California Studies in Classical Antiquity, Volume 7

By Philip Levine

This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1975.

• Language: English
• Publisher: University of California Press
• Release date: Jul 28, 2023
• ISBN: 9780520322844

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California Studies in Classical Antiquity

Volume 7

CALIFORNIA STUDIES IN

CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

Volume 7

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY · LOS ANGELES — LONDON

CALIFORNIA STUDIES IN CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

Senior Editors: Thomas G. Rosenmeyer and Norman Austin Advisory Editors: Phillip Damon, Philip Levine, Ronald S. Stroud

VOLUME 7

The poppy motif used throughout California Studies in Classical Antiquity reproduces an intaglio design on a bronze finger ring of the fourth century B.C., from Olynthus; D. M. Robinson, Excavations at Olynthus 10 (Baltimore 1941) 136, pl. 26, no. 448.

ISBN: 0-520-09518-9

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 68-26906

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles California

University of California Press, Lid.

London, England © 1975 by The Regents of the University of California

Printed in Great Britain

Contents 1

Contents 1

The Olympieion in Athens and Its Connections with Rome

The Battle of Sardis in 395 B.C.

Synesius of Cyrene: Early Life and Conversion to Philosophy HYPERLINK \l noteFT_1_Pag93 1

Sceptre or Thunderbolt: Plutarch, Moralia 338B

Withdrawal: Five Verbs

Three Talks on Grammar208

Athenian-Persian Peace Treaties: Thue. 8.56.4 and 8.58.2

Observations Concerning the Antiquity of the Getty Veristic Head and the Authentication of Ancient Marbles

The Poems and Performance of Isthmians 3 and 4

The Opponents of Lactantius [Inst. VIL 7, 7-13]

The Structure of Catullus 68

The Altar of the Six Goddesses in Thessalian Pherai

The Donatian Life of Virgil, DS, and D

Three Attic Decrees

The Olympieion in Athens and Its Connections

with Rome

For most of classical antiquity the Temple of Olympian Zeus in Athens was an unfinished giant (pl. 1:1).¹ Its grand scale and want of completion drew the attention of numerous Greek and Roman authors.² Vitruvius, the architect and military engineer who wrote in the second half of the first century b.c., names the architects who began the temple in the late sixth century: Namque Athenis Antistates et Callaeschros et Antimachides et Porinos³ architecti

1. The principal studies are F. C. Penrose, JHS 8 (1887) 272-273; Penrose, An Investigation of the Principles of Athenian Architecture 2d ed. (London 1888) 74-87, henceforth Penrose, Principles; Writer, Das Olympieion in Athen, AthMitt 47 (1922) 61-71, henceforth Welter I; Welter, Das Olympieion in Athen, AthMitt 48 (1923) 182-189, henceforth Welter II; Travlos, fyewtu irapa rd *OXvpmriovt Praktika 1949 (1951) 25-43. For general accounts of the Olympieion see J. G. Frazer, Pausanias’s Description of Greece (London 1913) II, 178-182; W. Judeich, Topographic Don Athen 2d ed. (Munich 1913) 382-385, henceforth Judeich, Topographic; P. Graindor, Athinas sous Hadrian (Cairo 1934) 218-225, henceforth Graindor, Athinas; W. B. Dinsmoor, Ths Architecture of Ancient Greece 3d ed. revised (London 1950) 91, 280-281, henceforth Dinsmoor, Architecture; Wycherley, The Olympieion at Athens, GRBS 5 (1964) 161-179, henceforth Wycherley, Olympieion; J. Travlos, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Athens (London 1971) 402-411, henceforth Travlos, Dictionary,

2. The principal ancient references are Thue. 2.15; Arist. Pol, 5.9.4; Hera- kleides (Pseudo-Dikaiarchos) 1.1, in GGM I, 98; Vitr. De Arch. 3.2.8, 7.pr.l5, 17; Livy 41.20.8; Strab. 9.396; VeU. Pat. 1.10; Plin. HN 36.45; Plut. Sol, 32; Paus. 1.18.6-8; Lucian, tear, 24 and Schol.; Suet. Aug, 60; Ath. 5.194a; Philostr. VS 1.25.6; Dio Cass. 69.16; SHA Hadr, 13; Hesychius, s,d, ‘Ολύμπιαν.

