Environmental and Energy Policy and the Economy: Volume 4
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Environmental and Energy Policy and the Economy focuses on the effective and efficient management of environmental and energy challenges. Research papers offer new evidence on the intended and unintended consequences, the market and nonmarket effects, and the incentive and distributional impacts of policy initiatives and market developments.
This volume presents six new papers on environmental and energy economics and policy. Gilbert Metcalf examines the distributional impacts of substituting a vehicle miles-traveled tax for the existing federal excise tax in the United States. David Weisbach, Samuel Kortum, Michael Wang, and Yujia Yao consider solutions to the leakage problem of climate policy with differential tax policies on the supply and demand for fossil fuels and on domestic production and consumption. Danae Hernandez-Cortes, Kyle Meng, and Paige Weber quantify and decompose recent trends in air pollution disparities in the US electricity sector. Severin Borenstein and Ryan Kellogg provide a comparative analysis of different incentive-based mechanisms to reduce emissions in the electricity sector on a path to zero emissions. Sarah Anderson, Andrew Plantinga, and Matthew Wibbenmeyer document distributional differences in the allocation of US wildfire prevention projects. Finally, Mark Curtis and Ioana Marinescu provide new evidence on the quality and quantity of emerging “green” jobs in the United States.
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Environmental and Energy Policy and the Economy - Matthew J. Kotchen
Contents
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Introduction
Matthew J. Kotchen, Tatyana Deryugina, and James H. Stock
The Distributional Impacts of a VMT-Gas Tax Swap
Gilbert E. Metcalf
Trade, Leakage, and the Design of a Carbon Tax
David A. Weisbach, Samuel Kortum, Michael Wang, and Yujia Yao
Decomposing Trends in US Air Pollution Disparities from Electricity
Danae Hernandez-Cortes, Kyle C. Meng, and Paige Weber
Carbon Pricing, Clean Electricity Standards, and Clean Electricity Subsidies on the Path to Zero Emissions
Severin Borenstein and Ryan Kellogg
Unequal Treatments: Federal Wildfire Fuels Projects and Socioeconomic Status of Nearby Communities
Sarah E. Anderson, Andrew J. Plantinga, and Matthew Wibbenmeyer
Green Energy Jobs in the United States: What Are They, and Where Are They?
E. Mark Curtis and Ioana Marinescu
Introduction
Matthew J. Kotchen
Yale University and NBER, United States of America
Tatyana Deryugina
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and NBER, United States of America
James H. Stock
Harvard University and NBER, United States of America
We are pleased to introduce the fourth volume of Environmental and Energy Policy and the Economy (EEPE). The six papers in this volume were first presented and discussed in May 2022 at the National Press Club in Washington, DC, and online. The conference was hosted by the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER), with participants from academia, government, and nongovernmental organizations. We were also fortunate to have a lively panel discussion over lunch on recent developments in the law and economics of the social cost of carbon, led by Richard Newell of Resources for the Future and Richard Revesz of the New York University School of Law.
The overall aim of the EEPE initiative is to spur policy-relevant research and professional interactions in the areas of environmental and energy economics and policy—and the papers here deliver. We are grateful to all of the authors for their time and effort in helping to make the fourth year of EEPE a continued success.
In the first paper, Gilbert Metcalf examines the distributional impacts of substituting a vehicle miles traveled tax for the existing federal excise tax in the United States. The question is important because the increased popularity of electric vehicles is expected to diminish federal motor vehicle fuel excise tax revenue. But how would a revenue-neutral tax swap affect different groups? Metcalf shows that the swap will likely influence who buys electric vehicles and will benefit rural drivers, but will not have appreciably different impacts across racial groups.
David Weisbach, Samuel Kortum, Michael Wang, and Yujia Yao consider potential solutions to the leakage problem created by nonuniform climate policy, which arises when industries have an incentive to relocate to countries where carbon prices are lower. They consider the design of a carbon policy in one region of the world when the rest of the world has no such policy, producing several key findings about when and how carbon taxes could be applied to fossil fuel extraction, consumption, or production. The authors also provide insight about circumstances under which a border adjustment is undesirable and the importance of which countries are in a taxing coalition.
