War in the Balkans: The Battle for Greece and Crete, 1940–1941
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About this ebook
This WWII pictorial history presents a vivid look at the Balkan campaign from Italy’s invasion of Greece to the Nazi airborne assault on Crete.
Through rare wartime photographs, War in the Balkans traces the course of the entire Balkan campaign. Beginning with Mussolini’s first act of aggression, the narrative continues through Albania, the invasions of Yugoslavia and Bulgaria by German forces, and on to the battle for Greece and the final airborne assault on Crete.Historian Jeffrey Plowman gives equal weight to every stage of the campaign and covers all the forces involved: the Italians, Germans, Greeks, and British Commonwealth troops. By shifting the focus to the mainland—rather than the culminating Battle of Crete—Plowman views the campaign as a whole, offering a balanced portrayal of a conflict that is often overlooked in histories of the Second World War.
Most of the photographs included here have never been published before, and many come from private sources. They are a unique visual record of the military vehicles, tanks, aircraft, artillery and other equipment used by the opposing armies. They also show the conditions the soldiers faced, and the landscape of the Balkans over which they fought.
Jeffrey Plowman
Jeffrey Plowman is a research biochemist by profession who has had a keen interest in military history for over thirty-five years. He has made a special study of New Zealand armor and armored units and has published nineteen books as well as many articles and chapters on the subject. Among his most recent publications are War in the Balkans: The Battle for Greece and Crete 1940-1941 and Monte Cassino: Armoured Forces in the Battle for the Gustav Line.
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Reviews for War in the Balkans
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- Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5a good photographic book with crisp accompanying narrative. Highly recommended.
Book preview
War in the Balkans - Jeffrey Plowman
Introduction
P
eople seem fascinated by heroic defeats, Custer’s Last Stand, the Battle of Balaclava or the Germans at Stalingrad to name but a few. The battle for Crete in 1941 is another one of these. It seems that hardly a year goes by in New Zealand and Australia without some new book being published on the subject. It is not hard to see why. The struggle of the ill-equipped ANZAC troops against the elite troops of Germany falls into this category of a heroic defeat. At the same time there is a similar fascination in the opposite hemisphere of the world, a fascination largely centred around the elite fallschirmjäger and how they overcame all odds to take this island. But in terms of the war in the Mediterranean there is more to this than just Crete. What has largely been neglected is what went before, the campaign through the lower Balkan countries of Jugoslavia and Greece.
The reality is that the epic struggle on this small island in the Aegean was merely the terminal phase of a dispute between Greece and Italy that can be traced back to before the First World War and their clashes over Albania and the Dodecanese Islands. Though Albania came into existence in 1913 at the end of the Balkan Wars, within this new state was a region that many Greeks regarded as having strong connections to the former Greek region of Epirus. In 1913 ethnic Greeks living there started to use the term Northern Epirus, proclaiming it an autonomous region in the spring of the following year and one recognized by the Albanian government. This territory proved to be short-lived, collapsing along with Albania at the start of the First World War. Greece took over control of this region and held it until 1917 when they were driven out by the Italians. Likewise, the Dodecanese were largely inhabited by Greeks but Italy occupied the islands during the Turco-Italian War of 1911–12. Italy initially agreed to return them to the Ottoman Empire after signing the Treaty of Lausanne but the general vagueness of the treaty allowed Italy provisional administration of these islands and Turkey eventually renounced all claims to them.
Italy and Greece came into conflict again after the First World War. At the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 the Italian government discovered that Greece had been promised large tracts of Asia Minor for its support during the war. Upset by the Greek occupation of Western Anatolia, the Italian delegation walked out of the conference and did not return for several months. In the meantime they occupied part of south-west Anatolia, threatening the city of Smyrna. The Greeks took exception to this and landed a force of 20,000 there, securing the city and then advancing deeper into Anatolia. The Turks retaliated, routing the Greek force in Anatolia and, with Italian aid, eventually re-took Smyrna in September 1922.
The final phase of this conflict erupted in 1923 over the so-called ‘Corfu Incident’. In August that year an Italian general and three of his assistants were murdered within Greek territory. Italy’s new prime minister, Benito Mussolini, sent an ultimatum to Greece demanding millions in reparation money and the execution of the killers. When the Greeks could not identify them the Italians retaliated by bombarding and then occupying Corfu in the Ionian Islands, a move no doubt motivated by the strategic position it occupied at the entrance to the Adriatic Sea. Thereafter, largely under the premiership of Eleftherios Venizelos, a period of normalization of relations occurred between the two countries culminating in the signing of a friendship treaty in 1928. In fact, Italy was still regarded as a friendly state as late as 1935 despite invading Ethiopia from Somalia and Eritrea, a move that saw the imposition of economic sanctions by the League of Nations. Though these were lifted after the Italian annexation of that country in 1936, Italy seemed less inclined to maintain friendly relations with the British in the Middle East, sending troops to support General Franco when civil war broke out in Spain in 1936, and expanding their influence in the western Mediterranean by occupying the Balearic Islands. A further cause for concern was the formation of the Rome-Berlin axis that year, though this was somewhat relieved by the signing of the Anglo-Italian Joint Declaration in January 1937. Not that this signalled an improvement in relations between Italy and Greece, and in fact the situation continued to deteriorate culminating at the end of the year in the announcement that Italy had joined Germany and Japan in their Anti-Comintern Pact against the Communist International.
Chapter One
The Greco-Italian Conflict, 1940-1
T
here is no doubt that Mussolini was jealous of Germany’s annexation of Austria, so it came as no surprise when he asserted Italian control over Albania by sending in troops on 7 April 1939. This action prompted the Prime Minister of Britain, Winston Churchill, to offer to support the sovereignty of both Greece and Rumania should they be threatened and a month later a similar offer was made to Turkey. Not that that this was of any benefit to Rumania as in June, with Hitler’s encouragement, Bulgaria, Hungary and Russia stripped it off its frontier provinces. As a sign of things to come the governor of Albania began agitating the Greeks on behalf of the Cham Albanian minority in Greek Epirus. After the headless body of an Albanian bandit was discovered near the village of Vrina he blamed the Greeks and began arming some of the Albanian irregular bands. It was therefore just a matter of time before Mussolini made his next move against Greece.
One incident that the Greeks blamed on Italy was the torpedoing and sinking, with heavy loss of life, of their cruiser Helle by a submarine on 15 August 1940 when she was anchored off Tinos. Though taking no action against Italy, the President of the Greek Council, General Ioannis Metaxas, did ask what help Greece could expect from Britain; not that Churchill could offer much, other than naval support. The situation deteriorated further the following month when Italy sent three more divisions to Albania. This led Britain to discuss the possibility of a coordinated defence of Crete but the Greeks would not allow any landings on their soil without a declaration of war. Nor did the Italians have much luck either in their discussions with Germany. When they sought German support for an attack on Jugoslavia, Adolf Hitler was adamant that he did not want to see the war spread to the Balkans. As a result Mussolini switched his attention to Libya and on 13 September launched his forces on a drive into Egypt. Not that he turned his back on Greece entirely but, assured by the governor of Albania that there would be no difficulty in securing Epirus and Corfu if he decided to attack Greece, he drew up plans for the invasion. In preparation for this three more divisions were dispatched in September. Nevertheless, by October Mussolini had started to waver in his plans and it was only after Hitler sent a strong military mission to Rumania that he became aware of Germany’s true interest in the Balkans and finally resolved to proceed with his plans to invade Greece.
Thus it was at 3 am on the morning of 28 October that the Italian minister in Athens presented