Djogbachiachuwa: the Liberian Anthology

By Syrulwa Somah

Djogbachiachuwa is an attempt by the Liberian Literature Project 2012 set
forth by the Liberian History, Education & Development, Inc. (LIHEDE)
to close this literary gap. It is also an attempt to have the rest of the world
to read more of Liberian literature through the eyes of Liberians other
than themselves. It is believed that people who do not know their own
history, culture or language have nothing of worth and beauty to pass on to
successive generations, and is thus doomed and condemned to perpetual
warfare and poverty. The Liberian Literature Anthology Project 2012 is
an endeavor to depart from this self-defeating historical trend to produce
an Anthology of Liberian literature that draws on the tradition of each
ethnic subgroup in Liberia.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Xlibris US
• Release date: Aug 24, 2012
• ISBN: 9781477145074

Syrulwa Somah

Dr. Somah is the author of Historical Resettlement of Liberia and Its Environment Impact; Christianity, Colonization and State of African Spirituality; Issues in Occupational Safety and Health and Nyanyan Gohn-Manan: History, Migration and Government of the Bassa; My Son in America: The African Experience in America (in print).

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DJOGBACHIACHUWA

The Liberian Anthology

S. Malakpa,

S. Nyanseor,

S. Somah,

T. Toteh,

L. Zumo

Copyright © 2012 by Syrulwa Somah.

ISBN:          Softcover                                 978-1-4771-4506-7

                   Ebook                                      978-1-4771-4507-4

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Contents

Acknowledgement

Forward Syrulwa Somah

Chapter One Sakui Malakpa

Chapter Two Lawrence Zumo

Chapter Three Lawrence Zumo

Chapter Four Lawrence Zumo

Chapter Five Syrulwa Somah

Chapter Six Sakui Malakpa

Chapter Seven Syrulwa Somah

Chapter Eight Siahyonkron Nyanseor

Chapter Nine Siahyonkron Nyanseor

Chapter Ten Thomas Kai Toteh

Chapter Eleven Thomas Kai Toteh

Chapter Twelve Syrulwa Somah

Chapter Thirteen Syrulwa Somah

About The Authors

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This book in honor and praise of our parentage, the wise men and women whose history we write. It is they, as creature of nature and as creators of culture, who create the setting and situations in which story, legends, tales, folklores and ideals are translated into a human language for literary advancement.

First and foremost, my utmost gratitude to Dr. Syrulwa Somah, Executive Director, Liberian History, Education & Development whose vision and dedication to Liberian history and literature defines the scope of this book. Dr. Somah has been our inspiration as we hurdle all the obstacles in the completion this research work.

To my follow contributors, you have done it for your nation. It is only left to thank our forefathers whose blessing at their knees made it possible for us to learn and be an eyes unto them.

Dr. Lawrence Zumo, Chairman of the Board, LIHEDE

FORWARD

by

Syrulwa Somah

Liberian literature today remains neglected in several respects. By ‘Liberian literature’ here, we mean literature of and from Liberia written by Liberians. Since Liberia’s declaration of independence in 1847, most Liberians know very little or next to nothing about the legends, epics, myths, folktales, and historic heroes and heroines of indigenous Liberian culture. Traditional Liberian oral literature encompasses the worldview, philosophical perspectives, economic endeavors and an endless list of other cross-ethnic cultural bonds, that collectively embraces the values and cosmological order of traditional communities. Within the Liberian school system, literature and history are presented from an Anglo-Eurocentric perspective that emphasizes the culture and achievements of Westerners. This one-sided view impedes a positive view of indigenous Liberian culture, traditions, customs, mores, philosophy, medicine, law, and governance, and thwarts the unifying flow of behavioral patterns, creeds, linguistics, architecture, sociopolitical structures, ancestral wisdom, art, and spirituality across ethnicity. As a consequence, internalized contempt for our cultural way of life is prevalent in contemporary Liberia, especially among the young post-war generation, which in turn inflames divisions, prejudice, injustices, bigotry, cultural discrimination and ethnocentrism.

In part, the absence of national literature underscores the lack of a common identity, which has resulted in self-inflicted tragedies over the past 165 plus years, particularly in the last 25 years of horrific violence. Liberians must acknowledge that the study of other literatures is not irrelevant, but such studies must not take precedence over a national literature to educate our children about Liberian history and culture within the context of our rich heritage and the centrality of the unifying and transformative power of art and literature in African societies.