3. Porinos (G) or Pormoe (H and S) are too much like poros and suggest a source something like, Αντιστάτην Κάλλαισχρον Άηψαχ&τιν πώρινον οίκοδομησαι ναόν, Fabricius, Porinos, RE 22 (1953) 247. Antimachides and Kallaischros are names at home in Athens although they cannot be traced back to the sixth century, I. Kirchner, Prosopographia Attica(Berlin 1901) 78, 616. My note on "Antistates, Son of Atarbos, an Athenian Architect, and His Descendants'* will be forthcoming in the AJA.

Pisistrato⁴ aedem lom Olympio fadenti fundamenta constituerunty post mortem autem eius propter interpellationem reipublicae incepta reliquerunt.⁵ The existing limestone foundations and unfinished column drums, some of the latter recut agd reused in the nearby Themistoklean wall, some reused as column foundations for the Hellenistic temple, confirm the good quality of Vitruvius’ source.⁶ The same author tantalizes the modern reader with Cossutius, the Roman citizen and architect, who, hundreds of years later, renewed work on the Olympieion for the Seleucid monarch and Zeus enthusiast, Antiochos IV Epiphanes.1 Building operations ended probably with the death of Antiochos. The Elder Pliny and Suetonius provide additional information about the Cossutian structure. Sulla brought columns from the Olympieion to Rome.⁸ Kings who were friends and allies of Augustus planned to honor him by finishing the temple and dedicating it to his genius.2 Hadrian, who completed and dedicated the temple, eventually overwhelmed Zeus in the popular imagination; fourteenth century visitors saw columns which, they were told, had once supported the Palace of Hadrian.3

D. Cossutius is known to us as the builder of the Olympieion only from Vitruvius’ account of the building history in the preface to his seventh book: Itaque drdter annis quadringentis post Antiochus, rex, cum in id opus inpensam esset polliatus, cellae magnitudinem et columnarum area

6. Penrose, JHS 8 (1887) 272-273, fig. 2; Vanderpool, AJA 64 (1960) 267; Travlos, Dictionary 404, pls. 521-522.

8. Plin. HN 36.45.

dipllron conlocationem epistyliorumque et ceterorum ornameniorum ad sym- metriam distribution, magna sollertia scientiaque summa ciois Romanus Cossutius nobiliter est architectatus¹¹ His efforts were a success not only with the masses but also in paucis.¹² Vitruvius adds that Cossutius was remembered to have undertaken construction in Corinthian symmetries and proportions and in a spacious union of modules.4 The temple Cossutius built was cited by Vitruvius as an example of an octostyle hypaethral plan.5

A statue base of Republican date found within the Olympieion temenos wall and published by Dodwell honored ΔΕΚΜΟΣ ΚΟΣΣΟΥΤΙΟΣΠΟΠΛΙΟΥ ΡΩΜΑΙΟΣ.¹⁵ That a Roman of the first half of the second century b.c. designed the Corinthian capital of Vitruvius’ standard form might seem surprising; but the obvious pride with which Vitruvius wrote about Cossutius makes it difficult to believe that his citizenship was anything but a birthright.6 He was among antiqui nostn and as good an architect as any Greek.7 Vitruvius’ interest in this architect may have been heightened by his acquaintance with C. Cossutius Maridianus, a moneyer of 44 b.c. The latter, like Vitruvius, was a follower of Caesar.8 Apart from D. Cossutius, the name is known in Rome since the first quarter of the first century b.c.9 Caesar had even been betrothed to a Cossutia.10 Antiochos IV, it will be re

11. Vitr. De Anh. 7.pr.l5.

membered in this connection, spent almost a decade and a half in Rome.11

Most of the Olympieion’s visible remains were built in the period of Antiochos. Thirteen columns with their architraves still stand at the southeast corner of the peristyle which was dipteral on its flanks, tripteral on its ends (pl. 1:2). The third and seventh columns from the west end of the southern inner flank still stand. The fifth column from the west end of that row was blown down in a hurricane on October 26, 1852.12 The temple was octostyle with twenty columns on the flanks. Cossutius maintained the ground plan and wherever possible the foundations of the Peisistratid temple. The steps of the Peisistratid temple were removed with the exception of the bottom step of the west end. The new stylobate has upward curvature along its ends and sides. Marble was employed for the new krepis as well as all other visible parts of the building.13 The 17.25 m. high columns rest on Attic bases and plinths. The columns do not incline, but do have entasis.14 15 Of the entablature, fragments of the architrave with three fasciae and a single unfinished raking sima fragment, giving the pitch of the gables, survive. The sima fragment is either a reject or an indication that the temple was never completed. No part of the frieze has been recovered. The interior order is represented by a brecchia foundation wall running east-west and by a fragment of marble column fluting found within the area of the cella.25