Danae Hernandez-Cortes, Kyle Meng, and Paige Weber quantify and decompose recent trends in air pollution disparities from the US electricity sector. Beginning with a careful documentation of the significant reduction in particulate matter emissions since 2000, they find a dramatic convergence in exposure between Blacks, Whites, and Hispanics. Their decomposition then reveals that improvements in emissions intensities and compositional changes in electric generators explain nearly all of these trends in roughly equal proportions, with small contributions from scale effects and residential location changes.
Also focusing on the electricity sector, Severin Borenstein and Ryan Kellogg provide a comparative analysis of several mechanisms to reduce emissions in the electricity sector on a path to zero emissions. Their analysis is distinct from typical fare in economics because they take the ultimate outcome of zero emissions as given and then compare the emissions trajectories and market outcomes of different policy instruments, including carbon pricing, intensity standards, and clean energy subsidies. They illustrate how differences depend on the correlation between private costs and emission rates and that some of the differences between instruments may be less important than often assumed when combined with an overall policy goal of eliminating emissions.
Sarah Anderson, Andrew Plantinga, and Matthew Wibbenmeyer document distributional differences in the allocation of US wildfire prevention projects. They find that, after controlling for differences in wildfire risk, the likelihood that a community receives a nearby fuels management project is greater for wealthier, Whiter, and more educated communities. Moreover, the results hold for wildfire prevention projects with a cost-share requirement, suggesting that local financial resources are not a key driver of the overall results. Their results have important implications for recent policy pushes that focus on the environmental justice implications of federal programs.
In the final paper, Mark Curtis and Ioana Marinescu provide new evidence on the quality and quantity of emerging green
jobs in the United States. Policy makers are increasingly interested in knowing whether the growth of renewable energy benefits US workers, and this paper uses a novel data set and methods to provide answers. They consider the number and types of jobs, relative pay scales, and geographic locations. Their bottom line is that policies that promote the growth of renewable energy will likely create relatively high-paying jobs for less-educated workers and for US regions that currently have a high share of employment in the fossil fuel extraction industry.
Finally, we make some important acknowledgments. One of us, James Stock, is rotating off as a coeditor of EEPE after having served for the initial 4 years. We are grateful for his contributions, which have been critical to the initial success of EEPE, and we look forward to his continued involvement, albeit in a less formal way. We are also grateful to Jim Poterba, president and CEO of NBER, for continuing to support the initiative, and to the NBER conference staff, especially Rob Shannon, for making the organizing a pleasure. Helena Fitz-Patrick’s help with the publication is also invaluable and greatly appreciated. Last, we thank Evan Michelson and the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation for the financial support that has made the EEPE initiative possible.
Endnote
For acknowledgments, sources of research support, and disclosure of the authors’ material financial relationships, if any, please see https://www.nber.org/books-and-chapters/environmental-and-energy-policy-and-economy-volume-4/introduction-environmental-and-energy-policy-and-economy-volume-4.
© 2023 National Bureau of Economic Research. All rights reserved.
The Distributional Impacts of a VMT-Gas Tax Swap
Gilbert E. Metcalf
Tufts University and NBER, United States of America
Executive Summary
More stringent fuel-economy standards and increased popularity of electric vehicles (EVs) are contributing to an erosion in federal motor vehicle fuel excise tax revenues. One solution to this problem is a vehicle miles traveled (VMT) tax. I consider the distributional implications of a federal tax swap where a VMT tax is used to finance a reduction in the federal excise tax on gasoline. The distributional impact of this tax swap depends on the sign of the income elasticity of demand for fuel intensity.
Using data from the 2017 National Household Travel Survey, I find that the income elasticity of fuel intensity is negative and that this revenue-neutral tax swap is mildly progressive for all household incomes below $200,000. How the progressivity of a tax swap changes as fuel-economy standards are raised and EV market penetration increases depends on who purchases EVs and more efficient vehicles. I demonstrate how federal policy will likely influence those who buy EVs and the ultimate distribution of the tax swap. In addition, I find the tax swap benefits rural drivers and has no appreciable differential impacts on Black and Hispanic households.