Djogbachiachuwa is an attempt by the Liberian Literature Project 2012 set forth by the Liberian History, Education & Development, Inc. (LIHEDE) to close this literary gap. It is also an attempt to have the rest of the world to read more of Liberian literature through the eyes of Liberians other than themselves. It is believed that people who do not know their own history, culture or language have nothing of worth and beauty to pass on to successive generations, and is thus doomed and condemned to perpetual warfare and poverty. The Liberian Literature Anthology Project 2012 is an endeavor to depart from this self-defeating historical trend to produce an Anthology of Liberian literature that draws on the tradition of each ethnic subgroup in Liberia.

Liberia is a nation that straddled the southwest corner of the West Coast of Africa, along the Gulf of Guinea, between longitudes 7030’ and 11030’ west and latitudes 4018’ and 8030’ north. It covers an area surface estimated at 111,370 km2 (43,506 square miles) of the land mass of Sub-Saharan Africa. In addition to being one of the watered nations in the world, Liberia’s dry land extents 96,160 sq. km [37,570 sq. miles]. The Liberian nation is divided into fifteen sub-political divisions (counties) [Bong, Bomi, Gbarpolu, Grand Bassa, Grand Cape Mount, Grand Gedeh, Grand Kru, Lofa, Nimba, Margibi, Maryland, Montserrado, Rivercess, River Gee, and Sinoe].

Liberia is limited on the west by Sierra Leone, on the north by Guinea, on the east by Ivory Coast and on the south by the Atlantic Ocean. Total land boundaries extend to 1,585 kilometers (990 miles)—Guinea, 563 kilometers (352 miles), Ivory Coast, 716 kilometers (446 miles), Sierra Leone, 506 kilometers (191 miles). Four topographical regions with each having its own distinct physical features and height above sea level divide Liberia. Along the Sea Coast is the Coastal Plain of 350 miles (560 km), from Cape Mount to Cape Palmas, an almost unbroken sand strip, which starts from the lowest elevation of 30 meters above sea level, up to the highest elevation of 800 meters above sea level giving the country approximately 70,000 square miles of territorial waters, larger than the size of the country. It is a treasure trove of blessing that only few countries can boast of in West Africa. Next to the Coastal Plain is the Belt of inundated plateau followed by the high lands and rolling hills in the north and northwest. The lowest point is the Atlantic Ocean at zero meters and the highest elevation is the northern highlands, which includes Mount Wutivi (1350 meter), the highest elevation in Liberia.

Liberia is drained by six large rivers (Cavalla, Cestos, Lofa, St. John, St. Paul and Mano) with a north-south pattern, deriving their respective sources from mountains or highlands and emptying into the Atlantic Ocean. This phenomenon has made Liberia one of the highest hydropower potential countries in Africa, if not the world. Liberia possesses the largest fraction of the tropical rainforest in the Upper Guinea Forest Region of West Africa, with huge deposits of gold, diamond and iron ore, and yet no proven commercial reserve of oil. Liberia has an incredible biodiversity compared to its West African neighbors, with high species endemism. The potential for medicinal plants is high, and there are opportunities to promote complementary medicine and eco-tourism. Biodiversity includes over 2000 plants species, among which are about 225 timber species, 600 bird species, 125 mammal species, 1000 insect species and 75 reptile species. The combination of these natural infusions is what is called Doegbachaianchuwa. In a literary terms, it means writing stores, legends, folklores, fictions, and myths into one book ; to put it simply, a mosaic of fauna and flora woven into a tapestry of beautiful pristine rivers, and scenic lagoons, and serene beaches, rolling hills, and glittering, rising mountains as backdrop.

First, some of the stories in this book are set in historical contexts, allowing the reader to learn about history in a personalized, concentrated way. Second, this book takes a pre-European Liberia as it relates to how singular and plural are used. For example, no’s’ is used at the end of the Liberian ethnic group or word to denote plus. Our people never pluralized themselves by adding ‘s’ at the end of a word to mean plural. For example, Kpelleh people would say kuka ah Kpelleh nuu, not kuka Kpellehs. The Bassa would say Ah mon Bassa nyohn or ah mon Bassa nyon-be, not A mon Bassas. Therefore, the ethnic plural of a noun is formed by the addition of a plural word and not by changing the noun as by adding an s or ies." The reason for this clarity is based on the fact that language and literature go hand in hand. It is a beauty thing, in fact, an immersing experience to understand and experience the language on which the literature is based. Second, words or terms are defined for how they are used. For example, words such as ‘witch-doctor’ are often loosely used since European entered Africa, as if it were synonymous with a ‘witch’ or ‘sorcerer.’. There may be witchdoctors who are-scoundrels, as there may be unjust ministers, presidents, directors, judges or corrupt policemen; bankers, businessmen; but, on the whole, what is misconstrued as the witchdoctor is a force on the side of law and justice, and it is difficult to see how a character that dispenses justice and who serves as a fulcrum for justice is seen as a person who brews evil spells and incantations. In the traditional setting, it is believed that a person who is associated with witchcraft (sorcerer), he or she should be banished or ostracized from society. It is firmly rooted in the minds of the people, that the office of a ‘Witch-doctor’ is to detect and prevent crime and bring offenders to justice, and his methods are on the whole less barbarous than those of the witch-finder. No Liberian well—versed in the traditional cultural practices would ever confuse these two personages: the ‘doctor’ is whion in Bassa, chala-nuu in Kpelleh; monle in Mandingo.