The column capitals are not all identical, as Penrose was the first to observe. Differences in form and technique of carving have inspired archaeologists to assign some or all of the capitals to the Cossutian, the possible Augustan or the Hadrianic building.16 All students have considered the capitals and therefore the columns of the southeast group Hellenistic. These capitals are the first extant normal capitals or examples of the Corinthian capital described by Vitruvius.²⁷ Most of the basic elements (if not the proper combination and proportions) of the normal capital had been available in the Peloponnesos since the fifth century b.c. The Bassae capital (pl. 2:1) had two rows of acanthus leaves of equal height, central helices, volutes supported by leaves, and a palmette on the kalathos rather than a central flower on the abacus.²⁸

The proportions and the foliage of the capitals of the inner order of the Tholos at Epidauros approach those of the Olympieion (pl. 2:2).²⁹ The lower part of the Tholos capital which rests upon the astragal terminating the column shaft is surrounded by two rings of leaves. Save for the leaves of the buried chapiteau module, the bases of the ima folia touch each other.³⁰ The leaves of the bottom ring have an S -shaped profile emphasized by the projecting middle ribs. On each side of the middle ribs are six leaf sections, each with five pointy leaf teeth. The lowest tooth of each leaf section overlaps the highest tooth of the section below forming an almond or tear-drop shaped sinus. The carving is crisp, the ima folia deeply undercut and set well in front of the secunda folia. The volutes and helices do not overlap as at Bassae

27. Vitr. De Arch. 4.1.11-12. A modern explanation is found in Heilmeyer, Normal 12-13; a diagram with labelled parts in H. Khler, Dia RAmischen Kapitelle des Rhein- gebietes: RAmisch-Germanischa Forschungen, 13, fig. 1, henceforth Kahler, Rheingebiet.

28. GQtschow, Untersuchungen zum Korinthischen Kapitell, I, Jdl 36 (1921) 44-58, henceforth Giitschow, Untersuchungen ; G. Roux, L* Architecture de L'Argolide aux IV⁹ et III⁹ Sieclls Avant J. C. (Paris 1961) 44, 45,365, pl. 17, henceforth Roux. Recently N. Leipen, Athena Parthenos (Toronto 1971) 38 and η. 114, figs. 2, 3, 60, stated anew the claim that the capital on the column supporting the Victory of the Varvakeion Athena is a simplified version of the first manifestation of the so-called Corinthian order, invented for the Parthenon’s cult statue. The objections to attributing the Corinthian capital to Pheidias are that there is no literary evidence supporting the attribution and the capital on the Varvakeion Athena has no sign of foliage, helices, or volutes.

29. First half of the fourth century b.c. Roux 132, 154-155, 359-360, 367—368, pls. 47-49.1.

30. On the chapiteau module, see Roux 155-156.

but arise side by side behind the ima folia. An Attic Ionic base supports the columns of the Tholos and becomes canonic for use with Corinthian capitals.17

The Corinthian capitals which crowned the interior halfcolumns of the Temple of Athena at Tegea are also free as opposed to the later normal capitals, but differ considerably from those at Epidauros (pl. 2:3).18 The fluting of the columns terminates abruptly beneath the fillet and astragal (as in Epidauros). The capitals are proportionately shorter than the Epidaurian versions and the vertical division of these capitals, unlike those at Epidauros, is basically in two parts: the two rings of leaves together make up one half of the capital, while the volute zone makes up the other. The helices have been omitted (as in later Italic Corinthian), but the volutes now spring from a fluted, slightly bent cauliculus terminated at its upper end by a bulging ring set at right angles to the flutes.19 In place of the helices are large curving calyx leaves which arise from the calyx knot. These leaves bend toward but stop short of a large central acanthus leaf which springs up from behind the secunda folia. The abacus is still cut back in its central part but its corners have been cut off.

