Christian Ethics Non-violent Resistance Approach to Boko Haram

By Anthony Okechukwu Nnadi PhD STD

The book takes a practical look at the complexity of the nature of violence/terrorism in Nigeria, in the light of the Catholic social teaching on non-violent resistance. With the critical analyses of some policies/strategies used to address the problem of Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria, the book explores a range of questions: Does severe punishment work effectively as deterrence against possible involvement in terrorism? Does applying “lex talionis” reduce or exacerbate recidivism? What are the right mechanisms to stop terrorism/violence in Nigeria? This book is convinced that nothing is resolved through violence, and that, violence begets violence, alluding that, responding to terror with terror is a retaliatory method that is self-defeating. On the whole, it has been noted that the principle or law of retaliation (Lex Talionis) alone cannot stop armed insurgency in Nigeria, thus, the book suggests non-violent resistance as the best way to address terrorism and violent conflicts. Non-violent resistance does not mean condoning violent attacks against innocent civilians. Based on the Christian ethical principles of the dignity of the human person and justice, this book explicitly declares that the killing of innocent civilians is absolutely immoral. The book explores the use of the term Islamic terrorism and the Islamic ethics of justice, peace and nonviolence, and underlines that the Islamic core moral principles in no way support terrorism. While stating that terrorism is morally wrong, this book states that the causes of terrorism must be addressed with justice and fairness. On this basis, the book insists on critically investigating the following: religious extremism, corruption, bigotry in politics and religion, the glaring sense of apathy among the political elite to the suffering of the oppressed, and the mismanagement and abuse of political positions or the nation’s resources for selfish interest. There must be a rethink aimed at finding the best way to build an ethical society – a framework for justice and peace.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Xlibris US
• Release date: Apr 10, 2024
• ISBN: 9798369419670

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Copyright © 2024 by Anthony Okechukwu Nnadi, PhD, STD.