But the Kpelleh, Bassa, and Mandingo words, like western ‘doctor,’ covers a variety of meanings; it denotes a person skilled in any art or knowledge: a blacksmith, for instance, is whion, a doctor of iron. So the whion may be either a diviner or an herbalist, or both at the same time; possibly, also, a seer or prophet. The diviner and the herbalist learn their business in the ordinary way, being trained by a professional, to whom they act as a protégé until duly qualified. The seer is usually a man of a peculiar, balanced temperament, either known as such from childhood or seemingly developed special powers after a dangerous illness from which he miraculously recovered. He has to undergo a thorough initiation process, spending a great deal of time alone in the wilds upon graduating from the PSU. Some say that this condition is brought about through possession by a spirit.

The prophet is able to see what is happening at a distance, to predict the future, and to receive and deliver messages from spiritual beings, whether the ghosts of ancestors or others. The trance is a familiar phenomenon among our people. Doctors induce it in themselves, or others, by means known to those who are trained in the area, which gives the doctors invulnerability, superhuman strength, and the power to know and see things withheld from the ordinary mind.

Trance occurs when the person’s spirit leaves his body and travels off into the realm of the spirits by ‘possession,’ but also by the ghosts of dead relatives, friends, or the relative or friend of someone seeking intervention. During the trance the person may utter the name of medicine for illnesses which seem to have no remedy. In this state he begins to speak in a weird way, using the most extravagant language, telling of wonderful things he says he has seen. It is the possessing spirits who enable such persons to prophesy.

Join us now on this tour of Liberian literary work which will broaden your horizon as you learn more about individual and societal experiences, the aspirations, the fears, joys and pain of the Liberian nation and people.

CHAPTER ONE

ORIGN OF THE UNCLE-NEPHEW

RELATIONSHIP AMONG THE

KPELLEH AND LORMA DESCENDENTS

by

Sakui Malakpa

This piece of writing is primarily a folktale in its own right. In other words, the author’s role is that of commentator, interpreter. The oral history of the Lorma and Kpelleh people posit that they are the two largest Mande speaking ethnic groups in Liberia and Guinea. They occupy five clans in Liberia and two in Guinea. On the other hand, the Kpelleh people occupy large portions of Lofa, Bassa and Margibi counties, the entire County of Bong, and large portions of Guinea. Numerically, they are the largest ethnic group in Liberia. According to oral history, the Kpelleh people are uncles to the Lorma people. The origin of this affinity is rooted in a legend that has been handed down from one generation to another.

Legend has it that long time ago, the Lorma and Kpelleh kingdoms were adjacent to one another with very similar cultures. A river divided the two kingdoms. The kingdoms were headed by great chiefs who established their kingdoms’ headquarters close to one another again, with the river dividing the two. Gleegbar, the Kpelleh chief and Yanquoi, the Lorma chief, however, bitterly hated each other. All efforts by elders on both sides to reconcile the two failed miserably. The legend does not disclose the cause of the bitter hatred between the two chiefs. It is suspected that it most likely was over something trivial but was allowed to linger. This was a shame because both ethnic groups shared, and still share, almost identical culture and members of both groups bear similar names. Perhaps in retrospect, no one is willing to admit or disclose the true identity of the chiefs; as such, no names are provided for them and their towns. Whatever the cause of their hatred, in the midst of this lamentable situation, the wives of the two chiefs coincidentally met at the river daily to take bath. Both languages have different names for river or water: ziea in Lorma and ya in Kpelleh. Unlike their husbands, Yasaa, the wife of the Lorma chief and Boduwodu, wife of the Kpelleh chief talked amicably with each other. In spite of the close relationship between the two wives, the hatred between their husbands was a tabooed subject for one to mention. One day, however, Yasaa and Boduwodu questioned each other across the river: Inexplicably, our husbands bitterly hate each other. What can we do to correct the situation? The women could not think of an instant solution to such a difficult problem but they did not give up trying. One day, they thought of a possible solution.

I have a beautiful daughter and I know you have a very handsome son, said Boduwodu. Why don’t we get them to marry each other? Great idea, agreed Yassa. But how will that ever happen as our husbands hate each other intensely? Let’s think about it. By crawling, a child learns to stand," suggested Boduwodu. It was not, and still is not, strange for a Lorma person (or a Lorma nuu) to marry a Kpelleh person (a Kpelleh nuu). However, this proposed marriage required special planning because of the cloud of division and hatred between the leaders of the two tribes who hitherto interacted freely and frequently.