The earliest extant examples suggest that the architectural use of Corinthian capitals began in the Peloponnesos. By the fourth and third centuries b.c. Corinthian capitals had reached Attica and the rest of the Greek world. The special achievements of Athenian architects and sculptors were the use of Corinthian on the exterior of a building, beginning with the Lysikrates Monument (335/334 b.c.),20 and the development of the normal capital. The latter was to become the most widely used form of Corinthian capital in the Roman Empire.³⁵

The capitals which Cossutius designed have their ancestry in the Argolid and Athens (pl. 2:4). These capitals represent the only set in which the vegetable elements are convincingly rendered as being

pressed down, pushed out, and contorted by the bulk of the kalathos and the weight of the entablature.³⁶ Beyond the upper termination of the column fluting, the fillet and astragal used in Epidauros and Tegea are given up for an overhanging mantle. The acanthus leaves do not form a pronounced S curve as at Epidauros but grip the kalathos tightly. The breadth of the leaves is proportionately smaller than that of the Tholos leaves and adjacent lower leaves do not make contact with each other. The leaf outline is broken only slightly by individual teeth and sections. The ima folia is pressed right up against the secunda folia and is scarcely undercut. On either side of a leaf’s mid-rib are four leaf sections. Each leaf section consists of three large teeth which almost form a fleur-de-lis pattern, and two smaller end teeth. The highest and lowest teeth of adjacent sections curve towards each other and form sinus which resemble those of the chapiteau module of Epidauros. Between the leaves of the upper row cauliculi are forced out to each side of the central leaf. The ribs of the cauliculi widen upward and overhang slightly to form a scalloped edge, unlike those of Tegea or contemporary capitals in Asia Minor. The foliage and cauliculi completely hide the lower part of the kalathos. The helices and volutes thrust upward out of the cauliculi as do two calyx leaves. The lower part of the volute stalk overlaps that of the helix. The volutes rise in a taut curve, meet their counterparts from adjacent faces, and roll up under the sharp point of the abacus comer. The flat eye of the volute is directly under the abacus comer which digs deeply into the flesh of the volute. The sides of the volute therefore rise above the lower part of the abacus and the roll of the volute extends well beyond the comer of the abacus. The helices roll up on either side of a solidly proportioned upward tapering stem. This stem rises straight up behind the central leaf of the secunda folia, and flowers on the abacus.³⁷ The uppermost part of the helices, forced outward by the widening kalathos, projects above and in front of the kalathos lip. Thus the abacus and kalathos lip press down on the stalk, reinforcing the tectonic illusion of the vegetable members. One of the calyx leaves curves upward close under the volute leaving a minimum of free space between itself and the volute. The other rises

36. Travlos, Dictionary pls. 527-528; Penrose, Principles pls. 37-39; Giltschow, Untersuchungen 61-66, 78; Kahler, Rheingebiet 4—5; Roux 373; Heilmeyer, Normal 23, 24, 57-58, pls. 16, 17.1, 2.

37. On the botany of Corinthian capitals see Heilmeyer, Normal 13, 29.

up almost vertically and curls below the helices and against the stem of the central flower, reducing the amount of kalathos shown.

The Olympieion capitals are in the mainland tradition of Epidauros and share none of the mannerism of third and second century Corinthian capitals of Asia Minor.21 Among the common features of the Anatolian Corinthian capitals are three-spiked leaf sections; exaggeratedly large leaf sinus; very thin helices which roll up below the lip of the kalathos; a tendency toward very little difference in height between the ima and secunda folia; a tendency toward the height of both rows of leaves forming one half the height, rather than more than half, of the capital; and fluted cauliculi terminating in rings (pl. 3:1, 2, 3).22 The last feature is similar to the Tegea cauliculi, and the three-spiked leaf sections are closest to those on the Bassae capital.

The SULLAN Translation, Early Roman Normal Capitals, and the Capitolium

A brief citation in the Elder Pliny leads us to believe that Vitruvius did not see the Olympieion as it was in 164 b.c.: columnis demum utebantur in templis, nec lautitiae causa—nondum enim ista intel- legebantur—sed quia firmiores aliter statui non poterant. Sic est inchoatum Athenis templum lovis Olympii, ex quo Sulla Capitolinis aedibus advexerat columnas.⁴⁰ Dinsmoor’s interpretation of this sentence is representative of the handbooks: in 86 b.c. some of the capitals and shafts, probably of monolithic columns prepared for the cella, were transported by Sulla to Rome and used to decorate the temple on the Capitol, thereby exercising a profound influence on the Roman Corinthian style.23 Axel Boethius wrote in his last publication that the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus was rebuilt after the fire of 83 b.c. in modern Hellenistic monu mentality, and referred the reader to his more detailed explanation elsewhere: Plinio racconta che Silla fece transportare colonne dall'Olympieion al tempio capitolino, per il quale mostrave uno speciale interesse. Paragonando 1’altezze delle colonne capitoline suggerita dal GJERSTAD, m. 16.48, (secondo me valide per il tempio del 69 a. C.), con le colonne dell'Olympieion (di m. 16.312 circa), sembra evidente che la notizia di Plinio sia letteralmente esatta.24

