Countdown at the Capital

By B Vinod

This is a work of historical fiction set in Washington D.C. It is a political thriller where the Pakistani secret service (ISI) attempt to blackmail the Pentagon. After the sudden death of Pakistani dictator Zia-ul-Haq, Pakistan's ISI make demands on the Pentagon for the continued safe passage of weapons to the Afghan rebels who were fighting the Soviet Union. In desperation the ISI kidnap the family of a D.C. politician, Steve Reid, and demand ransom money in exchange for their freedom. This novel is set against the backdrop of the Afghan Civil War during the Soviet retreat from Afghanistan.

• Language: English
• Publisher: B Vinod
• Release date: Sep 22, 2020
• ISBN: 9781005480967

Book preview

Prologue

August 17, 1988

Bahawalpur, Pakistan

It was almost four o'clock in the afternoon when the military maneuvers in Bahawalpur, Pakistan, drew to a close. On this fateful day in August, General Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq, the sixty-four-year-old dictator and self-proclaimed President of Pakistan for over a decade, toasted his American friends who were visibly tired from the intense heat. Among those present at the heavily guarded civilian airport in Bahawalpur were the United States Ambassador to Pakistan, Arnold Raphel, the chief American defense attaché Brigadier General Herbert M. Wassom, the powerful Pakistani Chief of Staff General Akhtar Rehman Khan and a host of high ranking generals in the Pakistani military. The ranking U.S. diplomats and Pakistani generals had converged on Bahawalpur, a small military zone near Multan in the eastern province of Punjab, sixty miles from the Indian border. They had come to assess the capabilities of the M-1 Abrams tank. By early afternoon, the field demonstration of the M-1, built by General Dynamics in Detroit, Michigan, was considered a resounding success. Chief of Staff General Akhtar Rehman Khan and his generals were supportive of buying the M-1 for their military arsenal.

General Zia-ul-Haq, the ruthless dictator of Pakistan came to power in March 1977 in a bloodless coup d'état when he ousted the elected Prime Minister of Pakistan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. The coup came after several months of political unrest and street riots instigated by the opposition political parties. The opposition contended the elections in which Bhutto's Pakistan People's Party (PPP) won a stunning victory was rigged. To safeguard his own interests, Zia had Bhutto arrested two months after the coup on charges of having conspired to murder an opposition leader. Bhutto languished in an unheated prison cell under inhuman conditions for almost two years before he was executed by the military in April 1979. During his tenure, Zia ruled Pakistan with an iron fist for the first eight years, until 1985. When martial law was eventually lifted, Zia hoped to unify the country with Islam. To further consolidate his power, General Zia put into effect Islamic law. Under the Islamization plan, alcohol and all forms of gambling were banished. Public floggings for minor crimes became commonplace. However, some of the more draconian Islamic laws such as amputation of an arm for burglary and death by stoning for committing adultery were never carried out.

Zia, for all his limitations, was a shrewd politician who had the uncanny knack of reading the minds of his opponents. He had survived for over ten years as head of state by manipulating the government with a combination of military rule and frequent promises of holding free elections. In early 1985, General Zia permitted a National Assembly to be elected, but its powers were purely advisory. Later that year, after martial law was lifted, he permitted political parties to function for the first time since 1979. He oversaw elections for parliament and a civilian figurehead Muhammad Khan Junejo was appointed Prime Minister. However, Zia remained firmly in control. Junejo was a mere puppet who took care of the day to day administration of the government.

In May 1988, Zia dismissed the Junejo government and promised free elections on November 16th. Beside the political restlessness caused by a repressive regime in Pakistan, Zia considered his nation at war with its neighbors. To offset his distrust, Zia pursued a largely pro-western foreign policy. He was the most co-operative of Pakistani leaders with the U.S. since its birth in L947. The primary sore point in diplomatic relations between the U.S. and Pakistan centered on the development of nuclear weapons. Pivotal to the development of nuclear arms was his country’s historic rivalry with India. The two warring nations had clashed three times since Pakistan came into being in 1947. The last war with India in 1971 lead to the liberation of East Pakistan and the birth of a new nation, Bangladesh. Three years later, belligerent India exploded its own nuclear device that sent shock waves through Pakistan.  Thus, Pakistan and Zia had a great fear of their powerful neighbor, India. Though there had not been a major war between the two countries since the liberation of Bangladesh, frequent skirmishes took place along the border. The most frequent exchange of gunfire was at Siachen Glacier, the world’s second largest glacier and highest battleground at eighteen thousand feet above sea level. The glacier is forty-five miles long and is strategically located about a hundred and ten miles from the Karakoram highway that links China and Pakistan. The region is of strategic importance since it is virtually at the point where the borders of India, Pakistan, China, and the Soviet Union meet. Besides Siachen Glacier, in the wake of the military maneuvers in Bahawalpur, tensions were high on the Indo-Pakistan border. The Prime Minister of India had ordered a full-scale military alert until the inspection of the M-1- tanks were complete.