JEL Codes: H22, H23, Q48, R48
Keywords: motor vehicle fuel excise tax, vehicle-miles-traveled tax, tax reform, fuel efficiency
I. Introduction
Electric vehicles (EVs) are increasingly popular and a major focus for policy makers as they consider ways to decarbonize the transportation sector. Automakers are getting on board as well. General Motors has announced that it will roll out 30 EV models globally by 2025 as part of its plan to move to an all-electric future.
¹ One fiscal concern with the shift from the internal combustion engine (ICE) to an electric one is the impact on motor vehicle fuel excise tax collections at the federal and state level. The federal excise tax has historically been the major source of funding for the Highway Trust Fund. But increased fuel economy in ICEs (see fig. 1) combined with the political challenges of raising the federal fuel excise tax rate has led to shortfalls in revenue for the trust fund. Greater penetration of EVs in the marketplace only exacerbates the problem (fig. 2). Federal motor transportation excise tax revenue is expected to be unchanged in nominal terms between 2017 and 2026; in real terms, the revenue is falling at the rate of between 1% and 2% per year (fig. 3).²
Fig. 1. Fuel-economy standards.
Source: Congressional Research Service (2021).
Fig. 2Fig. 2. Market penetration of electric and hybrid vehicles by model year.
Source: Author’s calculation from 2017 NHTS Data.
Fig. 3Fig. 3. Federal motor vehicle fuel revenue. Historic data from the Internal Revenue Service in solid line; revenue projections from Congressional Budget Office in dashed line. Includes federal excise tax revenue from diesel, gasoline, and kerosene sales.
Source: IRS Statistics of Income, CBO Revenue Projections, table 5.
One possible solution is to shift from a gas tax to a vehicle miles traveled (VMT) tax. Besides addressing the problem of a shrinking tax base for the current fuel excise tax, a VMT tax is better aligned with the externalities created by driving. Research by Parry and Small (2005) shows that the bulk of damages related to personal vehicle gasoline consumption are driving-related damages (congestion, accident externalities) rather than fuel-related pollution. Two states, Utah and Oregon, have dipped their toes in the water. Oregon, for example, launched a voluntary pilot VMT tax in 2015 and is debating a mandatory VMT tax on new vehicles with a fuel economy of 30 MPG or higher to go into effect in 2026 (Duncan 2021).
Opponents of a VMT tax raise several objections. First, a VMT tax requires collecting information on miles traveled; this raises privacy and data security concerns for many. Related are the administrative and compliance costs of collecting this information, sending out tax bills, and ensuring payment of the tax. The American Transportation Research Institute (2021) estimates that the administrative costs of a national VMT tax could exceed $20 billion annually.
Environmentalists have also raised concerns. A VMT tax that replaced a motor vehicle fuel excise tax would remove an implicit subsidy on electric and hybrid vehicles and thereby discourage the greater electrification of the vehicle fleet. Although true, this simply reflects the fact we have multiple externalities at work—in particular, driving-related congestion and greenhouse gas emissions. The Tinbergen Rule suggests the need for as many policy instruments as there are policy targets. A VMT tax would address the congestion externality, whereas a carbon tax or a subsidy on EVs would be a way to address the climate externality.
Finally, there are fairness concerns. A VMT tax would be regressive, it is argued, and it would unfairly burden low-income and rural drivers. As a recent Grist article notes, Like the gas tax, and like sales taxes in general, a VMT tax would be regressive if applied uniformly across income brackets: It would take a larger percentage of income from low earners than it would take from high earners … A VMT tax would also be likely to disadvantage rural communities, as well as communities of color generally
(Mahoney 2021).
This paper addresses this fairness concern. I analyze the distributional impact of a revenue-neutral tax swap where a VMT tax is implemented with revenues used to lower (or eliminate) the excise tax on motor vehicle fuels. I focus on personal transportation rather than commercial transportation and trucking. Light-duty vehicles accounted for 89% of vehicle miles traveled in 2018, according to the Federal Highway Administration’s Highway Statistics 2018 (table VM-1). Some of this vehicle use is for commercial purposes; one estimate is that household-based VMT accounts for 77% of total VMT.³ In addition, it is not clear how to apportion commercial diesel tax burdens to households.