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+ Mario Vaccari, OFM

Bishop of Massa Carrara-Pontremoli, Italy

CONTENTS

Foreword

Dedication

Acknowledments

Acronyms And Abbreviations

General Introduction

Chapter 1: Understanding The Concepts Of Terrorism

Introduction

1.1. Definitions of Terrorism

1.1.1. The Difficulty in Defining Terrorism

1.1.2. What is Terrorism?

1.2. Aspects of Terrorism Relevant to our Arguments

1.2.1. State terrorism

1.2.2. Dissident terrorism

1.2.3. Religious Terrorism

1.2.4. Suicide Terrorism

1.3. Islamic Terrorism

1.3.1. Debates the concept of Islamic Terrorism

1.3.2. Islamic Terrorism: Allegations against Muslims and some Arguments in Defence of Islamic Religion

1.3.3. Islamic Terrorism: Allegations by Muslims against Western Media

1.3.4. Islamic Terrorism: Consequences on Islam/Muslims and some of their Reactions

1.4. Root Causes of Terrorism

1.4.1. Socio-economic Factors (Injustice)

1.4.2. Corrupt Political Leadership, Bad Governance and Unwillingness to Prevent Violence

1.4.3. Inequality and other forms of Discrimination in Political Participation

1.5. Involvement and Engagement in Terrorism

1.6. Debates on What leads to Involvement and Engagement in Terrorism

1.7. Typical Objectives and Aims of Terrorism

1.7.1. Changing the Existing Order

1.7.2. Psychological Disruption

1.7.3. Creating a Revolutionary Environment

1.8. Radicalization and its Connection with Terrorism

Conclusion

Chapter 2: The Concepts of Violence, Non-violence and Peace

Introduction

2.1. Violence, Non-violence and Peace

2.1.1. Definitions/Descriptions of Violence

2.1.2. Distinction Between Violence and Terror

2.1.3. Understanding Non-violence

2.1.4. Various Views on the Concept Non-violence

2.1.5. Understanding the Concept of Peace

2.2. Violence, Non-violence and Peace: Arguments and some Non-violent Activists

2.2.1. Arguments on Violence (Terrorism), Non-violence and Peace

2.2.1.1. Morality of Violence (Terrorism)

2.2.1.2. Non-violence and the Concepts of War Against Terrorism and Fight Against Terrorism

2.2.1.3. Must Violence Be a Means of achieving Peace and Justice?

2.2.2. Activists/Approaches of Non-violence and Peace

2.2.2.1. Mahatma Gandhi’s Ethics of Non-violence

2.2.2.2. Nelson Mandela’s Non-violent Direct Action Approach

2.2.2.3. Martin Luther King Jr.’s Philosophy of Non-violence

2.2.2.4. Jawdat Sa‘id’s (1931-2022) Muslim Philosophy of Peace

2.3. Understanding the Concepts of Violence, Non-violence and Peace from the Islamic Perspective

2.3.1. Violence, Non-violence and Peace in Islam

2.3.1.1. Muslim Arguments for Legitimate Use of Force

2.3.1.2. Non-violence and Peace in Islam

2.3.1.3. Non-violence and the Islamic Concept of Jihad

2.3.1.4. Muslims blamed by Fellow Muslims for adhering to Violence

Conclusion

Chapter 3: Boko Haram Terrorism and its Implications in Nigeria

Introduction

3.1. An Overview of Nigeria

3.1.1. Demography

3.1.2. Political Point of View

3.1.3. Economic Point of View

3.1.4. Geographic Point of View

3.1.5. Religious Point of View: Islam and Christianity

3.1.5.1. Islam

3.1.5.2. Christianity

3.1.5.3. A Glance at the Antagonism Between Muslims and Christians in Nigeria

3.2. Labelling Terrorists in Nigeria

3.3. Boko Haram

3.3.1. Boko Haram: Meaning of the Concept

3.3.2. Origin and Evolution of Boko Haram in Nigeria/Around Nigeria

3.3.3. Identifying Boko Haram/ISWAP as a Ferocious Terrorist Group

3.3.4. Motivating Factors for Boko Haram Terrorism

3.3.4.1. Socio-Political motivations

3.3.4.2. Religious Motivation

3.3.4.3. Economic Motivations: Poverty and Lack of Education

3.4. Ideology, Funding, Strategies and Activities (attacks) of Boko Haram Terrorists in Nigeria

3.4.1. Boko Haram/ISWAP Ideology

3.4.2. Funding of Boko Haram

3.4.3. Strategies of Boko Haram/ISWAP

3.4.4. Emblematic Attacks of Boko Haram/ISWAP in Nigeria

3.4.4.1. Attacks Against the Military and the Police

3.4.4.2. Attacks Against Civilians

3.4.4.3. Attacks Against Christians

3.5. Boko Haram/ISWAP: Women and Children

3.6. Contradictions of Boko Haram/ISWAP Terrorists

3.7. Islamic Response to Boko Haram Terrorism in Nigeria

3.8. Response of the Nigerian Government to Boko Haram Terrorism

3.8.1. What the Government is doing

3.8.2. Instances where the Nigerian Government should do Better

3.9. The Responses of the International Bodies to Boko Haram/ISWAP Terrorism in Nigeria

Conclusion

Chapter 4: The Catholic Magisterium on Non-violence and Peace

Introduction

4.1. Non-Violence, Peace And Violence In The Light Of Gaudium Et Spes

4.1.1. Violence, Non-violence and Peace in GS (numbers 77-83)

4.1.2. Teachings of GS on the use of Force

4.2. Some Papal Exhortations to Non-violence and Peace

4.2.1. Pope Pius XII’s Teaching on World Peace

4.2.2. Pope John XXIII’s Teaching on Universal Peace

4.2.2.1. MM and PT on the Common Good

4.2.2.2. PT on the Human Rights and Dignity of the Human Person as a means of Justice and Peace

4.2.2.3. PT: Disarmament Indispensable for Peace

4.2.3. Pope Paul VI’s Teaching on Justice and Peace

4.2.3.1. The World in Critical Need of Peace

4.2.3.2. Struggle for Justice as a Pathway for Peace

4.2.3.3. Love, Solidarity and Brotherhood and the Pursuit of Peace

4.2.3.4. Peace as a Gift from God

4.2.4. John Paul II: A Prophetic Champion for Peace and Non-violence

4.2.4.1. John Paul II’s Thoughts on Peace as a Universal Value

4.2.4.2. Peace Cannot be established by Violence: Nothing is solved through Violence

4.2.4.3. Peace and the Catholic Principles of Justice in Pope John Paul II’s Teaching

4.2.4.4. Other Pathways for Peace and Non-violence in the Teaching of John Paul II

4.2.5. Benedict XVI’s Social Thought on Charity, Justice and Peace

4.2.5.1. Charity as the Cornerstone of Justice and Peace

4.2.5.2. Brotherhood and the Achievement of True Peace

4.2.5.3. Peace, Human Rights, Human Values and the Dignity of the Human Person

4.2.6. Pope Francis’ Moral Teaching on Justice, Peace and Non-violence

4.2.6.1. Peace as a Major Pontifical Mission of Pope Francis

4.2.6.2. Social Thoughts of Pope Francis in LS

4.2.6.3. Fraternity and Social Friendship as Antidotes to Violence/Terrorism

Conclusion

Chapter 5: The Catholic Moral Teachings on Non-violence and Peace as an Alternative to Military Response to Boko Haram/ISWAP Terrorism in Nigeria