The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 brought Zia and Pakistan into the forefront of Washington politics. Zia played a key role in supplying arms to the Afghan resistance. Overnight, Pakistan became the recipient of unprecedented military aid from the U.S. in return for the conduit of arms to the Afghan guerrillas who were fighting the Soviet backed puppet regime in Kabul. The backbone of the fundamentalist mujahedeen, otherwise known as the Muslim resistance in Afghanistan, was the willingness of General Zia to stand up to the Soviets. Zia's ardent support enabled the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to ship arms to the Afghan guerrillas via the Pakistan border. Zia's obsession to arm the Afghan guerrillas with CIA help was a major turning point in Afghan determination for self-rule.

Eight years after the invasion of Afghanistan, the Soviet Union finally realized that the war against the U.S. backed guerrillas could not be won. The Afghan adventure had crippled the Soviet economy and taken several thousand lives. Clearly, the Soviets had met their Waterloo in Afghanistan. Under the Geneva accords signed by the U.S., Pakistan and the Soviet Union, the Soviets agreed to a phased withdrawal from Afghanistan by February 15, 1989. The Soviet commitment to withdrawal from Afghanistan was considered one of the major foreign policy triumphs of the Republican administration in Washington. However, in direct violation of the Geneva accords, the conduit of arms to the Afghan guerrillas had not stopped. Despite repeated warnings from the Soviet Union and President Najibullah's puppet regime in Kabul, Zia continued the shipment of arms across the border. This resulted in severe Soviet casualties during their planned withdrawal. The stage was now set for a potential open confrontation between Pakistan and the Soviet Union. But General Zia was not worried. He had the strong backing of the U.S. and was convinced that continued shipment of arms across the border could only hasten the Soviet troop withdrawal from Afghanistan.

On this hot and humid day in Bahawalpur, General Zia was in a jubilant mood. Earlier in the day he had learned that the Soviets were halfway through their scheduled withdrawal of one hundred and fifteen thousand troops. Also, news had been trickling in over the past few days that the mujahedeen were gaining ground against the retreating Red Army. Zia relished the fact that the prodigious step by step retreat from Southeast Afghanistan had become a scramble for the Soviet troops. The mujahedeen were mercilessly ambushing the Red Army as they continued their troop withdrawal. For his efforts, Ambassador Raphel had promised to recommend to the President of the United States that Pakistan receive increased military and financial aid in the months to come.

Zia was convinced that once the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan was complete, he would be at the pinnacle of power. With his disarming smile and double handshake followed by a warm embrace, he had stressed cooperation rather than war with India's Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. But Zia had not forgotten the humiliating defeat suffered by Pakistan in the war of 1971. At the opportune time, he would launch a surprise attack on India to liberate Kashmir. Kashmir, he believed, rightfully belonged to Pakistan. He also believed that the opportune time for the surprise attack on India was in November - a week before the free elections that he had promised the people of Pakistan yet another time. This would give him the opportunity to postpone the elections indefinitely. Liberating Kashmir from India would be the crowning glory of his years in office. His popularity then would be far reaching and his influence with the Pakistani people would reach new heights. He would be known as the man that liberated Kashmir from India, rather than as the man who was instrumental in sending Prime Minister Bhutto to the hangman's noose. The Pakistani people, he was convinced, would then give him a mandate to rule his beloved Pakistan for life.

