The African Question

By Dr. Joseph Rukanshagiza

This book argues that Africa's political problems began with the formation of African States. The central answer is that African States are artificial both in physical shape but also in the psychology of the people.

• Language: English
• Publisher: ReadersMagnet LLC
• Release date: Dec 2, 2022
• ISBN: 9781959165965

Book preview

The African Question: Problems and the Future of the Continent

Copyright © 2022 by Dr. Joseph B. Rukanshagiza

Published in the United States of America

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any way by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopy, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the author except as provided by USA copyright law.

The opinions expressed by the author are not necessarily those of ReadersMagnet, LLC.

ReadersMagnet, LLC

10620 Treena Street, Suite 230 | San Diego, California, 92131 USA

1.619. 354. 2643 | www.readersmagnet.com

Book design copyright © 2022 by ReadersMagnet, LLC. All rights reserved.

Cover design by Ericka Obando

Interior design by Daniel Lopez

Table of Contents

Preface

Chapter 1      Introduction

Chapter 2      Where Has African Independence Gone? Intergeneration Leadership Explanation

Chapter 3      How Europe And America Recreated an African From the Dust of Scientific Racism

Chapter 4      Colonialism Enters Africa Diseased with Scientific Racism and Social Darwinism

Chapter 5      Christianity Enters Africa with Theories of Psuedo-Scientific Racism: Intergeneration Leadership Gap is Cemented

Chapter 6      Post-Colonial Syndrome: A Shanty Personality Analysis—The Labeling Theory Approach

Chapter 7      Conclusion

PREFACE

Imperialist propaganda assiduously depicted Africa as a continent populated by exceptionally backward, ignorant, almost primitive people, by savages who had no idea whatever of the fundamentals of modern society. It tried to instill in people’s minds the notion that the Africans had a long way to go before they could ‘grow up’ to the level of the ‘civilized’ part of humanity, and that they could never do that by themselves. And this argument was used as a motive for establishing Western ‘trusteeship’. Behind this word was colonial exploitation of the grossest and most brazen type. There is no crime one can imagine that the colonialists did not perpetrate in Africa in seeking to justify their disgraceful sway by the necessity of civilizing Negroes. Nowhere did the rapacious, predatory, disgustingly hypocritical nature of the colonialist civilizers manifest itself to vividly and so fully as in the long-suffering African continent, torn into bits by scrambling imperialist powers, big and small, from Britain down to Portugal. The language of condemnation may be strong but nonetheless true and fitted to the enormity of the crime.¹

The mind is like water. It takes the color of the container. In other words, it takes the characteristics of the socializer. Today many learned Africans have a personality that is colonial, Christian and educationally shaped. Those who were colonized by the British, a majority of them, have a personality shaped by the British. Those by the French have a personality influenced by the French. And so are the Belgians, Italians, and Portuguese.

This presents a fundamental problem upon which post-colonial Africa is built, especially the future of African unity.

Without clear, similar personality and character across Africa, the continent faces enormous problems of forging ideology to unify the people. As it is illustrated above, colonialists brainwashed Africans that they had no history, culture and frame of reference; a problem that has stuck in the minds of some Africans. Number two, the colonialists destroyed African political and social institutions and replaced them with their own that was nothing but scheming illusion. Confused with how to apply these adopted Western institutions to the real economic and political problems, an African finds himself in a real situation of dilemma.

This is indeed a tragedy for Africa through which poverty, political decay, hunger, social disorganization, economic juju (witchcraft), intra-ethnic wars, and cleansing must be traced from.

As Charles H. Anderson presents; Colonialism itself left a ripe situation for neo-colonialist intervention. The colonialist system was geared toward rough extraction of materials, and created very little industrial labor force or industrial plant. What infrastructure (rail lines, power grids, port facilities, roads, etc.) was established had a narrow self-serving focus and was essentially useless for the society at large. The financial and commercial responsibilities were largely or entirely in colonialist hands, so that the skills of administration and trading were not cultivated in a native white-collar or managerial stratum.²

A study into Africa’s economic, political and social miseries must begin with this problem. As it is shown in the entire book, Christianity and colonialism were not merely about ruling an African, but, they redefined him in a most sinister way. They had to reverse engineering him to the status of a child who could not grow and stand on his own feet unless he was aided by the missionaries and colonialists.

