brings together a team of distinguished scholars to provide a comprehensive and comparative account of social justice in the major religious traditions.

• The first publication to offer a comparative study of social justice for each of the major world religions, exploring viewpoints within Christianity, Islam, Judaism, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Confucianism
• Offers a unique and enlightening volume for those studying religion and social justice - a crucially important subject within the history of religion, and a significant area of academic study in the field 
• Brings together the beliefs of individual traditions in a comprehensive, explanatory, and informative style 
• All essays are newly-commissioned and written by eminent scholars in the field 
• Benefits from a distinctive four-part organization, with sections on major religions; religious movements and themes; indigenous people; and issues of social justice, from colonialism to civil rights, and AIDS through to environmental concerns

• Language: English
• Publisher: Wiley
• Release date: Mar 12, 2012
• ISBN: 9781444355376

Book preview

PART I

Major World Religions

Introduction

The world’s population is currently about 7 billion people. The vast majority – perhaps as many as 84% – are believed to be practitioners of or adherents to a religion or a sacred belief system. About one third claim to be Christian: Roman Catholic, Orthodox, Reformed, Anglican, Pentecostal, Evangelical, and others. More than a fifth are Muslim: Shiite, Sunni, and others. Hindus make up approximately 14%. Buddhists make up almost 6%, as do adherents to other traditional Chinese religions and belief systems. Practitioners of primal-indigenous religions make up another 6%, while practitioners of all other religions, including Judaism (0.22%) and Sikhism (0.36%), make up the remaining small percentage of religious people. Up to 16% of the world’s people claim to be nonreligious (www.adherents.com).

This part includes twelve essays, two on each of six religions: Buddhism, Christianity, Confucianism, Hinduism, Islam, and Judaism. The first essay for each religion addresses the historical development of the religion’s approach to social justice, with attention to some or all of the following:

Ideology: the authoritative beliefs, including the moral/ethical norms, that form the central conceptual framework for explaining the religion’s approach to social justice.

Narratives: central narratives, myths, epics, historical accounts, or other stories that tell something special about the religion’s approach to social justice.

Practices: the religion’s celebrations, reenactments, and rituals that disclose its approach to social justice.

Experiences: defining experiences that shape the distinctive social justice beliefs, stories, and practices of its adherents.

Social arrangements: the religion’s network of social arrangements and institutions that affect how its adherents practice social justice.

The second essay on each major religion focuses on the religion’s approaches toward and expressions of social justice in today’s world.

Given the prevalence and diversity of religious belief and practice throughout the world, what qualifies the six religions discussed here as major world religions?¹ If numbers are the (or at least a) determining factor, then Christianity (one third of the world’s population), Islam (one fifth of the world’s population), and Hinduism (16% of the world’s population) are all surely major world religions. The relevance of numbers for including Buddhism (6% of the world’s population) and Confucianism (exact numbers unknown) among the major world religions is less compelling. A census cannot justify including Judaism among major world religions; at 0.22% of the world’s population, Judaism is tiny.

Judaism fares rather differently if viewed from the perspectives of antiquity and cultural influence, however. Despite its small population it is an ancient religion, which has had a profound impact on western culture in general and Christianity in particular. A similar case can be made for Confucianism, which today has a relatively small population but historically has had enormous cultural reach in central and southeastern Asia. For example, in many southeast Asian countries today, Confucian ideology and practices are so integral to the culture that people do not distinguish sharply between Confucianism and Buddhism.

In the end, the decision to limit the presentation of major world religions to six is somewhat arbitrary. The six presented here are surely important from the standpoint of antiquity and cultural reach. To be sure, they are not the only ancient religions. (Jain, Shint x14D_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 , Daoist, and Zoroastrian religions are all ancient.) Nor are they the only ones that have shaped culture, if not globally then certainly regionally. (Shint x14D_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 ’s historical impact on the Japanese archipelago of Hokkaid x14D_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 , Honsh x16B_TimesNewRomanPSMT_10n_000100 , Shikoku, and Ky x16B_TimesNewRomanPSMT_10n_000100 sh x16B_TimesNewRomanPSMT_10n_000100 has been profound.) But each of the six religions highlighted here has a long, rich, and diverse history and each has exerted a profound impact on the larger culture.

Are there more (or fewer) than six major world religions? Is it even necessary to create a category called major world religions? These questions need not be answered here. The central purpose of this section is to present six religions in such a way as to invite the reader to think critically about a range of historical and contemporary issues situated at the intersection of religion and social justice.

Note

1 It is worth noting that the name world religions is not uncontroversial, partly because of its historical connection with European colonialism that began in the fifteenth century but reached its zenith in the nineteenth century. A religion was said to be a world religion if it affected social and political events around the world, presumably placing it on a par with the major European colonial powers. In time the expression fell out of favor with some and was replaced by more inclusive language such as the world’s religions.

CHAPTER 1

Buddhism

Historical Setting

Mavis Fenn

New religious movements are not created in a vacuum. They represent a response to concerns, both individual and social, that arise in particular historical circumstances. Their ability to take root, or not, depends on their ability to address these concerns in a manner that engages a significant segment of the broader population. Central to a movement’s ability to attract new members is its ability to debate the issues of the day with the established order and other new groups whose ideas may differ. The seventh to sixth centuries BCE saw significant changes in the Ganges plain area of India; changes that provided great opportunity for some and great suffering for others. Debate about these changes and the possibility of certain knowledge amidst those changes as well as about why there is suffering and what our response to it should be, produced three major world religions: Hinduism, the Jain religion, and Buddhism, our concern in this essay.

The changes were multiple. The development of the iron plow allowed for the intensification of agriculture. Many people were displaced from the land and forced to move into the newly emerging cities. These cities often provided a breeding ground for disease and violence. While agriculture flourished, ownership of the land devolved into the hands of individual families. Politically, there was a shift from an oligarchic tribe/clan system to a system of kingship. Trade flourished, guilds were established, and a banking system developed. The newly emergent mercantile class had money but little status, as the established order had no place for them.

While we cannot enter the minds of the people at the time, it is not difficult to speculate about how these rapid technological, social, and political changes may have affected people psychologically. Themes of identity and the nature of change and suffering are central in the philosophical debates of the time, as are ideas regarding the proper construction of society. Dominant in India from about 1500 BCE to the present is a hierarchical social system rooted in the vision of ancient religious texts called the Vedas. The Vedas are a collection of religious texts brought to India by the Indo-European peoples, various tribes that moved into India perhaps from about 2000 BCE onward. Some groups continued their migration to Iran, and on to Europe. The term Indo-European refers to the family of languages that share certain linguistic characteristics and thus to the tribes as a whole.

