A Bitter Trial: Evelyn Waugh and John Cardinal Heenan on the Liturgical Changes
By Alcuin Reid
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English author Evelyn Waugh, most famous for his novel Brideshead Revisited, became a Roman Catholic in 1930. For the last decade of his life, however, Waugh experienced the changes being made to the Church's liturgy to be nothing short of "a bitter trial". In John Cardinal Heenan, Waugh found a sympathetic pastor and somewhat of a kindred spirit.
This volume brings together the personal correspondence between Waugh and Heenan during the 1960s, a trying period for many faithful Catholics. It begins with a 1962 article Waugh wrote for the Spectator followed by a response from then Archbishop Heenan, who at the time was a participant at the Second Vatican Council. These and the other writings included in this book paint a vivid picture of two prominent and loyal English Catholics who lamented the loss of Latin and the rupture of tradition that resulted from Vatican II.
In the light of the pontificate of Pope Benedict XVI, many Catholics are looking again at the post-conciliar liturgical changes. To this "reform of the reform" of the liturgy now underway in the Roman Catholic Church, both Heenan and Waugh have much to contribute.
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Reviews for A Bitter Trial
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- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5Evelyn Waugh is one of the most famous, perhaps the most famous English novelist of the twentieth century. Brideshead is of course his masterpiece, and the most adapted of his works. Waugh is also famously Catholic. A Bitter Trial collects letters, diary entries, editorials, and other miscellania from the end of his life on the subject of the changes occurring in the liturgy of the Roman Catholic Church.It was fascinating to see the period of the Second Vatican Council through the letters exchanged between Waugh and Cardinal Heenan. The good Cardinal seems to have shared some of Waugh’s distress at the changes that were at first proposed, and then imposed by the Second Vatican Council, but Cardinal Heenan also seems to have been compelled to present the party line in public. Reading his letters in this fashion, I get the impression that it all turned out in way the Cardinal didn’t much care for, but lacked the will or the ability to do anything about.For example, contrast the Cardinal’s letter to Waugh from 25 November 1962:Venerabilis Frater– as we say in the Council–I was delighted to see your article. There is nothing in there with which I don’t agree.To this Pastoral Letter from the Cardinal in 1964 for Lent:The faithful also feel strongly about these questions. I know that from your letters. Take, for example, changes in Holy Mass. Some of you are quite alarmed. You imagine that everything will be changed and what you have known from childhood will be taken away from you. Some, on the other hand, are all for change and are afraid too little will be altered.Both these attitudes are wrong. The Church will, of course, make certain reforms. That is one of the reasons Councils are held. But nothing will be changed except for the good of souls. With the Pope, we Bishops are the Teaching Church. We love our Faith and we love our priests and people. We shall see that you are not robbed.And finally this from Cardinal Heenan to Waugh in August of 1964:But do not despair. The changes are not so great as they are made to appear. Although a date has been set for introducing the new liturgy I shall be surprised if all the bishops will want all Masses every day to be in the new Rite.Which is of course exactly what happened, and what Cardinal Heenan was forced to impose on his own faithful, even though many of the laity didn’t want it. Cardinal Heenan did secure the Heenan Indult, which nonetheless was interpreted strictly. Summorum Pontificum was the exact reversal of the policy that mandated all Masses in the new Rite, except for special occasions. Something like it fifty years earlier would have resulted in a very different Church. As John Reilly would later note of the creation of a liturgy that incorporated the best elements of the Anglican tradition, such innovations tend to come too late to really change what needed to be changed.The reason given in the Heenan Indult, and by the liturgists before that, was that allowing the use of the older Mass alongside the new Mass would damage Catholic unity. The existence of groups like the SSPX doubtless confirmed such fears, but one of the bitterest fruits of this policy is that nothing has fractured Catholic unity quite like the liturgical chaos that followed upon the well-intentioned liturgical reform of the Second Vatican Council. The new Mass is perfectly capable of being celebrated with piety and reverence, but in practice it seems to have been felt that the rubrics of the Mass could be disregarded at will following the introduction of the new Mass. Endless controversy has followed.This triumph of theory over experience is in many ways simply typical of the twentieth century. The same spirit can be seen at work in McNamara’s Folly, at about the same time. An excess of trust in expert opinion has not done us any favors. In its slow way, the Catholic Church seems to be recovering the liturgy, but the shocking sexual abuse revelations of the early twenty-first century [many of which occurred during the same time frame as the liturgical experimentation] are still fresh on everyone’s mind. Based on the experience of the liturgy, perhaps another fifty years will suffice to begin again.
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A Bitter Trial - Alcuin Reid
Foreword
Joseph Pearce
Much water has flown under Tiber’s bridges,
wrote Alec Guinness in his autobiography, carrying away splendor and mystery from Rome, since the Pontificate of Pius XII.
Writing in the mid-eighties, Guinness lamented the banality and vulgarity of the translations which have ousted the sonorous Latin and little Greek
from the liturgy and regretted that [h]and-shaking and embarrassed smiles or smirks have replaced the older courtesies.