The present remains of the Capitoline temple consist only of a mighty substructure and an inner wall of the podium.25 Roman tradition maintains that the original Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus was built largely by Tarquinius Superbus.26 Etruscan diviners, sculptors, and workmen were employed, and the plan was Etruscan. Juno, Jupiter, and Minerva had adjoining cellas behind a porch with three rows of six columns. Three more columns flanked the outside walls of the cellas of Juno and Minerva, yielding a total of twenty-four columns, if indeed the present visible remains accurately reflect the

40. Plin./£¥ 36.45.

The introduction of tall, white marble columns into a reconstruction of Rome’s most important temple could not fail to exert a striking influence on the Corinthian Order in Rome and the areas affected by Rome. In the early years of this century M. Gutschow closely compared the capitals of the Round Temple in the Forum Boarium in Rome with those of the Olympieion in Athens, found important differences in the two sets, and rejected a second-century b.c. date for the Round Temple in order to clear the field of Italian Corinthian normal capitals before the time of Sulla.⁵¹ The Sullan or post- Sullan temples of Castor at Cori and Jupiter at Pompeii revealed to her

45. PA 299; Cic. Cat. 3.9; Sall. Cat. 47.2; Tac. Hist. 3.72; App. BCw. 1.83.86; Obseq. 57; Plut. Sull. 27.

47. PA 299; Vai. Max. 4.4.11; Plin. HN 33.57; Sen. Contr. 1.6.4, 2.1.1 Joseph. 47 29.1.2; Tac. Hist. 3.71; Suet. Vital. 15; Gass. Dio 45.7.10.

50. PA 302.

51. Gutschow, Untersuchungen 62-66, 68. R. Delbrueck had dated the Round Temple in the Forum Boarium to the second century b.c., Helllnistischa Baulln in Latium 2 (Strassburg 1912) 43, henceforth Delbrueck.

the influence of the Olympieion translations.27 L. Fagerlind, writing more than ten years after Gutschow, believed there were no direct copies of the Capitolium’s normal capitals, but that the normal capitals of the upper theater terrace of the Sanctuary of Fortuna Primigenia at Praeneste, built by Sulla, are derived from the Olympieion capitals brought back by Sulla.28 The most recent student of the development of the Corinthian normal capital, W. Heilmeyer, quoted Pliny on the translation but said that the influence of these columns on Roman Corinthian was schwer abzuschatzen. 29

Corinthian capitals in Republican Italy follow two major and several minor streams. The Italic Corinthian capitals consist of two rows of eight curly, very vegetal appearing leaves. Two flat lobated leaves rise above the secunda folia and curve towards a central flower. Two plain stalks also curve towards the central flower and curl up beneath it. The volutes exhibit convex spirals and additional leaves cushion the abacus. The kalathos is lost in a jungle of lush vegetation. The upper termination of the fluting of the column shaft is always ended sharply by a flat neck panel. This type of capital is exemplified by the series on the Round Temple at Tivoli (pl. 3:4). These capitals have their Italian source in Magna Graecia and Sicily.30

The other main stream, to be examined more closely, is the Corinthian normal capital. In addition to the Round Temple in the Forum Boarium, these capitals appear on several other buildings of the first and possibly the second centuries b.c. in the Rome and Pompeii areas.