For instance, Hegel has put it this way:

"Africa proper, as far as history goes back, has remained—for all purposes of connection with the rest of the world—shut up; it is the Gold-land compressed within itself—the land of childhood, which lying beyond the days of self-conscious history, is enveloped in the dark mantle of Night... (Africa) is no historical part of the world; it has no movement or development to exhibit. Historical movement in it—that is in its northern part—belong to the Asiatic or European world... What we properly understand by Africa, is the Unhistorical, Undeveloped Spirit, still involved in the conditions of mere nature and which had to be presented here only as on the threshold of the World’s history... The history of the World travels from East to West, for Europe is absolutely the end of History, Asia the beginning."³

Viewing an African as a child in this way and without history, the missionaries then went to work.

The first thing they did was to transform African societies into new social structures based on Western norms, traditions and religious doctrines that were incompatible with African traditional systems. As a result, African ethnic and cultural systems which previously were the foundation of African thought, behavioral formation and normative frame of reference broke down, and in their place nothing intangible was created to hold individuals and societies together.

Furthermore, Christianity came into Africa not as a religion of love but as a religion of hate.

First it taught an African how to hate himself because he was a sinner.

Second he was taught to hate his culture because it taught him to be a sinner, for instance it was irresponsible for him to have more than one wife.

Finally, it taught him how to hate his own brother who belonged to a different religion. For example, if you were a Catholic, and your brother was a Protestant, you would hate one another. And even not eat together!

In Uganda a war between the French Catholics and the English Protestants broke up and African brothers fought on different sides depending on what religious side one was at. The religion of love then became a religion of hate, and for the first time in the history of the country, Ugandans killed one another in the name of an alien God.

From that very moment the variety of religious hatred was put into form, which has continued even today, destroying the roots of Uganda’s national unity. In perspective Christianity came into Africa like the burning fire in the bush, burning everything in its way. It burnt African marriage systems, sexual fetish system that protected a girl’s virginity until marriage, religious ceremonies that were responsible for law and order, and last, but not least, traditional norms and more that were the foundation of individual personality and communal character.

Today without the basis of law and order, some Africans have degenerated into a situation in which the characters of some Presidents and the average criminal on the street cannot be distinguished.

The former steals from the country’s treasury and across the border, and the later steals from whoever he comes across. As a result, when one picks up the New York Times or London Observer, some headlines will read, see corruption in Africa, see military coups, see Amin of Uganda, see limb amputation in Sierra Leon, see Charles Tylor in Liberia, see the Warlord Joseph Koni, see female genital mutilation in Somalia, Kenya, Gambia and Sudan, see genocide in Rwanda, see the invasion of Congo-Zaire by Ugandan and Rwandese soldiers, see Sudanese genocide in Darful Province, and the list continues.

This terrible record is not quite different from what these papers used to say of Africa before she got independent. In that period, the papers used to describe Africa as follows: See disease, see polygamy, see cannibalism, see savage customs, see primitive people, see primitive art, see Chiefs, see Maw Maw, see Dr. Livingstone conquering evil customs, see the white fathers in the jungle of Congo, see snakes, and the list continues.

While the pre-independence image of Africa was painted by the colonialists and Christian missionaries to justify their scramble and exploitation of Africa, the post-independence image is real.

Not long ago when African countries were achieving independence, the citizens were busy shouting at the Europeans; Go back to your countries. What are you doing in our country? They left! African countries achieved independence. Today, they are drowning in the Mediterranean Sea following Europeans running away from hunger, poverty, disease and state imposed terrorism.

Streets in most African countries are full of soldiers hunting down the members of the so-called opposition. Colonialists created the military institutions to protect themselves, after independence we did not change this function. The military is not to protect the people from external wars but to guard the president with full force.

As we look at Africa, the question is, what will she be in fifty years from now on? It is important to be aware that the leaders the West calls good leaders in Africa is one who cares for the interests of the West, not of their people. And those who are regarded as bad ones are those who take care of the interests of their people.

The latter are lucky if they are not overthrown. The problems of Africa are not over.

I am extremely grateful for a number of people who have made my life for what it is.

First I am extremely grateful for my dear parents for giving great care and socializing me to be the best I am.

My dear thanks go to the late Emmanuel Kazibwami for educating me from Primary to Primary six. I am extremely grateful for Richard Rugambagye—my brother—who provided me with tuition from Junior to Junior two.

My dear gratitude goes to David Murry who educated me at St. Leo’s college, Fort Portal for four years.

I have no words to express my thanks to Robert Reilly—my dear father for taking me to America, educating me at Sienna College in Loudonville, New York. Without him, this book would not have been written.

I am dearly grateful for my daughter, Dr. Jacqueline Rukanshagiza. Busingye for extremely warm feelings and daily happiness.