Introduction

5.1. Addressing The Root Causes Of Boko Haram/Iswap Terrorism In The Light Of The Catholic Ethical Principles

5.1.1. The Root Causes Of Boko Haram/Iswap Terrorism In Nigeria

5.1.1.1. Injustice

5.1.1.2. Grievance

5.1.1.3. Unconcerned Attitude/Response to the Cries of the Oppressed

5.1.1.4. Lack of Transparency and Maladministration of Resources

5.1.1.5. Intolerance and Religious Extremism

5.1.2. The Catholic Principles of Social Justice

5.1.2.1. The Principle of the Dignity of the Human Person

5.1.2.2. The Principle of the Common Good

5.1.2.3. The Principle of Solidarity

5.1.2.4. The Principle of Preferential Option for the Poor and the Most Vulnerable (Christian Charity)

5.2. Addressing Boko Haram/ISWAP Insurgence through Dialogue, Forgiveness, Reconciliation and Fraternity

5.2.1. The Path of Peace and Reconciliation through Dialogue

5.2.2. Love, Forgiveness and Reconciliation

5.3. The Catholic Concept of Fraternity and Peace in Relation to Nigeria

5.4. The Protection and Formation of Children to Achieve Real Peace in Nigeria

5.4.1. Safeguard the Nigerian Children

5.5. Considering the Response to Boko Haram Terrorism in Nigeria in line with the Teaching of GS 77-83

5.6. The Position of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Nigeria (CBCN) Regarding Boko Haram/ISWAP Terrorism

Conclusion

General Conclusion

Bibliography

FOREWORD

B lossoming in 2009 as Boko Haram insurgency, what started on the surface as an outcry of abandonment and marginalisation quickly became acts of terrorism – actions carried out by the Boko Haram members that threatened the peace and existence of innocent Nigerians. Was Boko Haram actually a cry about injustices or a grand plan to wrest control and establish its belief system? In whatever case, it demanded the government’s response to guarantee the security of life and property of its citizens.

With the convoluted nature of the Boko Haram insurgency, which metamorphosed into extreme terrorism, it became a moral question of how best to respond to such unprovoked aggression on innocent persons and the wanton destruction of property. Governments everywhere exist to protect, empower and better the lives of their citizens. How to protect and defend their citizens has also been an issue of concern because from it comes issues of human rights violations. How to respond to such an extreme threat to life as engendered by Boko Haram is a moral question, considering the fact that every human being has inherently an inalienable dignity, be he a villain or a victim.

In the case of the violent extremism the Boko Haram members meted out on innocent men, women and children in the North-Eastern part of Nigeria, even declaring certain areas where the Boko Haram chased out occupants or decimated them, the Nigerian security agents did not doubt that they were facing a war situation. In such attacks and counter-attacks, Transparency International reported that Government security forces continued to respond to the Boko Haram violence in a heavy-handed manner, leading to serious human rights violations. Suspects were routinely abused, tortured, and held incommunicado in abusive detention conditions without charge or trial.¹ Clear enough, Transparency International did not say that Government security forces should not use force in their response but that they were heavy-handed, thereby becoming no different from the aggressor. Early societal laws were clear; for example, about one who inflicts injury or kills, such a person is paid back in his own coin.

Society, however, has evolved. Now, tit for tat or Lex Talionis is seen as a crude way of conflict resolution or a way of achieving justice, which ends up being like a dog chasing its tail. We know human nature is always inclined towards revenge, measure for measure, or getting even with wrongdoers or perpetrators of evil. The attitude of revenge, many wise people have observed, for instance, Mahatma Gandhi, that an eye for an eye will make the whole world go blind. For Miroslav Volf, Consistent enforcement of justice would wreak havoc in a world shot through with transgression. It may rid the world of evil, but at the cost of the world’s destruction.²

Today, there is a considerable understanding that retaliation does not bring about justice because the line between revenge and justice is often tough to draw. Miroslav makes the point that it is difficult to assess the extent of an offence rightly and to apportion blame appropriately. What seems like justice to one person will look like vengeance to another. The bottom line is, in trying to overcome evil by enforcing justice, there is always the danger that we may be overcome by evil³ ourselves. Therefore, Miroslav’s point is that revenge in the name of justice makes the one who pays back evil for evil potentially give in to evil’s power.