D. E. Strong and J. B. Ward-Perkins recently examined the foundations, walls, and architectural details of the Round Temple in the Forum Boarium in Rome.⁵⁶ The foundations of tufa from the

56. Strong and Ward-Perkins, The Round Temple in the Forum Boarium, BSR 28 (1960) 7-32, henceforth Strong-WP, Round Temple; Rakob, Zum Rundtempelauf dem Forum Boarium in Rom, AA 84 (1969) 275-283, henceforth Rakob; Delbrueck 43, 121; Gutschow, Untersuchungen 62-68, 71, 78; Heilmeyer, Normal 34; L. T. Shoe, Etruscan and Republican Roman Mouldings: MAAR 28 (1965) 196-197, 198, pl. 61.8, henceforth ERRM

Grotta Oscura quarries provide a terminus ante quern to the time of Sulla, but the architectural detail could go back fifty years, or well into the second century b.c.⁵⁷ Thus this building could be late enough to be influenced by plunder from Athens or early enough to itself be highly influential for the development of Roman Corinthian. The external face of the cella wall and the original twenty columns were of marble, possibly from Mount Pentelikon. All the original bases, ten original columns, and eight original capitals (the series A capitals, pl. 4:1) survive.31 The masonry style of the cella wall has contemporary parallels in Asia Minor and Greece, but not in Rome or Etruria.⁵⁹ The column bases have the top of the scotia set well behind the projection of the upper torus, in the manner characteristic of the Italian version of the Attic Ionic base.⁶⁰ The column shaft terminates above in a fillet and astragal as in Epidauros, Tegea, and the Council House and Laodike Monument in Miletos (but unlike the Olympieion). The leaves of the lower wreath have a pronounced S-shaped profile (as in Epidauros) and the lower part of the S projects well beyond the astragal of the column. The lower ring of leaves is markedly in front of the upper ring. The kalathos no longer forces the three layers of vegetation into two planes but tapers downward, frees the cauliculi from contortion, and allows them to rest comfortably in deep shadow. The leaf outlines have opened up considerably, the mid-ribs and folds of the leaves are less regular and more fleshy than on the Olympieion. The three teeth of each section spread out more and are less pointed and patterned than

.

57. Strong-WP, Round Temple 8-9, 29-30; Rakob (283) and Heilmeyer (Normal 34) says 100 b.c. on the basis of the series A capitals. K&hler once preferred 130 b.c. on the basis of comparisons with the Hekateion in Lagina and the Temple of Artemis in Magnesia. Recently he connected the supposedly Pentelic marble cella walls and the peristyle of the Round Temple to the Sullan plundering of Athens in 86 B.c. Kohler, Rheingebict 6 and RbmTcmpel 36.

59. The main features of the external face are a formal distinction between wall and socle, alternating tall and short courses, decorative channeled drafting of the edges of blocks. The Temple of Artemis at Magnesia offers parallels for some of the masonry features as well as for the cyma revena and ovolo, which appear in the epikranitis of the Temple of Artemis, Strong-WP, Round Temple 11-17, 26-29.

60. ERRM 25, pL 61.8; Rakob figs. 7-8.

on the Olympieion. The convex folds leading to the rather broad sinus project short spikes into the sinus, a feature H. Kahler observed on the foliage of the sima of the temple of Artemis in Magnesia.32 This feature also exists on at least one of the capitals of the somewhat earlier Council House in Miletos.33 The cauliculi are unlike those of the Olympieion, but have affinities on mainland Greece and Asia Minor. The volutes and helices are tautly wound but have learned to support the abacus lightly in the artificial, mannered way of the Anatolian capitals. The cauliculus which rises up behind the central leaf of each face is unparalleled in Italy and mainland Greece, but has a forerunner in the Laodike Monument in Miletos.34 From this cauliculus rises a calyx leaf which hides the ribbed stem of the central flower. The acanthus leaf above the customary foliage in the middle of one face is to be seen also in the probably earlier Belevi tomb and the possibly earlier Hekateion at Lagina.35 The additional cauliculus on each face may be a reflection of the experimental multiplication of that element on the Laodike Monument capitals. The Round Temple capitals may have been carved in Athens or by Greek masons working in Italy. The designer of these capitals worked in the general tradition of Corinthian normal capitals, but was affected by the mannerism of Asia Minor.36

Another experiment with a superabundance of cauliculi on otherwise normal capitals occurs on the late second- or early first- century b.c. Round Temple in the Largo Argentina in Rome (temple B, pl. 4:2).37 The lower half of a two-part capital is preserved. The foliage is very similar to that of the Round Temple in the Forum Boarium in profile, although the S is somewhat less pronounced, and in leaf cut. The leaf points project to break the leaf outline, the ribs are rather fleshy, and the sinus are pronounced. On each face four vertically fluted, horizontally double-rimmed cauliculi rise from behind the rings of leaves. One stalk would have risen from each cauliculus, unlike the volutes of the Laodike Monument which require two cauliculi each. Just as the capitals of the Largo Argentina Temple differ somewhat from the normal capital, the column bases on that building also demonstrate the willingness of Italian architects to experiment with new forms. A moulding projects into the scotia set between the customary two toroi. Possibly the double scotia of the Asiatic Ionic base was fused to the Italian form of the Attic Ionic base.38