We cannot understand Buddhism, including its ethics and social concerns, without understanding something about the religion of the groups of Indo-Europeans whose religious vision came to dominate India.

Religious Background

The religion of one of the major Indo-European tribes that migrated into India, the Aryans, was based on a group of texts called the Vedas. These were not written texts. Sound was considered to be sacred and the chanted word was considered to be spiritually efficacious. Received by ancient sages known as rishis, these texts were chanted by priests and passed down to future generations through memorization.

There are four Vedas in all. The oldest is the Rig Veda. This contains a series of hymns to a variety of gods: gods and goddesses of nature like Ushas (Dawn); Indra, the god of war; and Varu x1E47_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 a, the god of order. It also contains foundational stories such as the story of creation. While there is more than one cosmological myth, the one that has predominated is Rig Veda 10.90, the Purusha S x16B_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 kta. This hymn recounts the creation of everything and presents the worldview that came to dominate Indian religious thought to the present day.

The Purusha S x16B_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 kta describes creation as the product of sacrifice. The primal being, Purusha, is sacrificed and from this sacrifice the natural world, the supernatural world, the universe, and even the social order are generated. Sacrifice, then, forms the basis of the religious system. Sacrifices are made, hymns of praise to various gods are offered, and petitions for worldly blessings, long life, children, and a place in heaven are made by priests on behalf of the people, and conveyed to the gods by Agni, the god of fire. The gods, if pleased, grant the petitions. And, because sacrifice brought the cosmos into existence, repeated sacrifice maintains that order. Over time, the notion arose that if the sacrifice were performed precisely, the gods were compelled to grant their blessings; since only the priests could perform these major public sacrifices, they gained a great deal of power. As their power grew, so did the number of animals that were sacrificed.

The social order created from the primal sacrifice is hierarchical. The priestly class is dominant, the warrior or noble class comes next, then the peasant class, and finally the servant class. Because it was generated through sacrifice, the social order, like the universe itself, is considered to be eternal, unchangeable, and sacred. Due to a series of philosophical developments, not the least of which was the notion that karma (action) was not only sacrificial action but moral deed, this class system developed into the caste system and the belief that individuals were born into a specific class based on the accumulation of their moral deeds was accepted.

The environment into which Vedic religion was introduced was not a tabula rasa. Prior to the immigration of the Indo-Europeans, the Indus Valley was a thriving civilization with a variety of religious expressions. Archaeologists have found numerous fertility symbols, representing examples of natural, animal, and human fecundity, some dating back to about 2500 BCE. As well, they have unearthed symbols of emaciated male figures seated in meditation poses. Perhaps the most interesting find for students of Indian religions is a figure commonly known as proto-Shiva. Seated in a meditative posture, this male figure wears a helmet of bull horns, the sign of animal fertility, between which vines are growing, a sign of natural fertility. The Hindu god, Shiva, is known both as lord of the animals and for his ascetic prowess. In this figure, then, scholars have seen not only the combination of the two main themes of Indus Valley religion – fertility and asceticism – but the development of a Hindu god from the influence of the indigenous tradition on the newly introduced Vedic religion.

Transformation of Values

Our sense of identity and the comfortableness with which we accept our beliefs and practices as self-evident is rarely faced with scrutiny until we encounter those who believe and practice differently. Our encounter with the other frequently provokes us to contemplate who we are, what we believe, and why we do so. This need for clarification and distinction from others is not confined to individuals who may travel cross-culturally, but occurs on the larger scale as well. The differing values held by those indigenous to the Ganges Valley and those who immigrated, bringing Vedic religion with them, produced an often contentious discussion about ultimate truth, highest value, and the nature of what it meant to be human, both individually and collectively. It was that discussion that shaped and formed the foundations and outlines of Hinduism, Jainism, and Buddhism. Indeed, many Buddhist concepts were consciously conceived in contrast to Vedic thought.

Central to Buddhism is the notion of karma, which means act. Within the Vedic context it referred to the sacrificial action of the priest. These acts were efficacious in that they produced the benefit sought. Over time and under the influence of non-Vedic religious expressions, the term took on the connotation of moral deed. In Buddhism, our moral deeds produce consequences according to their nature, and these consequences must be experienced, if not in this lifetime then in a subsequent one. We live in a moral universe and karma is one of its laws. An act itself has several components: the intention of the action, the will to carry it out, carrying it out, and the consequences of that act. It is a complicated matter; only a Buddha can fathom its intricacies. Of primary importance is the intention of an act, a good thing given that our best intentions frequently go astray.

It is to our benefit, then, to engage in acts that will produce positive results in this life and the next. Karma is believed to condition the basic parameters of where we begin in life, the physical and mental aspects of ourselves, personality, social position, and general luck. If one is born with a congenital condition or in poor social circumstances, this is considered to be the result of actions in a past lifetime. While one cannot change one’s past, one can change one’s future through consciously and consistently choosing to act positively. The result of positive acts is to be reborn better looking, in a financially secure family, and with the characteristics that make for a bright future. There are volumes of folk narratives, the J x101_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 taka Tales, and numerous Sanskrit Avad x101_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 nas that demonstrate the great benefit that may be obtained through even a small, well-intentioned act such as a poor man’s gift of a bowl of gruel to an ascetic or Buddha. We will discuss this in more detail when we examine some central texts that deal with Buddhist notions of social justice.

Also transformed is the notion of sacrifice as the central religious act. As noted earlier, the scale of animal sacrifice was increasing, particularly so for the large public sacrifices held primarily by the king and other wealthy members of his circle. There were many who objected to these sacrifices on a variety of grounds: the suffering of the animals; the waste of resources; the wealth and power that accrued to the priests; and skepticism surrounding the ability of sacrifice to provide the benefits alleged. While Buddhist monks and nuns were not strictly vegetarian in India for reasons outlined below, they objected to causing harm to animals. The Metta Sutta notes that all beings wish to be happy and free of suffering, and there is a series of meditative exercises in which one meditates on generating and radiating loving-kindness in progressively wider circles, finally reaching all living beings. Instead of wasting resources, Buddhist texts call for the redistribution of wealth through giving, developing the virtue of generosity. Giving is expected to occur on both a private and a public level. Instead of providing money for sacrifices, one should give to the ascetics, who were widespread at the time and who would include groups like the Buddhists and the Jains.