Amidst the gathering of military personnel, a well-built man briskly made his way through the crowded room toward Zia. He was about five foot ten, broad shouldered, with a square jaw. His brown eyes were deep set and expressionless. Unlike most of the Pakistanis present, he was not dressed in military attire. He wore a light blue shirt and a gray tropical wool suit. Imran Yakub was the Deputy Director General of Inter-Services Intelligence, better known as the ISI, the dreaded Pakistani Secret Service. Zia paused in his conversation with U.S. Ambassador Raphel when he saw Yakub approach. Yakub was one of Zia's most trusted men, second only to the Director General of the ISI, Majid Khan, who had conveyed the news to Yakub from Islamabad. Yakub whispered in Zia's ear as Ambassador Raphel looked on questioningly. Slowly, a small but unmistakable wolfish smile registered on the dictator's face. Zia placed the cup of tea that he had been drinking on a table and moved toward the center of the crowded room.

General Zia raised his hands and, in an instant, there was a sudden stillness in the air. All attendees in the heavily guarded room at the Bahawalpur airport watched him intently. Gentlemen Zia said, with a smile. We have just received word that Kabul airport has been struck by mujahedeen rockets. It is the first time since the Soviet troop withdrawal began that the mujahedeen rockets have struck Kabul. Long live the mujahedeen! The smile on his face widened and he raised his hands in a thumbs-up signal. Thundering applause followed. 

In the Bahawalpur airfield stood a C-130B military transport under heavy military guard. The C-130B, alternately known as the Lockheed Hercules, was reputedly a sturdy aircraft with an outstanding performance and safety record. In the past, only three C-130's had crashed, all in bad weather. It was the mainstay for the United States during the Vietnam war.  The U.S. made C-130B aircraft that General Zia and his entourage boarded at the Bahawalpur airfield was a rugged workhorse that went into service in Pakistan over twenty years ago. The aircraft had an excellent service record. The pilot and co-pilot were already in the cockpit, warming the engines for the flight to a military base in Rawalpindi. The arrival airport was Islamabad International airport, a short distance from Rawalpindi. 

At four fifteen in the afternoon, General Zia accompanied by U.S. Ambassador Arnold Raphel, Brigadier General Herbert Wassom, Pakistan Chief of Staff Akhtar Rehman Khan and several high-ranking Pakistani generals boarded the aircraft amidst much cheering and fanfare. The only ranking dignitary who did not board the aircraft was the Deputy Director General Imran Yakub of the ISI. He had planned on visiting his father in Lahore, who was dying of cancer, before returning to Islamabad the next day.

At four thirty the C-130B taxied down to the single runway for takeoff. The engines whirred noisily as the aircraft picked up speed. Almost effortlessly, the nose of the C-130B tipped skyward and became airborne. The C-130B circled the airfield once, gradually gaining altitude. The aircraft did not rise over five thousand feet. Quite suddenly, a deafening explosion filled the air and the C-130B nose-dived, engulfed in a big ball of fire and smoke. On impact, the aircraft thudded and hobbled three times before it burst into flames with an earth-shattering roar. The wreckage of the plane crash was strewn on a sandy plain less than five miles north of Bahawalpur airport.  The bodies of the victims were scattered over a large area. Most of the bodies in the wreckage were mutilated and charred beyond recognition. Imran Yakub watched in horror as the C-130B Hercules transport disintegrated before his eyes. When the aircraft crashed to the ground and burst into flames, Yakub felt a sudden hollow feeling in the pit of his stomach. General Zia, whom Yakub had served loyally since the former ascended to power in a military coup almost eleven years ago was dead. Until today, in his eyes, General Zia had always seemed powerful and indestructible.

Speechless, Yakub shook his head in disbelief. He murmured under his breath, No one, not even Allah could have survived that horrible crash!.

Chapter I

August 17, 1988

New Delhi, India

It was a quiet evening at Number 7, Race Course Road, the official residence of the Prime Minister of India. Rajiv Gandhi, the forty-three-year-old Prime Minister of India, was contemplating in solitude in his study. He was thinking about his planned itinerary to the Punjab, the troubled frontier state neighboring Pakistan. Militant Sikh separatists had plunged the industrious state of Punjab into near anarchy. Gandhi's biggest problem in controlling the Sikh militants lay with General Zia-ul-Haq who had provided safe sanctuary to some of the most wanted terrorists. The number of Sikh terrorists that were caught by the border police with caches of sophisticated U.S. made weapons were on the rise, a clear indication that General Zia was arming the militants to create political unrest in India. In a recent document released by the Pentagon, two Sikh terrorist groups, the Dal Khalsa and the Dashmesh Regiment were rated among fifty-two of the world's most dangerous terrorist organizations. Gandhi was however surprised that only two Sikh terrorist organizations made the short list of the Pentagon guide to terrorist group profiles. The Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), India's intelligence agency, routinely tracked the movements of as many as eight highly militant terrorist groups in the Punjab.