I am grateful for Tara, Theeran and Freddie who have brought light into my family.

The same goes to my sons; Emmuel Bakerema and Derrick Kihembo. Thanks for making me laugh and being there for me.

I have no actual words to thank the late Dr. Mary Amuge. I know you are in a good place in heaven. My sincere thanks go to the Prime Minister, Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda and his beloved wife. Thank you for your love and kindness.

My acknowledgement would be incomplete without my thanks to Dr. Jothan Musinguzi and his dear wife, Catherine Musinguzi. I cannot repay to you for all you have done and given me.

Similarly, I wish to thank my brothers, John Maloy and his dear wife, Joanna Maloy and Peter Maloy and his wife, Jean Maloy. I cannot forget all the joys and laughters we have had. Thank you for loving my daughter.

Indeed, I cannot forget Victoria Kambarara and Violara Manroe for being there for me and my family. I dearly thank Professor Harvey Strum for being my role model.

But the list of those who deserve my warm thanks cannot be exhausted without thanking Meradith Kill for typing this book. You deserve all my thanks. And to all my students!

I dedicate this book to all of you.

---

1Cited in Mukwugo Okoye: African Responses: Arther H. Stockwell Ltd. Printed in Great Britain: Bristol Typesetting, Co. Ltd., 1964. (Page 165)

2Charles H. Anderson: Towards a New Sociology. The Dorsey Press. Homewood Illinois, 1974. (Page 322)

3Cited (in) Mukwugo Okoye. (Op. cit. 164)

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

Black Africa’s forty-odd states are among the weakest in the world. State institutions and organizations are less developed in the sub-Saharan region than almost anywhere else; political instability (as indicated by the coups, plots, internal wars, and similar forms of violence) has been prevalent in the two and a half decades during which the region gained independence from the colonial rule. Some governments have periodically ceased control of the substantial segments of their country’s territory and population. For example, there have been times when Angola, Chad, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Sudan, Uganda, and Zaire have ceased to be the States in the real sense—that is, their central government lost control of important areas in their jurisdiction during struggles with rival organizations.⁴ —Robert H. Jackson and Carl G. Rosberg, 1982.

The African question is a cluster of questions, which includes the following: Why has the majority of African countries failed to achieve economic growth, some gone through a series of political turmoil such as internal wars, political fragmentation, and social unrest? Why have African nations failed to unite into a single nation, though many nationalists, especially during pre-independence period, advocated this goal? Why are some African nations waging war against one another, a case in point, Rwanda and Uganda against Congo-Zaire, Eretria and Ethiopia, and many others?

Though there are as many answers to these questions as there are many thinkers, speculators, creditors, debtors, sympathizers and scholars of African politics, nevertheless, there seems to be one common conclusion. That is, if the current trends in economic failures, political anarchy, and social decline continue, most of the African states in the next decade will totally cease to exist as nations in the functional sense of the term. Africa in general shall experience social miseries which in turn shall force even the well-to-do individuals to fall to the level of their poor counterparts and both classes shall be unable to maintain themselves economically and socially. In a number of countries these problems have already taken place.

Incorporated with weak politics, Africa is heading for a severe political winter that shall virtually wipe out some countries from the family of nations. Yet this grim political agony takes place in the post-colonial period, before which nationalists inspiring to take over the colonial positions stood on firm ground and prophesied the good things to come, once the Europeans were gone. Among these were: economic growth, political freedom, security, justice, equality and social progress. On the large scale, they promised to dismantle the great walls of divide (borders) and recreated one Africa. Today, these borders have remained iron chains that tie free citizens to their dictators.

Great leaders such as Dr. Kwame Nkrumah had a true vision that a divided Africa was like a child without parental guidance. Truly, they were correct! For African states, the long waited march to freedom was no longer a dream but a reality. Physically and psychologically they assembled their readiness to become the first heir of a new history. In a single voice they all sang, at last we are free, uhuru (freedom) has come.

Today however, many years later after independence, for most Africans their dreams of prosperity have turned into nightmares. Hunger, poverty and disease are the norms rather than the exceptions. Military violence is still the only means that removes one dictator from power and replaces him with another. On a more evil side, inter-state wars, as in the ancient European medieval period, have become common occurrence. President Museveni of Uganda has assisted in the overthrow of two governments; Rwanda and Zaire. Behind these wars, the fog of imperialism and neo-colonialism has become thicker than before, blinding Africa’s vision to see, and realize that these wars are as evil as colonialism itself. For many years in South Africa, an African was a mere definition of the Boars’ racial psychosis, a definition that reduced an African to the level of a beast.