Today, conflict resolution has become a social science because it is clear to many societies that human relationships are valuable. By building relationships, human beings can pursue the good common to all and feel the tears and dehumanising conditions of the other, thereby understanding that we are as good as our weakest link. This is the significant difference Christianity has struggled to make over two thousand years of existence. Mutual relationships bring about peaceful coexistence. Beginning with Pope Paul VI, who established the World Day of Peace in 1968 and pursued vigorously by subsequent Popes, leading Pope Francis to write Fratelli Tutti has been a way of drumming home the value of relationships as a panacea for peace.

It is significant to underscore the point that Fr. Anthony Nnadi pursues by advocating non-violent resistance as an alternative to the use of military force in combating Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria. To appreciate his viewpoint, one needs to understand the centrality of the dignity of the human person in Catholic moral thought. The concept of the dignity of the human person, no doubt, has evolved since Thomas Aquinas’s time when dignity was construed as basically relational and conditional. However, Bernard Brady remarks, Starting slowly with the writings of Leo XIII but more dramatically with Pius XII, dignity emerged to become the brand of Catholic morality: all humans share a fundamental equal dignity, regardless of social class or social condition, and this became a foundational element of the Church’s moral teaching.⁴ John Paul II was no less clear when he wrote in Centesimus Annus, After the Second World War, she [the Church] put the dignity of the person at the centre of her social messages.⁵

Human dignity in contemporary Catholic thought is something that unites and does not separate persons because it not only points out the egalitarian nature but is also clear about the descriptive and prescriptive components inherent in the concept. As Bernard Brady makes the point, dignity demands not only never treating the other as a means only but has positive moral demands as well. The dignity requires a response of love as well as securing the social goods necessary to support that dignity."⁶

Accordingly, in the civilisation of love, enunciated by Jesus Christ, on which Christian morality is based, Fr Anthony Nnadi is convinced that Catholic Moral Teaching on non-violent resistance is an alternative to violent/Military response to the Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorism in Nigeria. He makes the point that touting Catholic Moral Teaching is not intent on self-referencing, but because the Catholic Social Teaching is not discriminatory but seeks the good of all – respecting and valuing the inherent dignity in the other, I come across. Human dignity, in reality, advocates relationships as Pope Francis makes the point in Fratelli Tutti: we are all brothers belonging to the almighty Father.

Therefore, human dignity prescribes responsibility and actions to be taken to better social conditions where people can have their basic needs met and where they can develop and flourish.⁷ In other words, understanding one’s personal dignity compels one to look out for others and be their brother’s keeper. That in itself is an emphasis on dialogue. The body of Catholic Social Teaching draws attention to dialogue as Brady aptly points out: Catholic social thought claims a straightforward appeal to the emotive element of persons as moral agents. It demands that we see the poor as persons and neighbours. It demands that we feel union, commonality, and equality with all persons (Dives in Misericordia, no. 14; Sollicitudo rei Socialis, no. 38); hear the cry of the poor (Evangelii Gaudium, no. 193); feel personally affected by the injustices and violations of human rights (Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, no. 38); are to be moved by the suffering of others (Evangelii Gaudium, nos. 190–193); are genuinely disturbed by…the lives of the poor (Evangelii Gaudium, no. 205); and experience the poor as a gift in the formation of social mutuality (Deus Caritas Est, nos. 34–35; Caritas in Veritate, nos. 3, 38, 53).⁸

Can we also say the same thing about terrorists? John Paul II answered and cleared our doubts way before terrorism became trendy. He wrote in Sollicitudo Rei Socialis, no. 47, that dignity is "identical in each one of us, and in Veritatis Splendor, no. 9 , Not even a murderer loses his personal dignity, and God himself pledges to guarantee this. That is the position Fr Anthony Nnadi maintains, namely, that human dignity is the ground for Catholic Social Teaching normative position on every moral issue, even when it concerns dealing with terrorists.

Fr Nnadi’s book is a call to search for an alternative to using force and retaliation. It proposes dialogue to governments, organisations, and individuals to deliberately seek to encounter the dignity of the other, from which reconciliation and relationships can continue to open ways for human growth and the flourishing of abundant life.