The Corinthian capitals of the Temple of Jupiter in Pompeii and of the Sanctuary of Fortuna Primigenia in Praeneste (pl. 4:3, 4) are of Sullan date, while the Temple of Castor in Cori has recently been assigned a date of ca. 50 b.c. (pl. 5:1).³⁹ Features held in common by these capitals are the upper termination of the column shaft in a fillet and astragal (as in Asia Minor and mainland Greece, but not the Olympieion); two rings of eight leaves in which the leaves of the secunda folia are only a little taller than those of the ima folia and the height of the leaves takes up about one-half of the capital height (as in Lagina and the round buildings just mentioned, but not the Olympieion. Cf. the Laodike Monument); the fluted cauliculus which terminates in a horizontal ring (as in the capitals of Asia Minor, the Tegea-Nemea series, and the round temples cited above, but not the Olympieion); and abaci with cut off corners (as in Miletos and the Tegea-Nemea series, but not the Olympieion).

Although the three capitals just discussed differ in the treatment of detail, none shows the direct influence of the Olympieion. The almond-shaped sinus and the open leaf outline of the Pompeii capital would seem to go back to the capitals of the Tholos at Epidauros.⁴⁰ The Praeneste capital has been hailed as a Corinthian normal capital which appears side by side with the krausblattrige Italic Corinthian capitals on the Upper Theater Terrace.41 That Fagerlind was able to see in these capitals a derivation of the Olympieion capitals brought home by Sulla is extraordinary because the normal capitals from Praeneste appear to be a combination of Italian Corinthian and elements of the normal capital current in Italy in the Sullan and even pre-Sullan periods.42 The abrupt termination of the column fluting several centimeters below the top of the column, the fleshy acanthus leaves, and the four leaves of the secunda folia rising up from the base to support the bottom of the comer volutes are Italian features. The proportions of the foliage and the additional acanthus leaf covering the stalk of the central flower could be directly drawn from the Round Temple in the Forum Boarium. Striking is the unconvincing and completely inorganic arrangement of volutes, helices, and cauliculi. The volute stalks are too broad for the cauliculi and, uniquely, the very thin helices are in front of the volutes. The Cori capitals are similar to those from Pompeii, but the foliage is fleshier and heavier. The leaf outline is quite open. The stalks roll up into convex faced volutes and helices as in the Round Temple at Tivoli. Thus features of Italian Corinthian have been combined with the more immediately Greek normal capital.

Has not the importance of the Olympieion capitals, which are assumed to have been attached to the columns brought back by Sulla, been greatly exaggerated as far as concerns the development of pre-Augustan Roman Corinthian? The unique features of the Olympieion capitals, their overall dynamism, the cut of the leaves and their section, the proportions of the capital, and the unrimmed cauliculi are not repeated. The Sullan and post-Sullan Corinthian capitals in Italy do not derive directly from the Olympieion. They represent a rejection of some and a continuation of other elements of the Olympieion capitals as well as those of Asia Minor. The capitals of the Round Temples in the Forum Boarium and Largo Argentina could well antedate the Sullan period. It is my own opinion that the capitals of the former stand at the head of the normal capitals in Italy, and that temple is probably to be placed in the last two decades of the second century B.C.

The origins and development of the Corinthian normal capital in Rome in the late second and early first centuries b.c. ought

then to be considered among numerous commercial and artistic interchanges evident in a Roman architect working in Greece or a Greek architect working in Rome, such as Hermodoros of Salamis who built the Temple of Jupiter Stator in the Porticus of Metellus, the Temple of Mars in the Circus Flaminius, and the navalia. Similarly, neo-Attic sculptors busy in Rome have their start in the first half of the first century b.c.43 The ship which set out from Athens and sank off Mahdia (ca. 100 b.c.) was laden not with plunder but with trade goods, the major part of which were architectural members.44