Acts of this type constitute the second highest form of giving, behind only the gift of self (renouncing the lay life for a monastic one) and ahead of other forms of charitable giving or activity. The newly emerging business and banking class could not only attain great respect from these alternative religious groups, but also the religious benefits that such giving would provide now and in future lives. While one could not be certain how the specific benefits would accrue in the future, in the present one was accumulating merit. The amount of merit collected depended on the giver’s intention (a pure heart) and the recipient’s suitability (religiously adept). As a result of implementing these guidelines, the laity became vigilant enforcers of the monastic rules. Oddly, this enforcement led to the forest monks, who spent most of their time in solitary meditation, receiving copious gifts.

The same practice also seems to have expanded the religious possibilities for poor people. Indeed, in one narrative a senior monk with great purity turns down a dinner invitation from the gods because he wishes to take his meal with some poor working people so that they can attain merit. The monastic community was considered to be a field of merit for the laity, and accepting a gift was viewed as an act of compassion. Monks and nuns were expected to take what they were given, with thanks, regardless of whether or not they liked the offering. A bowl of sour gruel, with or without meat, given with a pure heart by a poor man or woman, merited considerable benefit.

Within the kingship system of government, the ideal king (cakkavattin) not only keeps the realm safe from robbers and foreign invasion, he also pays his public administrators fairly and is required to ensure that the realm is free of poverty. These practices (not sacrifices) guarantee social and cosmic stability. The notion that the priests were inherently more moral than others and that one was born into a specific class because of one’s moral actions was also challenged. All classes of society had ethical and nonethical individuals within them. And, while Buddhism did not reject the class system per se, it rejected any notion that there was a moral component to this system of social organization. There were good and bad people within every class of society.

We get a good sense of Buddhist ideas regarding the ideal society and issues of social concern such as poverty when we examine several central texts from the Pali Canon, the only complete set of texts we possess from the early Buddhist groups and the scriptural corpus of the Therav x101_TimesNewRomanPSMT_10n_000100 da branch of Buddhism geographically centered in south and southeast Asia.

Narratives

What we refer to as Buddhist texts were originally aural in nature; that is, they were spoken and adapted to the audience assembled to hear them. Indeed, the Buddha was said to have possessed skill in means for the way he tailored his message to his audience. Many texts still bear evidence of their aural origins in their repetitive nature. While scholars believe that the Pali Canon was relatively stable from the middle of the third century BCE, it was not written down until shortly before the beginning of the Common Era. Historically, the texts were not widely studied even by monks and nuns. Texts became increasingly important during the colonial period because of the emphasis Christian missionaries placed on the authority of the Bible. George Bond (1988) notes in Buddhist Revival in Sri Lanka that all reform movements in Sri Lanka now place emphasis on textual authority. The impact of colonialism also produced a movement of Buddhist modernism, with laity becoming more active in temple affairs and also in activities traditionally associated with the monastic community, such as meditation. Outside of Asia, Buddhism is primarily lay led, textual study is not uncommon, and meditation is the foremost religious activity.

Aggãñna Sutta

It should be noted at the outset that the life of a renouncer – that is, one who renounces normal life in the world for the religious life – is always seen as the superior lifestyle choice. Indeed, in the Aggãñna Sutta, a narrative of origins, the evolution of society is seen as part of a fall. According to the text, originally beings were simply beings. Made of mind, feeding on joy, self-luminous, and able to travel through the air, they were not differentiated from each other. That changed when, due to previous karma, one greedy being began to eat the forming earth and the others followed suit, causing them to see each other differently. Some perceived themselves as attractive and began to despise those whom they saw as unattractive. Thus, through a moral choice that led to craving and a dislike of others, a series of devolutions was set in motion. These devolutions included the creation of the universe as the sun and moon appeared, a consequence of beings losing luminosity, itself a consequence of ingesting matter. As we will see later, this interconnection between human moral action and the natural world is a recurring pattern.

At each stage of differentiation or evolution, moral consequences ensue and society begins to take shape. Differentiation between the sexes leads to lust, which leads to sexual intercourse. Community moral outrage at this vile and violent act leads to the establishment of family life as men and women build huts to hide their activities. Hoarding leads to poorer-quality grain that grows in clusters. This situation leads to the establishment of private property, assigning plots to individuals, which in turn leads to theft, censure, lying, and punishment. At this point, people meet and decide that things have gone far enough. They choose a leader, the finest among them, to become king and rule over them in return for a portion of their rice. This arrangement marks the beginning of society proper, stops the decline, and allows for a stable order to emerge, ironically by having the kingly rather than the priestly caste emerge first. Having detailed the formation of a class society, portraying it as a series of occupational choices, the narrative ends by praising all those who abandon class to become renouncers.

Cakkavatti S x171_DoulosSIL_10n_8800100 han x171_DoulosSIL_10n_7700100 da Sutta

Whereas the Aggãñna Sutta presents the creation of a social contract type of kingship, the Cakkavatti S x12B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 han x101_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 da Sutta outlines the responsibilities entailed in being an ideal ruler, a cakkavattin, a wheel turning (wheel of truth and morality) monarch. It does so within the story of the fall and rise of a mythical kingdom. The fall is due to the ruler’s failure to provide for the poor. The consequences of this failure ultimately provoke a holocaust. Founded by King Daḷhanemi, the kingdom flourishes for seven generations as each successor follows the noble duty of a wheel turning monarch. The noble duty entails that the ruler embody dharma in all his affairs; provide shelter and protection for all segments of the realm, including animals and birds; ensure that no wrongdoing occurs; provide wealth for those who have none, being advised by the religieux; and not do anything that would cause the religieux to give up their practice. The eighth king, who is by all accounts a properly constituted ruler, does not follow the noble duty and the kingdom does not flourish. When this is brought to his attention by advisers and important citizens, he adjusts his behavior to follow the noble duty, with one exception: he does not provide wealth for those who have none. As a consequence, poverty becomes widespread and theft occurs. While initially the king responds to theft by providing the thieves with wealth and enjoins them to spend it on care for their families, setting up a business and making religious gifts that will benefit them now and in future lives, he later resorts to public humiliation and beheading.