The next section of this paper surveys the literature on the distributional impact of VMT taxes. In a subsequent theory section, I demonstrate that a revenue-neutral tax swap that used VMT tax revenues to replace some portion of gas tax revenues is progressive if the income elasticity of the demand for fuel intensity (fuel consumption per mile traveled) is negative. The following section presents regressions on the household demand for vehicle fuel intensity using data from the National Household Travel Survey (NHTS). Results indicate that the income elasticity of demand for fuel intensity is about −0.02, indicating that a VMT-gas tax swap should be modestly progressive.
I then test the theory by calculating the change in tax burden from a revenue-neutral VMT-gas tax swap using the NHTS data and find that the swap is modestly progressive. This result holds using both an annual income measure and an approach that proxies for permanent or lifetime income. Next, I consider a simulation where fuel-economy standards are increased by 40% and EV market penetration rises to 15%, reflecting the Biden administration’s initiatives to tighten fuel-economy standards and incentivize greater purchases of EVs. In this counterfactual world, the VMT-gas tax swap is significantly more progressive. I next present results showing that rural areas benefit from the tax swap. Although rural drivers travel more miles than urban ones, they also drive less-fuel-efficient vehicles. Vehicles with low fuel efficiency gain from the switch from a gas tax to a VMT tax, and in the case of rural versus urban drivers, the gains from saving on gas taxes more than offsets the new tax based on vehicle miles traveled. Moreover, there does not appear to be any racial or ethnic differences in the impact of the tax swap. A concluding section suggests policy implications and suggestions for further research.
II. Background
Although a number of papers have assessed various policies involving hybrid and electric vehicles and optimal tax rates for a VMT tax (see, e.g., Davis and Sallee 2019; Zhao and Mattauch 2021; and Rapson and Muehlegger 2021), few recent papers have looked at the distributional implications of a shift from a gas tax to a VMT tax. McMullen, Zhang, and Nakahara (2010) simulate a tax swap for Oregon drivers based on data from the 2001 NHTS. They find the tax swap to be regressive. It is not clear that their study’s results will hold up today given the overall increase in vehicle fuel economy and the increased market penetration of hybrid, plug-in hybrid, and electric vehicles (see figs. 1 and 2). Another study by Langer, Maheshri, and Winston (2017) compares and contrasts the efficiency and political grounds. Although not a tax swap analysis, their paper provides evidence to support a VMT-gas tax swap on efficiency grounds.⁴ Weatherford (2012) notes several early papers that have compared VMT and gas taxes and concludes that the research has not arrived at a strong consensus regarding whether [VMT taxes] would be more or less regressive than the [fuel] tax
(p. 23). He notes that the studies he surveys find that rural drivers would benefit from the tax swap, whereas urban drivers would not. In his own research, using data from the 2001 and 2009 NHTS, Weatherford finds a VMT-gas tax swap would be distributionally neutral. He finds that it would reduce the tax burden for rural drivers while increasing the burden for urban drivers. As noted earlier, EV and plug-in hybrid vehicle (PHEV) market penetration and fuel economy have both increased significantly between 2009 and 2017, suggesting the value of revisiting this question with more recent data. In the empirical analysis to follow, I will use the 2017 NHTS, the most recent year of this survey.
Introspection suggests a VMT-gas tax swap would have minor fiscal impacts on most households. A person driving a vehicle that gets 25 miles per gallon 10,000 miles a year (roughly the average annual mileage for personal vehicles) would save $40 a year in gas taxes if the gas tax were reduced by 10 cents per gallon.⁵ As discussed later, a 48-cent-per-mile VMT tax would be required for revenue neutrality. This driver would thus pay $48 in the new VMT tax, for an increase in driving-related taxes of $8 a year. Clearly, however, there is heterogeneity in driving and fuel consumption. Consider someone who drives 40,000 miles a year in a vehicle that gets 18 miles per gallon. This driver would save $222 in gas taxes and pay $192 in the VMT tax for a net saving of $30. Still not a big change in driving-related taxes. The biggest cost would be incurred by EV drivers who currently pay no gas tax. An EV driver who drives 40,000 miles a year (four times the annual average) would now pay $192 in VMT tax. Still not a large amount of money. Later, I will test this introspection by looking at variation in tax payments across households in the NHTS.