In spite of this seeming insurmountable task, the two ladies seriously thought of the possibility of their children marrying each other. After series of discussions between them, they laid out their plan carefully. The two mothers informed their children of the plan and provided an opportunity for them to meet secretly. They instructed Neenii (the girl) and Zeizei(the boy) not to mention anything to their fathers about the meeting; the mothers would do so at the appropriate time. It was certain that the two young people would not violate the instructions of their mothers because in the Lorma and Kpelleh cultures, as it is with most Liberian ethnic groups, a major aspect of child rearing is respect for elders and obedience to parents. It is difficult to distinguish between the two because veneration and respect for parents are not limited to one’s biological parents; they extend to all adults in the community. Thus, the two young people obeyed until the proper meeting time. Neenii was a stunning beauty; Zeizei liked her instantly. Apparently, she too liked the Lorma man but, as most ladies do, she did not show it at first. Besides, in Lorma and Kpelleh cultures, as it is with other ethnic groups, it is conceivable that people do fall in love at first sight but cultural mores limit the manner and place of expressing love. Moreover, the young lady and gentleman knew a dark cloud of uncertainty hung over their relationship. Both needed the blessings of their fathers but unfortunately, the fathers hated each other. The young man and lady therefore had to wait for a better and propitious time to express their love.

Following the meeting of the two young people, the mothers took charge. First, they informed their husbands of the relationship. In each case, the reaction was a violent rejection with threats and intimidations. Each wife would abandon the topic for a few days but return to it with appeals, often on her knees, for her husband’s reconsideration. Meanwhile, as the mothers met at the river, they updated each other on the progress of the [arrangement and possibility of a breakthrough; they agreed that the task was difficult, almost insurmountable, but they were determined not to give up. The two peoples were too close and the kingdoms too precious to lie side-by-side in perpetual hatred simply because of the egos of the two chiefs. However, no matter how justified their cause, the mothers knew they had to be tactful as each knew the manner and disposition of her husband.]

After the preceding point about wives knowing their husbands, elders who tell this legend usually pause to caution youngsters. The advice is often along these lines: Today, women generally do not take time to understand their husbands and husbands do not listen to their wives. The two chiefs and their wives did not fall prey to this mistake, a horrible marriage flaw. As a result, the wives separately appealed to their husbands gingerly but consistently.

After months of appealing to their husbands, one day, Chief Gleegbar finally told his wife he wanted to see the young man who was interested in his daughter. This was music to the ears of the two mothers. For the most part, both women knew that when a child knows how to wash her hands well, she eats with council of queen mothers. Secretly, Yassa, the Lorma chief’s wife arranged for her son and many workers to cross the river with wood for the Kpelleh chief. The Lorma Kingdom delegation wanted to ensure Chief Gleegbar of the Kpelleh Kingdom had a strong and favorable first impression. The young man and dozens of his men crossed the river not only with huge bundles of wood but also with loads of dry meat and fish, kola nuts, gourds of sweet tasting poy-yo, palm wine, and beautiful carvings.

The items Zeizei, the young Lorma man and his delegation took across the river were selected carefully. Without including money, the items, regardless of quantity, were to be symbolic: wood, dry meat, wine, etc. These symbolized qualities and character, including sedulity, respect, and especially the prospective groom’s ability not only to care for his future wife but also his willingness and ability to care for his future in-laws. The young man had to demonstrate abilities, so did the young lady; thus, she and her mother were prepared. They not only had water for the men to bathe, but food and drinks were in abundance. Everyone in the Lorma man’s delegation was impressed both by the beauty of the young Kpelleh women and the kindness and hospitality of the mother. Chief Gleegbar was impressed but when he finally met Zeizei his anger was rekindled once more; he refused to have anything to do with him and his father. Apparently, he did not want to be regarded weak and acquiescent; he had nothing to fear of the Lorma chief and therefore, he stood his grounds.

That’s alright, coaxed Boduwodu. We will keep working at it, she encouraged Zeizei, the young Lorma suitor. This serene approach to a difficult situation was once more a clear indication that the Kpelleh wife understood her husband. After the encouragement of the Boduwodu, the young Zeizei and his delegation returned home with shaky hopes in the relationship. However, the two mothers did not despair. Gradually, they convinced their husbands to sanction the relationship between their children.

The first major break-through occurred when Chief Yanqoui agreed to send his son across the river. To demonstrate his wealth and power, he sent great largess to his future daughter-in-law and her father. When the young man