Rev. Fr Zacharia Nyantiso Samjumi

Secretary-General

Catholic Secretariat of Nigeria

6 March 2024

DEDICATION

T his book is dedicated to my father Mr. Tobias Nnadi and my mother Mrs. Bridget Ngozi Nnadi. Also, to my friend Monsignor Ralph Okechukwu Madu. May their souls rest in peace.

ACKNOWLEDMENTS

F irstly, I am truly grateful to God for His benevolence and for safeguarding me throughout the course of my studies. I thank Him for the wisdom and strength which enabled me to complete this work.

I am deeply indebted to Prof. Vimal Tirimanna. He was really helpful in the course of my studies and he continued to be a very supportive moderator. Equally, I would like to express my deepest appreciation to Prof. Martín Carbajo Núñez, ofm. His guidelines were undoubtably stimulating.

I would like to express my unwavering gratitude to Prof. Dr. Maurizio Pietro Faggioni, ofm. Without him, I could not have undertaken this journey. In the same vein, I thank Archbishop Prof. Alfonso Vincenzo Amarante, Rector Magnificus of the Pontifical Lateran University. Thanks to Christopher Lock, Eva Lock, Dr. Kelechi Ofurum and Barr. Raphael Staerk for proofreading the manuscript.

My deepest gratitude goes to Rt. Rev. Mario Vaccari, ofm, the bishop of the Diocese of Massa Carrara-Pontremoli, Italy, for his moral support. I wish also to express my deepest respect for Archbishop Lucius Iwejuru Ugorji, Archbishop of Owerri and the President of the Catholic Bishop Conference of Nigeria, for his supportive words. In the same manner, I express my gratitude to Rt. Rev. Moses Chikwe, the Auxiliary Bishop of Owerri, Nigeria, encouraging in my endeavours.

I am extremely grateful to Rt. Rev. Mathew Hassan Kukah who represents for me a stimulating mentor. On this note, I recall the immense help received from Reverend Monsignor Ralph Okechukwu Madu.

I am so grateful to Archbishop Anthony J. V. Obinna, Archbishop Giovanni Paolo Benotto, Bishops Eugenio Binini, Giovanni Santucci, Gianni Ambrosio, Alberto Silvani, Guglielmo Borghetti, Roberto Fillipini, Martin Uzoukwu, William Avenya, Giovanni Mosciati and Isaac Dugu, for all that they have done for me at different moments.

I thank immensely my immediate family for supporting me in various ways. I thank Rev. Sr. Philomena Chidinma Nnadi. Words cannot be enough to thank my parents Tobias and Bridget Nnadi who have continued to pray me. At this point, the family of Gianni Strani deserves to be mentioned.

Thanks to Gianni Strani, Stefano Strani, Liviana Strani, Patrizia Strani, Gianni Pucciarelli, Gianpiero Santini, Paolo Cittadini, Valenti Rosella, Francesco, Marcello Marsili, Cristiano Guscioni, Anna Maria Bertolucci, Piero Barbieri, Pinotti Davide and Rodi Patrizia, for their special support towards the publication of this book.

By the same token, I really appreciate the assistance received and stimulating discussions with Rev. Fr. Dr. Zacharia Sanjumi, Secretary General of the Catholic Secretariat Abuja (the author of the Forward of this book), Dr. Gerald Onukwugha, a national security and terrorist expert, the rector of the Hermitage of the Blessed Virgin Mary Mother of Perpetual Help Minucciano, Italy, Rev. Fr. Lorenzo Renelli, Don Giovanni Barbieri, Rev. Matthew Polit of Pontifical Urban University Rome, Giovanni Cittadini, Gino Luciani, Major General Godwin Umo Rtd., the former Nigerian Ambassador to the Holy See, the former Ambassador of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to the Holy See, H. E. Paul Oga Adikwu, Prof. Fidalgo Antonio Gerardo, Prof. Antonio Donato the Dean of the Alphonsian Academy (The Faculty of Theology of the Lateran University Rome, Italy) and all the lecturers of the faculty. The completion of my studies would not have been possible without them. My gratitude goes to the academic e non-academic staff of the Pontifical University Regina Apostolorum, Rome, the Pontifical Lateran University Rome and Alphonsian Academy Rome. Dr. Danielle Gros, Prof. Gonzalo Miranda, Prof. Alberto García Gómez, Giovanni Punzi, Matteo Mastrini (the Mayor of the municipality of tresana), Prof. Kenneth Amaeshi, Rev. Fr. Dr. Jude C. Ike, Rev. Fr. Dr. Anthony Onyeocha, Rev. Fr. Dr. Gilbert Alaribe, Rev. Fr. Dr. Fr. Louis Mary Ocha, Rev. Fr. Dr. Patrick Mbarah, Hon. Dr. MacDonald Ebere, Dr. Victor Onukwugha, Dr. Mrs. Pearl Onukwuhga, Hon. Barr. Okechukwu Onyekanma, Mr. Paul Okoro and Mrs. Lovelyn Okoro, Hon. Anthony Okonkwo, Sofia Hofer, Giovanni Toni, Barr. Alessia Masini, Barr. Laura Onyebukwa, and all my colleagues and parishioners.