The Corinthian normal capital arrived in Rome possibly in the late second century b.c., was used in the first century along with Italic Corinthian and more experimental capitals, and, in the monumental form of the capitals in the Forum Augustum, became the canonic form for the Empire. The capitals of the Temple of Mars Ultor (pl. 5:1) have received careful attention from Heilmeyer and need not be described here.45 They abandoned the proportions of the early first- century b.c. capitals of Italy and returned to approximately the three- part vertical division of the capitals of the Olympieion and the Tholos at Epidauros. The slight, mannered helices of the early first century have given way to robust, thickly proportioned stalks like those of the Olympieion which roll up under a deeply undercut and strongly emphasized kalathos lip. The leaf outlines and sinus are those of the Tholos at Epidauros but the individual leaf teeth are made of the soft, plastic flesh inherited from Italian Corinthian. The vertically fluted, ring-topped cauliculi are those at home in Italy in the late second and early first centuries b.c. The deeply undercut second row of leaves and the decorative emphasis of the foliage also derive from such capitals as those on the Round Temple in the Forum Boarium. Yet the new capital proportions are striking. The importance of Classical Athens for the Forum Augustum has been demonstrated; so too the importance of the Augustan Classical Revival for Athens.46 Perhaps the architects of the Forum Augustum drew from the Olympieion a monumental octostyle facade whose columns and capitals rival those of the Olympieion. The vertical proportions of the Mars Ultor capitals and the weight bearing robust stalks may also be drawn from the Olympieion. We might infer from the relief on the Ara Pietatis Augustae depicting the Temple of Mars Ultor (pl. 5:3) that the frieze of the Olympieion was also undecorated.47

It is surprising indeed that the details of the magnificent Olympieion capitals left no clear trace in the first three quarters of the first century b.c. in Rome and that the proportions of these capitals do not appear until a conscious classicistic effort is made. The Sullan translation is in need of reconsideration.

Sulla stormed into Athens on March 1,86 b.c. The Temple of Olympian Zeus could have been plundered in the following days or somewhat later, in 85 b.c., when Sulla, following his settlement with Mithridates at Dardanos, tarried in Athens, had himself initiated into the mysteries, and seized the library of Apellikon.48 But why should he want to replace the columns of the Capitolium? That temple was still intact when Sulla landed in Italy. Repairs on the venerable shrine were made when necessary, but did the conservative Sulla plan a wholesale replacement of the columns? The verb Pliny uses, adveho, implies Sulla had the columns with him when he returned to Italy.49 Ancient references to the Capitolium in all its lives are abundant, but not one clear cut reference to the imported, gleaming, white marble giants erected upon the traditional Etruscan plan.

Vitruvius devotes a good deal of attention to the Olympieion and its history, and excavation has confirmed his statements rather than detracted from their validity. As a high-ranking officer in Caesar’s army, probably the praefectus fabrum, there is every likelihood that in this capacity he visited Athens.50 He was an old man in Augustus’ reign, his appearance unattractive and his health broken.⁸⁰ He would probably have been in his late twenties or thirties when Catulus dedicated the Capitolium in 69 b.c. He was interested in architectural oddities (such as the Temple of Athena at Sounion) and temples combining the plan of one order with the elevation of another, but he did not seem to know that the Capitolium possessed both Corinthian columns and a Tuscan plan.51 The Capitolium, for Vitruvius, was merely an example of an araeostyle temple.⁸² Vitruvius was silent about the Sullan translation not only in Book 3, where he cited the Olympieion as an example of an hypaethral temple and the Capitolium as an example of an araeostyle temple, but also in Book 7, where he provided the Olympieion’s building history down to his own time.

There are many references in the Elder Pliny to the Capitoline hill, the triple shrine of Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, and other temples on the Capitoline hill. The word Capitolium can refer to either the mons capitolinus52 or to the templum Iovis optimi maximi.84 An individual shrine is naturally referred to as a cella, in capitolio … in cella Junonis. …⁸⁵ And there are numerous references in Pliny and other authors to various other temples, shrines, statues, and dedications on the Capitoline, such as a temple of Fides, of Mens and Venus, of Jupiter Feretrius, of Jupiter Tonans, of luventas, etc.⁸⁶ Occasionally the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus is referred to as a templum or aedes modified by the appropriate form of the adjective capitolinus.53 In two instances aedes is used in the singular and its inclusion of the three cellas is clear. Pliny writes in his discussion of the amount of gold in Rome: post annos CCCVII, quod ex capitolinae aedis incendio ceterisque delubris C. Manus filius Praeneste detulerat,..,54 Only once does Pliny use the plural aedes, modified by Capitolinae.