From this point, a downward spiral of social disintegration, human degradation, and natural calamity is set in motion. The process is one of action–reaction, causation and result, each stage more disastrous than the previous one: because of poverty, theft; because of theft, weapons; because of weapons, murder. Moral decline is rapid and severe – including informing, adultery, lust, incest, and loss of filial and religious piety – all due to the fact that the king failed to give wealth to those who had none. The alleviation of poverty is not a case for individual charity but one of social justice.

What is interesting here is that there is no mention of karma. Poverty does not arise from karma but from a political failure. Poverty does provoke deeds that are karmically nonproductive, negative, what we would term evil. Interestingly, the consequences of these deeds are shared by the entire populace, a general decline in attractiveness, lifespan, health, and moral behavior. Perhaps there is some notion of communal karma? In the same way as in the Aggãñna Sutta, the quality of food and the numbers of birds, plants, and animals decline as a consequence of human immorality. This spiral culminates in an apocalyptic situation where the populace regard each other as animals, literally acquire animal consciousness toward each other, and an orgy of bloodshed ensues. Some individuals, however, do not appear to be overcome by this delusion and they, not wanting to kill or be killed, run off and hide in the woods. When the holocaust is over, these humans emerge from their hiding places. Making the connection between evil deeds and the decline of the kingdom, they refrain from evil deeds and gradually the kingdom grows and become prosperous again, and a new righteous ruler arises, who is described in terms like those of the original King Da x171_DoulosSIL_10n_9900100 hanemi.

From the rise and fall of the kingdom we learn quite a bit. The righteous ruler appears to be the product of a righteous populace, and his job is to protect and preserve the moral community created by them. Without a stable and moral political structure, individual human moral action is at risk. While there will always be human beings who are able to maintain their humanity regardless of the chaos around them, most will become rudderless. Humankind at its worst is bestial; at its best nonviolent, rational, consensual, and morally active. Finally, human moral action is not limited, but its effects are felt within the natural order as well.

K x171_DoulosSIL_10n_9001 x171_DoulosSIL_10n_9002 adanta Sutta and Sig x171_DoulosSIL_10n_7700100 lov x171_DoulosSIL_10n_7700100 da Sutta

How individuals should act in order to preserve the stability and moral tenor of society is reflected in the K x16B_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 x1E6D_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 adanta and Sig x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 lov x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 da Sutta of the Pali Canon. The K x16B_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 x1E6D_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 adanta Sutta is a good example of the transformation of values from those of Vedic sacrifice to Buddhist notions of giving. In addition, it presents a detailed picture of how the various elements of the social order should interact with each other.

The narrative is constructed with a frame tale and a central narrative. In the frame tale, a wealthy brahmin named K x16B_TimesNewRomanPSMT_10n_000100 x1E6D_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 adanta, who lives on land over which he has control as if he were a king, goes to the Buddha in order to find out how to perform a very complicated sacrifice, the sacrifice in three modes with sixteen instruments. He wishes to perform this sacrifice for his benefit now and in the future; that is, he wishes to attain heaven. All the brahmanical notions of sacrifice are present. In response to his question, the Buddha tells K x16B_TimesNewRomanPSMT_10n_000100 x1E6D_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 adanta a story about a king who approached his adviser about performing just such a sacrifice.

The central narrative then lays out all the traditional elements required for this sacrifice, but does so in terms of the qualities of the king who wishes to perform it and his adviser who directs its performance. Eight instruments of the sacrifice are described as qualities of the king: rich, pure in lineage, handsome, militarily strong, faithful, generous to the poor, one who does good deeds, and intelligent in the senses of being learned and able to think matters out. Other sacrificial instruments are the qualities of the adviser. Some qualities, virtue and wisdom, are like those of the king. Others, like knowledge of the Vedas, ritual, and grammar, are patterned on traditional priestly knowledge. Also present are representatives of the four classes of people who make up the realm. Their communal consent is stated to be an instrument of the sacrifice as well.

Given the parallel between K x16B_TimesNewRomanPSMT_10n_000100 x1E6D_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 adanta and the Buddha and the mythical king and his adviser, it is fair to assume that the advice given in the story is meant for K x16B_TimesNewRomanPSMT_10n_000100 x1E6D_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 adanta. The performance of the sacrifice begins with setting the stage. The king should end disorder in the kingdom, not through rigid policies of law and order, but through measures we would refer to as job-creation programs, equitable taxation, and good wages and benefits for government workers. These are elements that, taken together, we would claim today as essential ingredients for social justice. The three modes of performance refer to the state of mind in which he should conduct the sacrifices. There should be no regret for the wealth spent, no remorse that some evil people will benefit, and joy that good people will benefit. Finally, when performing the sacrifice, the king should gladden his heart in sixteen ways: he has invited the four classes of subjects, he has the eight necessary qualities for success, and his adviser possesses the four necessary qualities. Those representing the four classes of people are so impressed with this sacrifice, which does not involve any animal deaths and is conducted by volunteers, that they offer the king more money, which he refuses. They then establish, with the rest of the populace, donation centers throughout the land.

What is of note is that the narrative flow is from personal and individual to public and communal. The king asks what he should do in order to attain heaven, and he is told to act publically and in socially beneficial ways and with the consent of his subjects. Further, the actions of the populace in emulating the king produce a society that is generous, nonviolent, mutually supportive, and of benefit to the natural world (no animals are slain) as well as to its human inhabitants. In this case, the idea of society and the notion of social justice are expanded to include nonhumans.

The Sig x101_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 lov x101_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 da Sutta deals with individual religious and moral duty. Again, it contrasts Vedic notions of worship with Buddhist ones. The narrative concerns a young man named Sig x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 la, a nonreligious youth who agrees to his father’s deathbed wish that he worship the six directions. Sig x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 la does so, encountering the Buddha one morning. The Buddha informs him that his worship is inappropriate and, on request, describes what proper worship of the six directions entails. The preparation for worship section deals with individual morality. One should not destroy life, lie, steal, or engage in sexual misconduct; actions that arise from desire, anger, and ignorance. As well as removing these moral obstacles, one should not dissipate one’s wealth through intoxicants, late nights out, theatrical shows, gambling, association with bad companions, and idleness. The cost of these expenditures is not simply monetary but causes ruptured relationships, illness, mental instability, and a loss of reputation. If a man engages in such behaviors, his family and property are vulnerable if he is married; if not married, he is not a good marriage prospect. Further, he becomes suspected of evil deeds, and his word is not accepted by a court of law. Finally, he does not get anything done, spends all his money, and is left with only fair-weather friends.