Although dismayed by the nature of the liturgical changes, Guinness was sure that the Church would recover from such nonsense, so long as the God who is worshipped is the God of all ages, past and to come, and not the Idol of Modernity, so venerated by some of our bishops, priests and mini-skirted nuns
.¹
Even as Guinness was lamenting the chaos that followed in the wake of the Second Vatican Council, there were signs that the Church was recovering from the modernist encroachments that had sought to marry her to what Waugh, in his article in the Spectator that opens the present volume, had rightly called our own deplorable epoch
.²
A spirit of restoration had been heralded in 1978 by the election of John Paul II to the papacy. Schooled in modern philosophy, yet a man of deep love for the ancient faith, Pope John Paul II attempted to implement a more faithful interpretation of the Second Vatican Council, which called for a renewal, rather than a deconstruction, of the liturgy. Thereafter the beauty and authority of Tradition, presumed dead after Vatican II, began to show signs of resurrection.
Perhaps, with the wisdom of hindsight, we can now see the election of John Paul II as the date at which the high tide of the modernist encroachment within the Church began to turn. Yet there was always the danger that John Paul’s successor would lack the courage or the ability to continue with the reform of the reform
. Would the next pope exercise his power to exorcise the darkness? With this question looming ominously over the Church, it is no wonder that faithful Catholics around the world leapt for joy when they heard the news that Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger had been elected pope. Their exhilaration, and their exhalation of a deep sigh of relief, at Pope Benedict’s accession to the Throne of Peter helped to soften the sorrow at the passing of his illustrious predecessor. Mixed with the grief was the joyful confidence that the Church and her sacred liturgy were in safe hands.
Yet, in the light of this resurrection of liturgical Tradition within the Church, it is important that we remember the darkness from which the Church is now emerging, and the suffering it caused to many faithful Catholics who found themselves seemingly deserted in the gloom. As Alcuin Reid reminds us in his introduction to this volume, the ‘bitter trial’ that tested the faith of Evelyn Waugh and so many of his generation, as well as the almost-impossible situation in which Cardinal Heenan and many other clergy found themselves, must not be forgotten.
³ And, lest we forget, let’s remind ourselves of the background to Waugh’s conversion to Catholicism and the reason that he remained faithful to the Church and her Tradition.
On 21 August 1930 Waugh had written to the Jesuit Martin D’Arcy that he had come to the realization that the Catholic Church was the only genuine form of Christianity [and] that Christianity is the essential and formative constituent of western culture
.⁴ Six weeks later, on 29 September, Father D’Arcy received Waugh into the Church. In the wake of his conversion and the controversy it caused, Waugh wrote an article for the Daily Express explaining his reasons for becoming a Catholic:
It seems to me that in the present phase of European history the essential issue is no longer between Catholicism, on one side, and Protestantism, on the other, but between Christianity and Chaos. . . .
Today we can see it on all sides as the active negation of all that western culture has stood for. Civilization—and by this I do not mean talking cinemas and tinned food, nor even surgery and hygienic houses, but the whole moral and artistic organization of Europe—has not in itself the power of survival. It came into being through Christianity, and without it has no significance or power to command allegiance. The loss of faith in Christianity and the consequential lack of confidence in moral and social standards have become embodied in the ideal of a materialistic, mechanized state. . . . It is no longer possible . . . to accept the benefits of civilization and at the same time deny the supernatural basis upon which it rests.
Asserting that Christianity is essential to civilization and that it is in greater need of combative strength than it has been for centuries
, Waugh argued that Christianity exists in its most complete and final form in the Roman Catholic Church.
⁵ On 8 October 1930 the Bystander observed of Waugh’s conversion that the brilliant young author [was] the latest man of letters to be received into the Catholic Church. Other well-known literary people who have gone over to Rome include Sheila Kaye-Smith, Compton MacKenzie, Alfred Noyes, Father Ronald Knox and G. K. Chesterton.
The list was far from exhaustive. By the 1930s the rising tide of converts to Catholicism had become a torrent. Throughout that decade there were some twelve thousand converts a year in England alone.
The burgeoning Catholic revival was also flourishing in the United States. A few weeks after Waugh’s reception into the Church, G. K. Chesterton was in New York debating with the famous Chicago lawyer Clarence Darrow. The debate was entitled Will the World Return to Religion?
An audience of four thousand heard both sides of the debate and then voted on the question. The result was 2,359 for Chesterton’s point of view and 1,022 for Darrow’s. Meanwhile, in Europe, there was a wave of literary converts to rival that in England. These included François Mauriac, Léon Bloy, Jacques Maritain, Charles Péguy, Henri Ghéon, Giovanni Papini, Gertrud von le Fort, and Sigrid Undset, all of whom were either converts or else reverts who had lost their faith but had returned to the Church.
It is a singularly intriguing fact that the preconciliar Church was so effective in evangelizing modern culture, whereas the number of converts to the faith seemed to diminish in the sixties and seventies in direct proportion to the presence of the much-vaunted aggiornamento, the muddle-headed belief that the Church needed to be brought up-to-date
. The success of orthodoxy in winning converts compared with the failure of