Gandhi was anxiously planning to visit Punjab the next morning, his first state visit in three years. Since his last visit, there had been a sharp increase in violence by Sikh militants who continued to threaten the governing state body under the central government's supervision. The Prime Minister had planned to address two pep rallies during his visit. However, the audience would mostly consist of security detail and a handful of local residents who had made to through the security checkpoint. The objective of the trip was to call on the political parties in Punjab to find a solution to the state's problems. He was keen on announcing a date for the general elections to the State Assembly. Understandably, Prime Minister Gandhi was apprehensive. Despite the heavy security arrangements for his planned visit, his security personnel had advised him to wear a bullet proof vest at aII times.

The sudden shrill note of the red telephone ringing on the teak desk before him made him frown. The hotline was a direct line to India's intelligence agency, RAW. Gandhi picked up the receiver, expecting to hear that he would have to cancel his trip to Punjab yet another time for security reasons.

Rajiv? it was R. Patel, the Director of RAW and a close associate of the Prime Minister.

Yes? Gandhi's voice was concerned, cautious.

General Zia is dead, Patel broke the news quietly. The news is not yet public. Pakistan is attempting to keep it secret until an interim government is put together.

Gandhi's voice was remarkably calm and collected. How did it happen?

Zia's plane crashed a few minutes after takeoff from Bahawalpur airport. There were several Pakistani Generals and some U.S. diplomats on board, including the U.S. ambassador to Pakistan. There are likely no survivors.

The hard lines on Gandhi's face relaxed visibly. General Zia-ul-Haq was dead. It almost seemed unreal. His thoughts shifted to the U.S. field demonstration of the M-1 tank in Bahawalpur. It was Zia's way of warning India that the U.S. backed Pakistani army was powerful enough to take on the Indian Army. Selling the M-1 tanks to Pakistan was simply a front, Gandhi told himself. The U.S. would almost certainly include the M-1 as part of yet another military aid package to Pakistan. Gandhi gave a deep sigh of relief. With Zia gone, there was hope for lasting peace in the Indian subcontinent.

Rajiv? Are you there?

Yes, yes, the Prime Minister responded. Are you positive there are no survivors?

Absolutely! Our informants in Bahawalpur are extremely reliable. They have never failed us in the past.

Achaa, Gandhi said in a level tone. Under the circumstances, I wish to change my plans. It is unfortunate, but the trip to Punjab must be postponed.

Very well, I shall inform security.

I shall expect you here within the hour, Gandhi said

Will do, Patel replied, then asked, What type of official response might best serve our interests?

Gandhi chuckled into the receiver, This is the kind of opportunity that I have been waiting for. We must be sympathetic and express deep regret at the sudden demise of our neighbor Zia. I am gambling that the next head of state, whether it is a military dictator or an elected official, will not support the Sikh militants in the Punjab.

Zia was a hard ass, Patel noted.  But a new government could make a difference, a big difference.

Gandhi asked curiously, Who are the others that perished in the crash?

Brigadier General Herbert Wassom, the chief American defense attaché and nearly all the senior generals in the Pakistani military, including Chief of Staff General Akhtar Rehman Khan. We should have more details within the hour.

A faint smile registered on Gandhi's face. Chief of Staff Akhtar Rehman Khan was dangerous, almost fanatical in his hatred of India. With the senior hardliners eliminated from the military, Gandhi felt his confidence grow. There was now genuine hope that relations with Pakistan could improve in the foreseeable future.  Good, Gandhi said absently, his mind racing. He added as an afterthought, To round it off, we should also declare three days of mourning for a fallen leader in the Indian subcontinent.

l like that, the Director of RAW replied, with a short laugh. Off the record, Rajiv, what was your immediate reaction?

The smile had gone out of Gandhi's face. He echoed into the mouthpiece stiffly, Good riddance!

Gandhi slowly replaced the receiver and leaned back in the leather armchair. In three days, he would turn forty-four. As a goodwill gesture, he would let it be known to the people of Pakistan that he would not be celebrating his birthday this year. Instead he would 'mourn' the death of General Zia-ul-Haq.