In short, the following are among the major economic, political and social problems facing Africa today:

i. Human rights violations, which involve state murders and killings of innocent civilians.

ii. Ethnic conflicts which have resulted into ethnic cleansing and population displacement on a large scale, as in the cases of Nigeria, Liberia, Rwanda, Sudan, Burundi, Uganda, Congo-Zaire, Somalia and Sierra Leone.

iii. Economic dependence on foreign financial politics and planning.

iv. Corruption among high government officials.

v. Governments’ inability to establish policy priorities especially in such areas as in health and transportation, yet spending millions of dollars on military gadgets to be used against internal populations and interstate wars.

vi. The military’s continued insistence to stay in power even though their presence in governmental affairs is detrimental to their individual states and Africa in general.

vii. Lastly, and as a result of the above problems, an African is continuously labeled by former colonizers as innately inferior and incapable of ruling itself.

What has brought about such political and social carnage?

As early as the middle of the nineteen sixties when African independence turned into a nightmare as a result of military coups and political assassinations of political leaders, numerous theoretical explanations emerged from many scholars of various academic orientations to explain the plight of Africa.

While it is not the province of this study to evaluate the strength and weakness of these studies, there is a disturbing myth commonly argued by some Western scholars that needs to be reputed. The myth is that Africa’s economic, political and social decay is due to the fact that Africans achieved independence without first preparing for it. Philosophically, this myth directly implies the notion that colonialism was a schooling process for an African to learn how to rule himself, however, that he dropped out of school, either prematurely, or cut the throat of his colonial teacher and gave himself a certificate of excellence in leadership and then took control of the country before he was ready to do so. The dilemma is that, since the African never finished the course, yet still lacked the necessary skills, knowledge, and techniques to rule himself, his failure to govern himself is due to this tragedy.

The main problem with this myth is that it assumes the idea that the colonial rule was humane and properly well administered. However, that due to the Africans’ lack of leadership skills, he has messed up the once progressive and stable states!

Before I progress, I must dismiss this myth for a number of reasons. First, colonialism was not a lesson meant to teach an African how to run his country once colonialism was gone. Rather, colonialism was a tragedy that destroyed Africa’s ability to rule itself. The spear which an African threw at the first colonialist to set foot on the continent was not a red carpet welcoming him, rather it was proof that an African was a master of himself and prepared to rule himself. Secondly, if this myth is accepted, it means removing the blame from colonial rule and putting it on the African who has inherited Africa’s artificial states, which were ill formed and ruled.

Thirdly, to accept this myth, therefore is to collude with colonialist, neo-colonialists and imperialists who advocate that colonialism was good for an African. So good that he wasted his time to prepare himself independence because he was busy having a good time which the colonial experience provided him with. In short, that African got high on the colonial experience and forgot to think of who he was and to devise adequate means to rule himself.

The truth of the matter is that an African did not waste time to prepare himself for independence. Instead the problem is that colonialism took too long to end. In that long and dark colonial period, in which the colonialists were busy raping African nations of their riches, killing and exiling able indigenous leaders, creating unworkable economic, political and social systems and artificially breeding dictators such as Amin, Mobutu and Bukasa, the entire continent was being put into the reverse gear and driven backwards into the dark ages, which was once typical of Europe, at a time when African empires such as Mali, Songhai, Zimbabwe, Buganda and Benin had for thousands of years achieved a high level of economic civilizations. As G. Blandier explains:

One of the most striking events in the history of mankind is the expansion throughout the entire world of most European peoples. It has brought about the subjugation and in some instances the disappearance of virtually every people regarded as backwards, archaic or primitive. The colonial government of the nineteenth century was the most important in magnitude and the most fraught of consequences resulting from this European expansion. In a brutal manner, it overturned the histories of the people it subjugated. Colonialism, in establishing itself, imposed on the subjected people in a very special situation. We cannot ignore this fact. It not only conditioned the reactions of the dependent peoples, but is still responsible for certain reactions of people currently emancipated. The colonial situation poses problems for a conquered people-who respond to these problems for the administration representing the so-called protective power (which also defends that power’s local interests), problems for the newly created state on which still rests the burden of colonial liabilities. Whether currently present or in the process of liquidation, this situation involves specific problems which must arrest the attention of a sociologist.⁵

To discuss Africa’s economic, political and social problems without taking into consideration such colonial impact is to ignore the history, which in the first place created African states and shaped