If he refrains from this bad behavior and corrects his moral attitude, he will acquire wealth in harmless ways and his virtue will be known to all. He manages his wealth appropriately: one quarter for himself, half for his business, and a quarter for reserve in hard times. Now, he is ready to worship the six directions.

The six directions are revealed as six sets of reciprocal relationships: parents, teachers, husbands and wives, friends and associates, servants and employees, and ascetics and brahmins. Interactions are characterized by courteousness, fairness, and care and concern for the individual, his behavior and his family and property.

The Notion of Social Justice in Pali Texts

The vision of the ideal society presented in these texts is of an individualist, mercantile society set within the context of a strong central government concerned with the preservation of order and the elimination of any obstacles to productivity. The primary obstacle to this society is poverty. The texts do not envision an equality of resources; they simply argue that everyone should have sufficient resources to care for themselves and contribute to the collective. An inability to do so produces dehumanization within the entire collective. Individuals are required to take care of themselves and to make a contribution to the whole.

As well as the interrelationship between the individual and society, there is also an interrelationship between morality and prosperity. Again, the values espoused are those of a mercantile society: hard work, thrift, and the preservation of income through refraining from wealth-dissipating activities such as gambling and drinking. All this is not surprising given that the support for Buddhist and other groups came from the newly wealthy mercantile class. That the Vedic sacrifice has been transformed into giving to religious mendicants is also not surprising given the historical context. We do note that the giving does not appear specifically to include what we would call broad social acts of charity. These are not excluded, but the emphasis is definitely on religious giving.

Mah x171_DoulosSIL_10n_2200100 y x171_DoulosSIL_10n_2200100 na and Vajray x171_DoulosSIL_10n_2200100 na Buddhism

Mah x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 y x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 na Buddhism, which includes traditions such as Zen and Pure Land Buddhism, was originally a monastic movement within Buddhism centered around the veneration of specific texts that appeared in India perhaps as early as the first century BCE. These new texts, while created by and for a monastic audience, do however appear to have expressed more optimism in the ability of ordinary people to make religious progress without renouncing life-in-the-world. They critique what they see as a Buddhism that has become ingrown, elitist, and insensitive to the needs of the laity. They follow the Mah x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 y x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 na, the Great or Large Vehicle, while others follow the H x12B_TimesNewRomanPSMT_10n_000100 nay x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 na, the Lesser or Small Vehicle. They consider themselves to be greater in aspiration, wisdom, and compassion than the others. Mah x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 y x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 na s x16B_TimesNewRomanPSMT_10n_000100 tras tend to focus on two central themes: the bodhisattva and the notion of emptiness. A bodhisattva aspires to full Buddhahood rather than what the Mah x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 y x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 na sees as the limited enlightenment of the arhat or perfected person extolled by the earlier schools, of which only the Therav x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 da remain. They do this through the development of a deeper understanding of reality, and they do so for the sake of all living beings rather than simply for personal liberation. Early Mah x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 y x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 na texts include the Perfection of Wisdom S x16B_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 tras, of which the A x1E63_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 x171_DoulosSIL_10n_9003 as x101_MyriadPro-It_9n_000100 hasrik x101_MyriadPro-It_9n_000100 Prajñ x101_MyriadPro-It_9n_000100 p x101_MyriadPro-It_9n_000100 ramit x101_MyriadPro-It_9n_000100 S x16B_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 tra (Perfection of Wisdom in 8,000 Lines) may be the earliest.

While some texts focus on celestial bodhisattvas who are able to help living beings through transferring their huge reservoirs of merit and through various magical strategies above and beyond the early notions of teaching and preaching, other texts such as the Vimilak x12B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 rti Nirde x15B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 a S x16B_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 tra and the Lotus S x16B_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 tra show laypeople demonstrating deep wisdom and compassion. This expansion of the idea of what bodhisattvas can do to aid other beings and the greater valuation of the possibility that ordinary people can attain spiritual progress in daily life issues in the practice of laypeople taking the bodhisattva vow, performing spiritually efficacious deeds, and dedicating the merit from these deeds to all living beings. The Da x15B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 abh x16B_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 mika S x16B_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 tra, which outlines the ten stages of the bodhisattva, states that the bodhisattva should learn the arts of medicine, mathematics, music, and history as a means to aiding beings. These disciplines were taught at the great monastic universities in India, which were open to monks and laymen but not nuns or laywomen.

The Jewel Garland, traditionally ascribed to N x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 g x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 rjuna and written to a powerful king, sets out a notion of kingship that is consonant with the one presented above in the Therav x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 da texts. The text urges a personal transformation that leads a ruler to contemplate what is good for his realm. As Ken Jones (2003), a prominent proponent of engaged Buddhism, puts it, N x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 g x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 rjuna’s position is that the goal is a society in which there are favorable conditions for each person to move toward enlightenment or, in other words, to work out their karma. Nonviolence, including compassion for animals and abolishing the death penalty, education, and care for the poor, are advocated as good social policy.

Vajray x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 na Buddhism, whose texts may be as early as the sixth century CE, was, by the tenth century, being absorbed into the university system. One of the reasons given for the growing influence of this form of Buddhism was the increasing isolation of monks from the concerns of the people. Highly sophisticated logic held sway, and education became a means of moving up in society rather than a spiritual path. Vajray x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 na is a tantric form of Buddhism. Tantra refers to ritual and it is a type of Buddhism that focuses on ritual and meditation as a means to attain enlightenment. It is so closely identified with Tibet that it is often called Tibetan Buddhism. Tibetan Buddhism follows Therav x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 da monastic discipline, Mah x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 y x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 na philosophy, and tantric practice. As Paul Williams (1989) notes in his classic work on Mah x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 y x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 na Buddhist texts, through gestures, visualizations, and chants the practitioner transforms him- or herself into a Buddha and the surrounding world into a divine realm. The notion that the world is somehow dependent on our perception of it collapses the distinction between the real world and the spiritual world. Living our life in a certain way can be a skillful means of assisting others and our actions in this world can transform it into a Buddhist Pure Land. These ideas find expression in a variety of ways in contemporary Buddhism, most fully in Chinese reformed Buddhist organizations such as Fo Guang Shan and Tzu Chi and in the engaged Buddhist movement.