*   *   *

August 17, 1988

Moscow, U.S.S.R.

In the Kremlin, some of the leading members of the ruling Politburo had assembled at a hastily convened meeting by the General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. Since coming to power three and a half years ago, the General Secretary had gradually replaced several veteran Politburo members from the Brezhnev era, but the clean-up was by no means complete. Gorbachev sensed that there were a few in the room, holdovers from the Brezhnev era, who were opposed to glasnost and perestroika. For the old timers, glasnost and perestroika shook the basic foundations of Soviet society. Liberalization in cultural affairs, media content and public discussion known collectively as glasnost was a resounding success. However, to Gorbachev's dismay, three years after perestroika was introduced, its effects on Soviet economic life had been minimal. Empty grocery stores continued to plague Soviet society. But Gorbachev knew who was to blame, his adversaries at all levels of government. Most of the older government and party officials had deep vested interests, both personal and political, that they had effectively blocked many of the reforms. Gorbachev looked across from the head of the long conference table at the people he had summoned on short notice. Some of his critics seated around the table even opposed the troop withdrawal from Afghanistan which had cost an estimated thirty thousand Soviet lives and millions of rubles from the state treasury.

Gorbachev set the tone for the meeting, Comrades, General Zia died four hours ago. I called this meeting to answer any foreign policy concerns that some of you may have. The General Secretary paused and leaned back in his seat, Make no mistake, comrades. Zia or no Zia, the planned withdrawal must continue.

Yegor Ligachev, the silver haired party ideologist and Gorbachev rival, thumped his right fist into the palm of his left hand, agitated. No, Mr. General Secretary. I must maintain my position that the troop withdrawal must be stalled at once. The new makeshift government will not continue arming the Afghan rebels. Without supplies, the rebels will not last long and we should be able to cut them down to size.

You state that as a fact, Gorbachev said calmly. But do you have proof?

Anatoli Dobrynin, who had been the Soviet Ambassador to Washington for twenty-four years and the party's chief foreign affairs advisor since 1986, interjected in support of Ligachev, Mr. General Secretary. It is a calculated risk that we should be prepared to take.

Gorbachev was fully aware that Ligachev and Dobrynin were staunch inflexible conservatives. He would have to keep that in mind before the next Kremlin reshuffle, which he planned to carry out in a few months.

The General Secretary shook his head angrily. We should cut our losses and withdraw from Afghanistan as soon as possible. There are more pressing economic problems at home.

Ligachev scoffed at the General Secretary, Perestroika is a political fraud! For the Soviet people, there is no more food on the table today than there were three years ago. Housing, schools and public transportation facilities have not improved since the introduction of perestroika!

The General Secretary shot back, The problem lies with the lack of enthusiasm for the reforms as demonstrated by you and several other party bureaucrats. The key to economic success of perestroika lies in the support to accelerate and broaden its scope.

Gorbachev shook his head in disgust. Ever since he had come to power and initiated reforms, most discussions digressed, and his rivals made it a point to criticize glasnost and perestroika. Gorbachev looked across at the other end of the long table. Andrei Gromyko, the aging Soviet President sat facing him with his customary grim-faced posture. Gromyko did not approve of the reforms, but he rarely questioned Gorbachev's judgement. He was a survivor. After having served six Soviet leaders he was the ultimate holdover that Gorbachev knew had to be retired at the next Kremlin shakeup.

Viktor Chebrikov, Chief of the KGB and Gorbachev supporter broke the grim silence, Comrades, let us not forget why we are here. Clearly, we are here to determine our posture in Afghanistan since Zia's death. He turned to Gorbachev, Mr. General Secretary, I think Comrade Ligachev has a valid point that deserves consideration. If the new interim government in Pakistan stops the flow of arms to the Afghan rebels, it is not in our best interests to continue our troop withdrawal in the near term. After all, we do not want a fanatical Muslim fundamentalist government. Kabul should continue to be a satellite of the Soviet Union.

Gorbachev stared at his KGB chief, thoughtfully. Chebrikov was a lukewarm supporter of glasnost, but Gorbachev had in the past frequently sought his views on various issues.  Chebrikov was not the ideal KGB chief, but he was an asset. If the Pakistanis stopped the flow of arms, the Afghan rebels would have their backs to the wall and there was hope that the Soviet puppet regime in Kabul would survive.