III. Theory
Individuals derive utility from travel (M), measured in vehicle miles traveled and a vector of vehicle attributes (A), one of which is fuel intensity (E), measured in gallons per 1,000 miles traveled.⁶ Maximizing utility subject to a budget constraint yields demand equations for these three driving-related goods:
(1)M=M(pM,Y,XM)E=E(pF,Y,A,XE)A=A(pA,Y,XA),
where Y is income; pM, pF, and pA are the price of driving a mile, the price of fuel, and the price of vehicle attributes, respectively; and XM, XE, and XA are other variables that affect miles driven (M), fuel intensity (E), and other vehicle attributes (A).⁷ The price of driving a mile is defined as
(2)pM=pFE+tM,
where the price of fuel is tax inclusive and tM is the VMT tax rate (currently zero).⁸
Later, I argue that a key parameter for determining the distributional impact of a VMT-gas tax swap is the income elasticity of demand for fuel intensity (e.g., the impact of income on the demand for fuel-efficient vehicles). When considering that elasticity, I want to allow for the fact that changes in income affect the demand for fuel intensity directly but also indirectly through changes in demand for various vehicle attributes, which in turn can affect fuel intensity. For example, as income rises, drivers might wish for heavier and roomier cars, cars that will likely be more fuel intensive. To capture these indirect impacts of income on fuel intensity, I substitute the vehicle attributes equation into the fuel-intensity equation and obtain the following system:
(3)M=M(pM,Y,XM)E^=E^(pF,pA,Y,XE,XA).
The relevant income elasticity of fuel intensity for considering the distributional impact of this tax swap is the percentage change in E^ due to a 1% change in income.
The demand for gasoline is a derived demand from the demand for VMT and fuel intensity,
(4)F=M⋅E^,
and income elasticities are related as
(5)ηF=ηE^+ηM.
I define driving-related tax revenue as R=tMM+tFF, where the first term is the VMT tax and the second term is gasoline excise revenue. I will consider a policy change where the VMT tax rate is increased (from zero) and the tax rate on gasoline reduces to keep total revenue constant:
(6)dRdtM|tM=0=∑idRidtM=∑i(Mi+dtFdtM[Fi+tF∂Fi∂tF])=0,
where i is indexing over households.⁹ The term dtF/dtM measures the revenue-neutral change in the gas tax rate relative to the new VMT tax rate. This term is constant across all individuals and, presumably, is negative starting from a zero tax rate on VMT. Call this term δ. I can rewrite equation (6) as
(7)dRdtM=∑idRidtM=∑i(Mi+δFi[1+tFpFpFFi∂Fi∂tF])=0,
or
(8)dRdtM=∑idRidtM=∑i(Mi−FiE¯)=0,
where
(9)E¯=−1δ(1+θFεFF).
θF is the excise tax rate divided by the tax-inclusive price of fuel, and εFF is the own price elasticity of demand for fuel. The term in the denominator is positive so long as an increase in the tax on gasoline increases gas tax revenue (i.e., no Laffer effect). I will assume that condition holds because δ<0 and E¯>0. Note that E¯ does not vary across individuals, assuming a constant own price elasticity of demand for fuel. The term E¯ is a threshold value of fuel intensity. Vehicles with fuel intensity above E¯ will experience a decrease in tax payments due to the tax swap, whereas vehicles with fuel intensity below E¯ will experience a tax increase:
dRidtM>0 for Ei
and
dRidtM<0 for Ei>E¯.
This means drivers with low-fuel-economy cars (Ei>E¯) pay less in driving-related taxes with this tax shift, whereas drivers with high-fuel-economy cars (EiηE). If it is negative (higher-income households demand more fuel-efficient cars), then the tax shift is progressive around the pivot point. Conversely, if it is positive, then the tax shift is regressive around the pivot point.
Although information relative to the pivot point is useful, it does not tell us anything about global progressivity. A tax is progressive (regressive) if the average tax rate (ATR), defined as the tax payment relative to some measure of income, rises (falls) with income.¹⁰ Most studies find the current gas tax to be regressive (see, e.g., West and Williams 2004).¹¹ Whether the gas tax is regressive or not is, to a large degree, irrelevant for the question at hand. What matters is the relative regressivity of each tax. To assess the impact of a VMT-gas tax swap, we need to measure the change in the ATR as the reform is implemented. It will be convenient in the derivation below