Sociopolitical Practice

There are a few examples of rulers who have tried to establish the kind of ideal realm portrayed in the Therav x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 da Cakkavatti S x12B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 han x101_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 da Sutta. A x15B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 oka was the most powerful king of his time (third century BCE) and ruled most of India. The traditional story is that he was so repelled by the violence involved in his conquest of Kalinga that he vowed to become a righteous ruler; that is, one who ruled by righteousness rather than force of arms. He left behind a series of edicts inscribed on rocks and pillars, which give us a feel for his policies. Some edicts promote general religious values to the populace. A x15B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 oka forbade animal sacrifices, provided medical aid for both animals and people, and improved travel by providing way stations. He did not abolish capital punishment, but he allowed appeal and gave criminals some time to put their affairs in order. He supported religions other than Buddhism. He supervised the Buddhist monastic community. He made suggestions for reading and established officials to ensure that the practice in the monasteries was appropriate. The Therav x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 da tradition has A x15B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 oka presiding over a monastic council held, in part, for the purpose of expelling heretical monks and nuns. While we cannot be certain about the dating of the Cakkavatti S x12B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 han x101_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_10n_000100 da Sutta, A.L. Basham (2005) believes that it was composed using A x15B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 oka as a model for the king. Before A x15B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 oka, Buddhism was one of many religions in India; after A x15B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 oka, it was a major presence.

While the focus of this essay is on the historical setting of Buddhism, the example of U Nu (1907–1995), the first postcolonial Prime Minister of Burma in the mid-twentieth century, provides an example of how traditional notions of Buddhism and social concern are being translated in contemporary times. Consistent with the texts discussed above and with the example of the righteous king A x15B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 oka, U Nu believed that the health of a nation began with the morality of its people, especially its leaders. Indeed, biographer Richard Butwell (1969) quotes U Nu as stating that democracy is really an unwritten code of personal behavior. Like A x15B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 oka, U Nu also saw himself as a promoter of the faith, although he supported the rights of all religious groups. He sponsored the Sixth Great Theravada Buddhist Council (1954–1956), established the Pali University Act (1950), and set up a Buddha Sasana (Teaching) Council to study and promote Buddhism and supervise monks. He established a cabinet post for a Ministry of Religious Affairs, and promoted the teaching of Buddhism to non-Buddhists. He encouraged the restoration of the country’s pagodas, brought relics from Sri Lanka (then called Ceylon) and toured them throughout Burma, and commuted the sentences of criminals who agreed to study Buddhism. He also banned the slaughter of cattle. As was undoubtedly true in A x15B_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 oka’s case, some commentators felt that U Nu’s political efforts would be best served in directions other than religion. He believed that socialism and Buddhism were compatible and wished to make Burma a Buddhist state. After holding power twice, he was deposed by the army in 1962 and died in 1995 at the age of 87.

Individual Practice

In individual terms, Buddhist morality has focused on the Five Precepts and giving. The Five Precepts are guidelines to moral behavior that may be understood in both a narrower and a broader sense. For example, the First Precept is to refrain from murder. More broadly, one should refrain from abusive behavior. The other precepts are to refrain from theft, sexual impropriety, lying, and intoxicants.

Buddhists make religious gifts. In early Indian Buddhism, monks and nuns made gifts of items used for religious purposes, for example a cave in which one could meditate, or religious objects. The merit of these gifts was ascribed to others, most often deceased parents. Gifts from the laity to the community of monks and nuns included food, lodging, and robes. Histories of later periods in Sri Lanka and Tibet, for example, indicate that wealthy landowners or nobles might give a portion of village labor or produce to a monastery. Valuable Buddha images are often donated in the name of a deceased parent.

Although there is some discussion regarding the canonicity of the practice, the transfer of merit generated from ritual performance to others living or dead is a longstanding practice. Prior to the rise of Mah x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 y x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 na Buddhism, merit was generally transferred to a specific individual(s). With the increasing popularity of Mah x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 y x101_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 na, merit was transferred to all living beings. It is common practice for Buddhists to buy birds and fish on special occasions and free them. This practice has turned out to be problematic, however. Enterprising shopkeepers will often capture birds specifically to sell, and freeing the birds can cause them to get disoriented and fly into automobiles or become victims of predators. Recently, there has been resistance to this practice and some temples prohibit the release of fish into the temple pond.

Conclusion

Buddhist social concern is based, not surprisingly, on the interdependence of individual morality and social security. A productive, secure, and stable society is one in which individuals engage in acts that aid their spiritual progress. Through their own moral actions, they help create a secure and stable society, and their gifts to the monastic community keep religious values ever present amid the hustle and bustle of daily life. While social justice has been a less explored area than Buddhist philosophy or meditative practice, the interaction between the colonial powers and Buddhism in the late nineteenth century and the rise of Buddhist modernism have moved social concerns more to the forefront of Buddhist thought. Buddhist organizations such as Fo Guang Shan and Tzu Chi build hospitals and universities, and the primary form of Buddhism in the West is a Buddhism that combines the search for individual enlightenment through meditation with engagement in social issues from the perspective of Buddhist values.

References

Basham, A.L. (2005) Asoka and Buddhism: A re-examination, in Buddhist Origins and the Early History of Buddhism in South and Southeast Asia, Vol. 1 of Buddhism: Critical Concepts in Religious Studies, Paul Williams (ed.), Routledge, London, pp. 54–64.

Bond, George D. (1988) Religious Revival in Sri Lanka: Religious Tradition, Reinterpretation and Response, University of South Carolina Press, Columbia.

Butwell, Richard (1969) U Nu of Burma, Stanford University Press, Stanford.

Jones, Ken (2003) The New Social Face of Buddhism: A Call to Action, Wisdom, Somerville, MA.

Williams, Paul (1989) Mah x101_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_9n_000100 y x101_TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT_9n_000100 na Buddhism: The Doctrinal Foundations, The Library of Religious Beliefs and Practices, John Hinnells and Ninian Smart (eds), Routledge, London.

Bibliography

Fenn, Mavis L. (1996) Two notions of poverty in the P x101_DoulosSIL_9n_000100 li Canon, Journal of Buddhist Ethics, 6: 98–125.

Fenn, Mavis L. (2006) The K x16B_TimesNewRomanPSMT_9n_000100 x1E6D_DoulosSIL_9n_000100 adanta Sutta: Tradition in Tension in Buddhist Studies from India to America – Essays in Honor of Charles S. Prebish, Damien Keown (ed.), Routledge, London.

Gombrich, Richard F. (1996) How Buddhism Began: The Conditioned Genesis of the Early Teachings, 2nd edn, Routledge Critical Studies of Buddhism, Charles S. Prebish and Damien Keown (eds), Routledge, London.