Finally, I would like to express my appreciation to everyone who supported me personally and professionally in the course of my studies. May God bless you.

ACRONYMS AND

ABBREVIATIONS

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

T his book explores the complexity of the nature of violence/terrorism in Nigeria in the light of the social teaching of the Catholic Church. The huge motivating factor for the work is based on our knowledge of the severe challenges most Nigerians face due to violence and terrorism. We cannot remain indifferent as violence threatens to devour our people. ⁹

The scope of the book is to assert that the Catholic moral teaching on peace and non-violent resistance is a better alternative than the military response to Boko Haram/ISWAP. The Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorism is a big challenge facing many Nigerian families.¹⁰ Terrorism in Nigeria is a matter that needs a long lasting solution.¹¹ The camp which represents the instinctive response of crushing all terrorists and their movements argues that only the use of force will be effective against terrorism.¹² Others think that a non-violent strategy is the only effective way to handle the issue of violence (terrorism).¹³ A third group supports the view that both violent and non-violent strategies should be employed depending on circumstances.¹⁴ For this book, by adopting the Catholic principles of dignity of the human person, common good, solidarity, preferential option for the poor and fraternity, together with the Christian values of charity, forgiveness, and reconciliation; the Nigerian political class can create the necessary conditions for society to function optimally. Hence, there must be serious commitments to address the issues of injustice especially those inherent to the causes of terrorism in Nigeria.

The justification for this book is based on the argument that the use of violent and military strategies to fight Boko Haram terrorism in Nigeria has yielded scanty positive results. The use of a violent approach in isolation has proved that violence begets violence.¹⁵ In this regard, there are authors who have proposed various non-violent ways of approaching violence in general.¹⁶

The originality of this book with its contribution to the advancement of moral theology is evident in the fact that it represents a unique instrument for the Catholic Church in Nigeria to help in solving the problem of Boko Haram terrorism in a pluralistic society like Nigeria. With this specific contribution, we intend to prove that the Catholic moral teaching does not discriminate against anyone because, it stands for what is just and fair.

To realize this work, Historical and critical methods typical of the study of theology were utilized to scrutinize the Bible and the Magisterium in order to understand distinctive Christian moral commitments. Besides, this book employed a multidisciplinary method which embraces some human sciences such as: anthropology, sociology, psychology, history, law, philosophical ethics and ethnology. Furthermore, the book adopts a personalist approach, which in its transversal nature goes beyond religion, culture and other barriers to defend the dignity of every human person.

To affirm the major recommendations of this book, we utilized sources such as documents of the Magisterium and selected works of a few Catholic theologians. Works of some Islamic scholars were consulted for the Islamic understanding of violence, peace and non-violence. Some Nigerian and foreign authors, academic articles, a few public documents and internet resources, were utilized for a detailed examination and evaluation of the socio-political aspects of Nigeria.

This study will be limited to the Catholic moral reflections on non-violent resistance as an alternative to violent/military strategy in addressing the problem of Boko Haram/ISWAP in Nigeria. There are other forms of violence in Nigeria, but our study will be limited to the investigation of Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorism in Nigeria.

The book will be presented in five chapters. The first chapter will treat the nature of terrorism, shading light on the nuances of the term terrorism. It will also consider the causes of terrorism and factors that lead people to become terrorists.

The second chapter will examine the following themes: violence, non-violence and peace. After a critical analysis of selected definitions, we will give our definitions of the afore-mentioned themes. Also in this chapter, we will see Mahatma Gandhi’s ethics of non-violence, Nelson Mandela’s non-violent approach to injustice, Martin Luther King Jr.’s philosophy of non-violence, Jawdat Sa‘id’s Muslim philosophy of peace, and the understanding of violence, peace and non-violence from the Islamic perspective.