The General Secretary broke the uneasy silence, Comrades, Chebrikov and Ligachev may have a valid point. I suggest that we reconvene the meeting tomorrow after we have all had a chance to analyze our opportunities. In the meantime, I suggest that we take the following actions. He paused to survey the Politburo members who stared back at him intently. He continued, First, the death of General Zia-ul-Haq should be broadcast to the Soviet people as a low priority item. Second, send a warning to the caretaker government in Pakistan to immediately stop supplying arms to the Afghan rebels. Third, stall the troop withdrawal until we decide on a future course of action.

With those closing remarks the meeting ended abruptly, a Gorbachev characteristic. The Politburo members trooped out one after another leaving the General Secretary with Alexander Yakovlev, a Politburo member and key architect of the Gorbachev reform program.

General Zia’s death calls for a toast, Yakovlev smiled, running his fingers through his few strands of hair on the sides of his head. He was almost completely bald which made him look older than he really was.

Good riddance, the General Secretary said without hesitation, smiling for the first time.

On its evening newscast, the Soviet News Agency, TASS, reported the death of General Zia-ul-Haq. TASS cited foreign reports instead of using its own correspondents in Islamabad. As expected, TASS downplayed the significance of Zia's death. The news of Zia's death was broadcast as the seventh item following domestic items, including a harvest report. The broadcast was short and to the point.

*   *   *

August 17, 1988

Kabul, Afghanistan

Inside the heavily fortified walls of the Presidential Palace in Kabul, Afghan ruler and Soviet puppet, President, Sajid Mohammad Najibullah heard of the death of General Zia-ul-Haq with obvious delight. Despite repeated warnings from Najibullah and his Soviet allies, General Zia had repeatedly thumbed his nose at the Afghan ruling party and the Soviets. Najibullah's blood boiled at the thought that Zia had single handedly kept the Afghan resistance alive. In less than an hour after Afghan intelligence had confirmed the death of General Zia-ul-Haq, President Najibullah called a meeting with high ranking officials from his cabinet.

Najibullah had a powerful build and in many ways looked like The Incredible Hulk as he slouched behind a rosewood desk, pondering his next move. Nicknamed the Ox, the power hungry Najibullah was an obedient Soviet servant. Seated in front of him were four members of his cabinet and a Soviet consultant from the KGB.

Najibullah cleared his throat noisily and barked, The pig is dead. Now is the time to drive the guerrillas across the border into Pakistan! He glared venomously at his audience, We will prevail against the outlaws!

Rashad Suleiman, the head of the Afghan secret police, WAD, asked testily, Najib, would you care to elaborate?

Najibullah grunted, The time is right to crush the guerrillas once and for all. He gave a cruel laugh, We don't want any survivors. The guerrillas must be exterminated. He added the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan will prevail over the guerrillas.

There was shocked silence as the cabinet ministers digested Najibullah's harsh rhetoric.

Najibullah turned to his KGB counsel, Alexeev, I hope Moscow will halt the pullout now that the pig is dead?

The Soviet official shook his head in the negative. General Secretary Gorbachev is committed to a phased withdrawal of Soviet troops. If there has been a change in policy, I have not been informed.

Najibullah had pleaded to Gorbachev against the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan. But Gorbachev was stubborn, though he had promised massive military aid to government troops to defend Kabul from the insurgents. But Najibullah was no fool.  He realized that his government troops had been battered by the guerrillas. It would take more than just military aid to stop the insurgents from overrunning Kabul in the months ahead. To his dismay, Southern Afghanistan was almost, completely in guerrilla hands. A key to his survival was the presence of Soviet troops on Afghan soil.

Najibullah insisted, But we must capitalize on this opportunity to defeat the guerrillas. With Zia dead, Pakistan may have second thoughts about continuing the supply of arms to the guerrillas.

Alexeev shifted uncomfortably in his chair. Najib, you must understand that we are committed to the pull out. However, we have given specific instructions to our retreating troops. We know that the guerillas only have a limited number of mine diffusing experts. The outbound Soviet, Army will scatter millions of mine-strip mines, pressure sensitive mines, 'wave' mines, and butterfly mines. The mines and booby-traps will explode and take its toll on the Afghan guerrillas. That is the extent of our commitment.