Mitchell, Donald W. (2002) Buddhism: Introducing the Buddhist Experience, Oxford University Press, Oxford.

Robinson, Richard and Johnson, Willard L. (1997) The Buddhist Religion: A Historical Introduction, 4th edn, Wadsworth, Belmont, CA.

CHAPTER 2

Buddhism

Contemporary Expressions

Steven Emmanuel

Throughout its long history, Buddhism has demonstrated a remarkable resourcefulness, both in the way it has adapted to new cultures and in the skillful ways it has sought to promote peace and well-being in the world. Perhaps the best example of this is the contemporary movement known as socially engaged Buddhism.

As it is commonly used, the phrase engaged Buddhism refers to various forms of social action that have been undertaken by Buddhists to address the social, political, and economic causes of suffering in modern society. Though consciously activist in its approach, engaged Buddhism does not represent a radical departure from traditional Buddhist teachings and practice. Indeed, social activism falls well within the scope of what the Buddha called skillful means: sharing the dharma and alleviating suffering through the wise and compassionate use of methods specifically adapted to a given time, place, and situation.

Engaged Buddhism is not a unified movement, but rather a cluster of organic movements that have emerged, mainly in Asian countries, in response to problems of violence, poverty, political oppression, and environmental degradation. Leading figures include A.T. Ariyaratne (Sri Lanka), Buddhadasa Bhikkhu and Sulak Sivaraksa (Thailand), Maha Ghosananda (Cambodia), Aung San Suu Kyi (Myanmar), and the Dalai Lama (Tibet).

In the West, engaged Buddhism is perhaps most closely associated with the life and writings of Vietnamese Zen Master Thích c02ue001 H x171_DoulosSIL_10n_4400100 nh, who is credited with coining the English phrase. During the Vietnam War, c02ue002 H x171_DoulosSIL_10n_4400100 nh’s work as a teacher, writer, poet, and social activist inspired thousands of Buddhists to become directly engaged in the work of peace and reconciliation. In addition to organizing and training volunteer youth for social service, he founded c02ue003 (the Order of Interbeing), a new branch of Vietnamese Zen Buddhism based on the principles of engaged practice. After the war, his order continued to grow, gradually evolving into an international community of lay and ordained practitioners dedicated to promoting mindful living and compassionate action in society.

Because c02ue004 H x171_DoulosSIL_10n_4400100 nh’s writings offer one of the clearest and most fully articulated accounts of engaged Buddhist practice, they will serve as the basis of the discussion that follows.

Liberation from Suffering

The Buddha often said, "I teach only dukkha and the cessation of dukkha. Typically translated as suffering," the term dukkha actually encompasses a much wider range of psychological and physical ills than the English word suggests. The Buddha often spoke of dukkha as the ill-being that results from craving worldly pleasures, or from attachment to things that are, by their nature, changing and impermanent. Among the primary examples mentioned in his teachings were the inevitability of aging, sickness, and death, the loss of people we love, and the disappointment we experience when our desires go unsatisfied.

The Buddha summarized his teaching on suffering in the Four Noble Truths:

1 The truth of the existence of suffering.

2 The truth of the origin of suffering.

3 The truth of the cessation of suffering.

4 The truth of the path leading to the cessation of suffering.

Liberation from suffering depends first of all on becoming fully aware that suffering is present. When we look deeply into the causes of that suffering, we find that it is rooted in craving and attachment, and that this is conditioned, in turn, by our ignorance of the true nature of things. By gaining insight into the causes of suffering, we can stop contributing to the conditions that give rise to it.

The fourth truth, known as the Noble Eightfold Path, describes the practice that leads to the cessation of suffering. It is presented as a set of practical guidelines that promote the virtues of Right View, Right Thought, Right Speech, Right Action, Right Livelihood, Right Effort, Right Mindfulness, and Right Concentration. Briefly stated, the aim of the path is to bring our moral conduct into conformity with wisdom; that is, with a correct understanding of the nature of things. To do this requires diligence in cultivating wholesome states of mind, developing a deeper awareness of our habits and the consequences of those habits for our mental and physical well-being. According to this teaching, the insight and capacities needed to bring about the end of suffering can be realized in the practice of mindfulness. To be mindful is to be mentally alert, steady, and free from delusion. It is the form of meditation that led to Gautama Siddhartha’s own enlightenment experience.

Mindfulness occupies a place of central importance in Buddhist philosophy. It is the first of the Seven Factors of Awakening, as well as the subject of an important early discourse known as The Greater Discourse on the Foundations of Mindfulness. Indeed, mindfulness is the basis of all Buddhist teaching on meditation.

As a contemplative practice, mindfulness is the activity of bringing the mind to a point of focus in nonjudgmental awareness of the present moment. In this state, it is possible to experience the way the mind constantly changes from one moment to the next, how one thought or feeling is replaced by another, and then another. To be in the present moment is to be fully aware of what is unfolding here and now, yet free from the distortions created by perception and judgment. It is a form of letting go, of allowing things to be exactly as they are. The capacity for mindfulness is the foundation for understanding the world as it really is, and hence overcoming the ignorance, craving, and attachment that give rise to suffering. It is key to bringing about the personal transformation that leads to the complete inner peace of Nirvana.

The Monastic Ideal and Social Reform

The Buddha traveled all over northern India, sharing his teaching about dukkha with anyone who was willing and able to receive it. People from all walks of life joined his Sangha, a fourfold community that included monks (bhikkhus), nuns (bhikkhunis), and lay practitioners of both sexes (upasakas, upasikas). Unlike the monastic disciples, who shaved their heads, donned yellow robes, begged for their food, and assumed the vow of celibacy, lay practitioners observed a more limited set of precepts, vowing to abstain from killing, stealing, sexual misconduct, lying, and intoxication. These are known as the Five Precepts, which form the basis of Buddhist ethics. Lay practitioners could follow these precepts in their daily lives as householders.

Taking the monastic vow meant living apart from the mainstream of society, where disciples could study and practice in a concentrated way, unobstructed by the demands of a householder’s life. They renounced the materialist values of society in favor of a life of austere simplicity. This was not the extreme asceticism of the forest monks – a way the Buddha had tried and abandoned. Rather, this was a community governed by precepts designed to ensure harmony and freedom from the distractions of the outside world. The monastic way, though not easy, promised a life filled with peace and joy.