The third chapter will be a critical analysis of the origin, nature and activities of Boko Haram/ISWAP in Nigeria. This chapter will also view other factors concerning terrorism in Nigeria. Understanding Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorism, identifying what gave rise to it, and studying the mode of operation of the group(s), are fundamental to determining how the Catholic social teaching on non-violence can be an effective solution to violence in Nigeria.

The fourth chapter will study the Catholic Magisterium on peace and non-violence. Together with the teachings of GS on peace and non-violence, we will study some exhortations of Popes Pius XII, John XXIII, Paul VI, John Paul II, Benedict XVI and Francis, concerning violence, peace and non-violence. An insight into the social doctrine of the Church in this chapter will be helpful in the next one, to take the right steps at the fitting moments, while addressing matters concerning violence/terrorism in Nigeria. The Catholic moral tradition condemns terrorism,¹⁷ but it insists that the root causes of terrorism must be addressed.¹⁸

The fifth chapter will be an assertion of the Catholic social teaching as an effective way to address the problem of terrorism in Nigeria. The study of the Christian ethics of peace explains the nuances of injustice and other causes of terrorism, suggesting ways to make the situation fairer and more equal through love, dialogue, forgiveness and reconciliation.

This book illuminates the nature of pacifism sustained by Christian ethics, arguing that, it is an active non-violent means, which practically reflects «the truth force, the power of the truth».¹⁹ Therefore, peace which is one of the cornerstones of Christian life is never a passive suffering or an acceptance of violence. Peace/non-violence is positive and it is effective. Some affirm that a violent response to terror is more effective, and more pragmatic than a non-violent response. Similar position holds that military strategy resolves conflicts speedily and more effectively. Those who sustain this view think that there is less hardship in a violent response to terror than in pacifism. This book holds a different position. Though the way of peace needs more time, and calls for endurance, it gives a long lasting result. It creates less hardship and avoids damage to lives and property, caused by the vicious circle of violence, inherent to malicious tactics of violent retaliation typical of terrorism. In such a framework, to deal with the problem of Boko Haram terrorism, this volume suggests the Catholic principles of social justice, which seek ways to love one another, agree with one another and live in peace (2 Corinthians 13: 11), as brothers and sisters.

Chapter I

70174.jpg

UNDERSTANDING THE

CONCEPTS OF TERRORISM

INTRODUCTION

T errorism is one of the pivotal themes of this book. Through descriptive and analytical methods, we are going to examine the concept of terrorism in order to understand what it stands for. We will consider in this chapter the definitions of terrorism, the various aspects of terrorism, terrorism from the Islamic perspective, root causes of terrorism, involvement and engagement in terrorism, the common objectives and aims of terrorism, and radicalization and its connection with terrorism. This will enable us to understand the themes in the subsequent chapters, especially the main features of Boko Haram/ISWAP terrorism in chapter three.

1.1. DEFINITIONS OF TERRORISM

The definition of terrorism is one of the most difficult topics in the study of terrorism. As it happens, terrorism is often defined by different disciplines and institutions in accordance with the aim(s) and objectives they want to achieve through the definition they present. We will see a critical analysis and evaluation of different definitions by some authors and institutions, and offer our own definition of terrorism to enable the reader understand the primary components of our study.

1.1.1. THE DIFFICULTY IN DEFINING TERRORISM

A. P. Schmid narrates that since 1972, a Committee of the UN General Assembly set purposely for determining the nature of terrorism has laboured without succeeding to identify a legal definition of terrorism.²⁰ More so, since the 1980s, scholars have been working hard in order to establish a unanimous definition of terrorism.²¹ J. S. Hodgson recognises that «making progress on the definition of terrorism is very difficult even for those who are careful and well-motivated».²² Terrorism is a frequently used term. It is mentioned on a regularly basis in different parts of the world. Nevertheless, the word terrorism is defined or described differently based on how people use and interpret it, and depending on the features that accompany the actions of terrorists like violence, terror and killing of innocent human beings and destroying their property. Besides, the labelling of terrorists (who determines who is a terrorist and the criteria for doing so); who determines the legitimate use of violence and the criteria for doing so; what terrorists call themselves (fighters, partisans, liberators, and ‘god’s servant, instead of terrorists); how their sympathizers perceive them (freedom fighters and heroes), based on the causes of terrorism and the readiness of the government to redress the situation that gave rise to terrorism (for example perceived social injustice); and the resemblances of terrorism with guerrilla warfare, jihad etc., are some features that increase the difficulty of defining and applying the notion of terrorism/terrorist. Perhaps, that is the reason why A. P. Schmid thinks «terrorism is a contested concept».²³