Mines and booby-traps had been an important element in Moscow's campaign against the Afghan guerrillas.

Abdullah, the new Minister for Foreign Affairs asked in a confused voice, A mine is a mine. What was all that technical jargon?

Not quite Alexeev replied patiently. Trip mines are simply grenades on sticks with hidden wires. Pressure sensitive mines are buried underground and are usually buried around military installations and depots to guard against rebel attacks... They explode when stepped on. 'Wave' mines are set off by vibrations. They are sensitive enough to detonate at the sound of a human voice. The most dangerous, of course, are the butterfly mines- light camouflaged explosives strewn like autumn leaves from helicopters.

There was silence in the palace after Alexeev's excerpt on Soviet mine technology.

After a lengthy pause, Najibullah broke the silence, Alexeev. I would like to see the General Secretary in Moscow immediately, preferably in the next couple of days.

I will see what I can do, Alexeev replied, then added, I will let you know as soon as possible.

Abdullah asked innocuously, Do we know if sabotage is suspected in Bahawalpur?

Rashad Suleiman replied, his face expressionless, It is not important. What ls important is that Zia is dead.

Good riddance, Najibullah said, his eyes bulging harshly, banging his giant fists on the table in hatred, Good riddance!

*   *   *

August 17, 1988

Karachi, Pakistan

At the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) headquarters in Karachi, the tall and attractive thirty-five-year-old leader of the PPP, Benazir Bhutto, had been fielding questions posed by reporters and columnists to get her reaction on the sudden, shocking death of General Zia-ul-Haq. Benazir Bhutto looked tired and drawn as she was several months pregnant. The exact progression of her pregnancy, however, was a closely guarded secret. General Zia had estimated that Benazir would deliver her baby in November. Keeping in mind Benazir's pregnancy, Zia had promised free elections in November.

During the interview, Benazir Bhutto maintained a remarkably calm exterior. It was her eyes that told the world the kind of living hell that she had been through for over a decade. The nightmare had begun in 1977, when she had returned to Pakistan from Oxford, England. Shortly after her return came Zia's coup, starting a lengthy nightmare for her parents, two brothers and a sister. Both Benazir and her mother Nusrat, Bhutto were thrown in jail, beaten, and humiliated by Zia. Benazir sat helplessly in jail when Zia executed her father on trumped up murder charges. It was four long years after the execution of her father that Benazir and her mother were finally allowed to leave Pakistan. A year later, Benazir returned to Pakistan on a tragic mission- to bury her brother who had died under mysterious circumstances in France. In 1986, Zia lifted his eight years of martial law and Benazir returned from exile. In December 1987, she married a Sindhi businessman, was happily pregnant within weeks and planned to campaign for her party in the forthcoming elections.

It was nine p.m., four hours after the death of General Zia. Press reporters from API, UPI and Reuters were present. She was questioned on a wide range of topics, ranging from Zia's death to the anticipated free elections in Pakistan. 

Bhutto offered condolences to the families of the Pakistani Generals and US diplomats who perished in the crash- all families, except that of General Zia-ul-Haq. From a question posed by The Muslim, an English daily in Islamabad, she closed the interview with these final remarks, General Zia was a dictator who overthrew the elected government and executed the elected Prime Minister after a judicial farce. He damaged Pakistan by de-politicizing its society. I have no regrets about Zia' s death.

Filled with emotion, Benazir Bhutto made her way out of the crowded press room with her mother and husband in tow. Once out of the press room, in her office she hugged her mother and broke down in tears, Good riddance, mother. Good riddance. We have suffered for so long!

*   *   *

August 17, 1988

Washington, D.C.

It was raining lightly in Washington when Frank Till adjusted the knot of his red tie in the dressing mirror. A light sleeper, Till was usually up by five in the morning for a brisk run. A physical fitness fanatic, he ran ten miles a day- rain, snow, or shine. But last night was excusable. He had attended parties at the Hill that had continued past midnight.

He glanced at the sleeping figure on the bed. The blonde was naked under the sheets and Till felt his loins stir despite the passionate love making that they had indulged in the previous night after returning from the parties. The sound of the telephone ringing by the bedside brought him back to the present. The blonde moved under the sheets and murmured incoherently before she curled up, snuggled under the sheets, and went back to sleep.

Till scooped up the