Traditionally viewed, monasticism represented the ideal form of Buddhist practice. By choosing to remain in the world, the householder maintained various attachments in the form of family, wealth, and material possessions. Of course, these attachments could only prolong and complicate the task of attaining liberation. Still, it remained possible for those who did not renounce the world in a decisive way to make progress toward enlightenment, and members of the monastic community played a vital role in this regard. Their primary responsibilities included preserving, studying, and disseminating the Buddha’s teachings. They provided a living example of the ideal moral and spiritual life, encouraging lay followers in the practice of the Five Precepts.

For their part, the laity provided sustaining support for the monastic community through the donation of food, material goods, and volunteer labor. These activities provided laypeople ample opportunities to earn merit by practicing the central Buddhist virtue of generosity (dana).

It would be a mistake, however, to interpret the observance of the division between lay and ordained communities as a signal that the Buddha was unconcerned with the betterment of society. Despite the pronounced emphasis on attaining inner peace and personal enlightenment, the monastic ideal was never set over against concern for the well-being of society at large. The potential of Buddhism as a force for social reform was already present, if latently, in its most basic teachings.

The Buddha’s spiritual journey toward enlightenment was driven not only by his personal experience of suffering, but also by his profound empathy for the suffering of the world. This empathy was only deepened by his enlightenment experience, which confirmed in a direct way that everything in the world, including suffering, exists in a condition of interdependence. In traditional Buddhist thought, suffering arises together with the causes of suffering. When these causes are no longer present, the suffering ceases. This idea is expressed in a central Buddhist teaching known as dependent origination or interdependent co-arising, which the Buddha summarized this way:

When this exists, that comes to be; with the arising of this, that arises. When this does not exist, that does not come to be; with the cessation of this, that ceases.

Despite the simplicity of its formulation, this teaching has far-reaching consequences. It follows, for example, that nothing in the world exists as a permanent, unconditioned reality – not even the self. Even those aspects of human nature that we associate with personal identity (body, feelings, perceptions, mental formations, and consciousness) exist only in interdependence with each other and with everything else. As Christopher Gowans explains, what we call the self is not ontologically distinct, not a substance-self, but rather part of an ever-changing, interdependent network of processes in the world (Gowans, 2003: 84). From the standpoint of conditioned arising, all things are said to be empty of self-existence.

Once we grasp the truth of emptiness (sunyata), we see that our personal suffering exists interdependently with the suffering of others. Thus, when we work to transform the conditions that give rise to suffering, either in ourselves or in society, our work contributes to the liberation of all beings. In Buddhist thought, this realization is the basis for true compassion.

Although the Buddha did not directly engage in social activism, his teachings confirmed that personal transformation in the Buddhist sense could not be separated from the transformation of society. The monks and nuns who joined the Sangha in search of personal enlightenment did not practice solely for their own sake. Whether teaching the dharma, observing the precepts, or sitting in meditation, they, too, were working to create the conditions for all beings to attain liberation.

The social dimension of Buddhist practice was greatly amplified, however, in Mahayana tradition, which held up the ideal of the bodhisattva (awakened being). Moved by great compassion for the suffering of the world, a bodhisattva is committed to being reborn until all sentient beings have attained enlightenment. This compassion flows directly from the realization that suffering, wherever it is and however it is manifested, affects all beings.

The theme of interdependence figures quite prominently in Mahayana teachings. The Avatamsaka Sutra, for example, is well known for its depiction of the interpenetration of all the elements of the universe. The gleaming jewels of Indra’s net are but mirrors that reflect each other. Nothing happens in any part of the universe that is not felt everywhere. According to this picture, the true nature of our being lies in our identity and interdependence with everything else. In a word, the true nature of our being is interbeing (see H x171_DoulosSIL_10n_4400100 nh 1987a: 86f.).

Insight into the nature of interbeing is the fruit of meditation, in which we see things as they really are, free from the distorting lens of the ego-self. However, this insight reveals at the same time a moral imperative. The final chapter of the Avatamsaka Sutra concludes with the words of the bodhisattva Samantabhadra, who teaches that wisdom exists only for the sake of putting it into practice; that wisdom is only useful to the extent that it benefits all living beings. As Francis H. Cook summarizes this point:

Not only is the reality of identity and interdependence the basis for Bhodisattva activity, but it also acts as a moral imperative, leaving the truly moral being with no option but to act in accordance with this reality. For if my own existence is unthinkable apart from the existence of this infinite other, and if my own actions touch these beings in some manner, then I must have an obligation to act in such a way that all benefit from the acts. … I choose for all when I choose for myself. It even reaches beyond the human so that if I throw away a paper drinking cup, I can almost hear the reverberations of a falling tree in Michigan.

(Cook, 1973: 118)

From the Mahayana perspective, the translation of insight and understanding into moral praxis is regarded as a natural and inevitable development of the Buddha’s core teachings. However, it was not until the twentieth century that the full flowering of the bodhisattva ideal would be realized in the practice of socially engaged Buddhism.

Buddhism for This World

In 1964, c02ue005 H x171_DoulosSIL_10n_4400100 nh published two collections of articles devoted to discussions about the role of Buddhism in Vietnamese culture and society: Buddhism Today (1964a) and Engaged Buddhism (1964b). The latter work bore the Vietnamese title Ð x171_DoulosSIL_10n_4400100 o c02ue006 x111_DoulosSIL_10n_000100 i vào c02ue007 c02uf001 . Ð x171_DoulosSIL_10n_4400100 o c02ue008 is a common way of referring to Buddhism, or the way of the Buddha. c02ue009 c02uf002 means society or life. Ði vào means to enter. Thus the literal meaning is closer to Buddhism That Enters Society. However, this and similar phrases were translated by c02ue010 H x171_DoulosSIL_10n_4400100 nh as engaged Buddhism (see H x171_DoulosSIL_10n_4400100 nh, 2008a: 31).

Written in a more scholarly style than the popular works for which c02ue011 H x171_DoulosSIL_10n_4400100 nh would later become known in the West, these early articles ranged over a wide variety of issues, including Buddhist education, considerations about ethics and language, the relation between religion and politics, and the existential implications of key concepts in Buddhist philosophy. His main objective, however, was to advance the idea of an actualized or engaged Buddhism.

The notion of an engaged Buddhism was not entirely new in Vietnam. As c02ue012 H x171_DoulosSIL_10n_4400100 nh noted in his first major English-language publication on the subject of the war, Vietnam: Lotus in a Sea of Fire: "In the 1930s, the Buddhist scholars had already