A report on the United Nations also expresses how difficult it is to have a single, commonly accepted or applied definition of terrorism. As claimed by this account on the UN «while there are many national and regional definitions, there is no universal legal definition approved by the General Assembly of the United Nations».²⁴ H. A. Khatchadourian has the impression that «some think of terrorism as a kind of war»,²⁵ while the G. F. Power’s report on the teachings of the United States (US) Catholic bishops on war and peace affirms that «Terrorism had been treated as a crime, not an act of war».²⁶ Additionally, J. S. Hodgson and V. Tadros analysed some cases of terrorism and according to them «each occurred outside the context of war». However, as noted by H. A. Khatchadourian, terrorism according to many is synonymous to war. Accordingly, B. Schuurman thinks that the difficulty in achieving a common definition of terrorism has been an obstacle to the establishment of a general theory of terrorism.²⁷ In addition, he presents the claim of authors who assume that «such efforts are futile because terrorism ‘is a term like war or sovereignty that will never be defined in words that achieve full international consensus’».²⁸

We agree with the position of the United States (US) Catholic bishops which considers terrorism as a crime instead of considering it akin to war. We assert that defining terrorism in terms of war could give a misleading or vague idea of what terrorism is. In our opinion, efforts should be made with a view to distinguish between terrorism and other phenomena like war, guerrilla warfare and jihad. For example, in wars, the combatants are regular military forces, whereas in terrorism, those involved are unconventional or irregular military forces who adopt the hit-and-run method. By way of distinction, M. Crenshaw asserts that while terrorism is pre-eminently political and symbolic, guerrilla warfare is treated as a military activity.²⁹ So, terrorism should be separated from these similar phenomena such as war, terror and guerrilla warfare, in order to understand what it really stands for.

The truth remains that, decades of debates have failed to produce a broadly accepted definition of terrorism.³⁰ The complexities sometimes as we can deduce from the aforesaid depend on the divergent convictions and applications of certain concepts, starting from the very term terrorism. There is dissension concerning what terrorism is and what it is not. Among academics and the popular notions, there is no consensus on who decides what is the legitimate or illegitimate use of force/violence, labelling terrorist (one man’s terrorist is another freedom fighter), denoting acts of terrorism, protracted arguments between state and non-state terrorism, disagreement or lack of clarity regarding the concepts of combatants and non-combatants or innocent persons, at times, difficulty in creating a synergy among various conceptions of terrorism by some disciplines like: psychology, law, sociology, philosophy, theology, etc.

Commenting further on why it is difficult to develop a generally accepted meaning of terrorism, B. Schuurman affirms that often, the word terrorism is politicized. In its politicized sense, the person defining it makes it a ‘war word’ which is used to condemn instead of explaining and comprehending some violent behaviours. The ‘war word’ he maintains, is used to label and to delegitimize an oppositional group. This relativist or partial interpretation is one major reason why it is difficult to have a unanimous definition or meaning of terrorism. Schuurman stresses for instance, that the classic dichotomy between freedom fighters and terrorists constitutes an obstacle to a consensus definition of the term terrorism. He argues that in most cases, delineating where terrorism begins and ends and disentangling terrorism from insurgency represents a stumbling block.³¹

It is therefore important to critically investigate the pronouncements of those who make decisions and the opinion-forming circles regarding terrorism. This will help to avoid using one’s economic and political powers or public opinion to discredit one’s perceived (political) enemies by tagging them terrorists. There is always the risk of manipulating the term terrorism in order to achieve particular political or materials advantages. This could make the definition and understanding of terrorism very complicated.

While this book acknowledges that it is not easy to arrive at a generally agreed definition of terrorism, it maintains that it is not an impossible task to approach. We believe that logical, rather than merely rhetorical usages or definitions of the term terrorism, make it easier for it to be understood. Therefore, we are going to consider the question relative to the nature of terrorism: What is terrorism? We are will analyse some of the definitions/descriptions of terrorism available to us, and then give our own definition.

1.1.2. WHAT IS TERRORISM?

According to C. A. J. Coady, terrorism can be defined as follows: «the organised use of violence to attack non-combatants (innocents’ in a special sense) or their property for political purposes».³² In a similar vein, the former president the United States of America, Ronald Regan, defined terrorism in terms of voluntary maiming or killing of innocent persons.³³ These definitions are in line