Christianity: A Brief History

By Michael D. Robinson

Christianity is one of the world's great religions, with more than two thousand years of history and over two billion adherents worldwide. But what is Christianity? Where did it come from? How did it develop to its current forms? What doctrines do Christians affirm? What ethical norms do they endorse? What relationships between church and state do they champion, and why? What changes have transpired for the faith over the centuries? And what new challenges does Christianity face in the contemporary world? These and other questions are addressed in Michael Robinson's Christianity: A Brief History.

After a concise description of the social, political, and religious world of first-century Palestine, the text quickly examines the Jesus of history and tradition, including Jesus' impact upon his first-century followers; the narrative then moves to describe the expansions and developments of Christianity through the ancient, medieval, modern, and contemporary eras. Along the way, readers learn of the varied beliefs, mores, rituals, struggles, and triumphs of the faith, as well as of the spiritual heights and moral blunders of its people. Robinson's intention is to introduce Christianity through its story and through those who lived it.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Cascade Books
• Release date: Jun 14, 2019
• ISBN: 9781498243773

Michael D. Robinson

Michael D. Robinson is assistant professor of history at the University of Mobile.

Book preview

Introduction

Christianity is one of the world’s great religions, with more than two thousand years of history and over two billion adherents worldwide. In the early twenty-first century, Christians are more numerous than any other religious group, although Muslims are closing the population gap. Christians live in virtually every region of the planet, represent a multiplicity of ethnicities, and express a wide variety of political, cultural, and even religious perspectives. Long-standing disagreements, sometimes even hostilities, persist between some Christian groups, including disputes between the three great branches of Christianity (the Eastern Orthodox, Catholics, and Protestants) as well as among various subgroups such as Copts, Churches of the East (Nestorians), Presbyterians, Baptists, Pentecostals, and so forth. In turn, traditionally Christian nations still exercise great control over the world’s economy and politics. Such circumstances are echoes of the past. From the sixteenth through the nineteenth centuries, Christian-European nations colonized much of the world—including the Americas, Oceana, and Africa. Over that same period, these Christian nations (often by force) carved out trading alliances with nations and regions of the East, including India, China, Japan, Indochina, and Indonesia. In the twentieth century, Christian Europe dragged its global allies into two massive and incredibly destructive world wars. Obviously, Christian culture has had far-reaching influence upon the world.

But what is Christianity? Where did it come from? How did it develop to its current forms? What doctrines do Christians affirm? What ethical norms do they purport? What relationship between church and state do they champion, and why? These questions and others are addressed in the pages that follow.

In chapter 1, we explore the cultural and religious backgrounds of first-century Christianity, inspecting the ancient Israelite and Greco-Roman traditions that formed and informed the earliest Christian communities. In chapter 2, we examine the Jesus of history—that is, those aspects of his life that are more or less accessible to historical investigation. We also inspect the diverse pictures of Jesus offered by the four Gospels of the Christian scriptural tradition and conclude by surveying the overarching interpretation of Jesus offered by the writers of the New Testament. After Jesus’ death, the number of his devotees blossomed, and with this proliferation came greater diversity of interpretation. In chapter 3, we explore the emergence and growth of the Christian movement to the end of the first century CE, highlighting some of its diversity and noting some of its core beliefs, practices, and ethical principles expressed in the New Testament literature. In chapter 4, we examine Christianity’s progress in the second and third centuries CE. It was an era of internal conflicts, as the diversity manifested among Christians of the first century grew and solidified, and as earnest efforts were made both to illuminate Christian beliefs and to garner unity. Theological, ecclesiastical, and ethical ideologies took shape, and clashes with state and culture transpired. In chapter 5, we examine Christianity in the fourth and fifth centuries. The fourth century witnessed a surprising reversal in the relationship between Christianity and the Roman State. Once a persecuted and ostracized movement, Christianity arose to become the favored religion of the empire. Christian numbers increased, generating new opportunities and fresh troubles. New converts poured into the church, and members of the clergy scrambled to orient their new charges to the moral and doctrinal standards of the faith. In turn, new—often austere—expressions of the faith surfaced as some Christians sought to insure the moral and spiritual purity of the Church. This movement became known as monasticism. In turn, church leaders continued the extended struggle for doctrinal clarity and political unity—goals fueled by the desires of emperors to keep the Roman Empire politically and ideologically unified. Often with these clarifications came unity but also disputes and divisions, much to the frustration of imperial and ecclesiastical leaders.

In the sixth chapter, we describe the changing fortunes of Christianity and of Western civilization in general from the sixth century through the fifteenth century. Because of the wide temporal girth at issue, the chapter divides into six broad time-frames:

Fourth through Sixth Centuries

Seventh through Ninth Centuries

Tenth through Twelfth Centuries

Twelfth-Century Western Theology

Thirteenth Century

Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries

Under these subsections, several important topics are addressed, including the following: the Germanic encroachment upon the Roman Empire; the influences of Boethius, Justinian, Benedict, and Gregory the Great; the rise of Muslim, Carolingian, and papal power; the Monothelite and Iconoclasm controversies; the decline of the Carolingians; the inception and growth of the Holy Roman Empire, early France, and England; the Viking, Saracen, and Magyar incursions; the Cluniac movement; the First Crusade; the increasing theological disparities between the Eastern and Western Church; the theologies of Anselm of Canterbury, Abelard, and Peter Lombard; the Realist-Nominalist controversy and the growing theology of the sacraments; the Fourth Lateran Council and the Fourth Crusade; the rise of the Dominicans and Franciscans; the theologies of Thomas Aquinas, Bonaventure, John Duns Scotus, William of Ockham, and Gregory of Palamas; the papal crises; Wycliffe, Huss, and the Conciliar Movement; the Italian Renaissance; and the Eve of the Reformation.

In the seventh chapter, we explore the continuing development of Christianity in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, focusing on the Protestant and Catholic Reformations, and on the global expansion of Western Christianity. We begin by examining the core ideas of Martin Luther, whose teachings and activities helped spark the Protestant movement. We also look at the four major schools of Protestantism that arose in the era, and we discuss the basic agreements and disagreements among Protestants regarding theology and church-state relations. We also note changes that transpired in Catholicism. We close the seventh chapter by describing the Western expansion into the Americas, Oceana, and the Far East. Chapter 8 examines developments in Eastern Christianity from the sixth through the seventeenth centuries, including the emergence of non-Chalcedonian (Miaphysites and Nestorian) Christian movements and ongoing developments in Eastern Orthodoxy. In the process, we also note the rise and prolific spread of Islam during these centuries and the interaction between Muslim and Christian cultures and regimes.

In chapter 9, we turn to the fortunes of Christianity during the seventeenth century through the nineteenth century, during what is often called the modern age. During this period, great intellectual, political, and social changes unfolded, as many Westerners turned to reason to solve the ills of humanity. It was the era of the Enlightenment, when many believed humanity was rising above earlier superstitions and conventions, and learning to follow the insights and power of reason. With the emphasis on reason arose a secularist mind-set and the growing influence of science, modern philosophy, and biblical critical studies. With these new approaches came new problems as well as novel potentialities for the Christian faith. We examine many of these phenomena in chapter 9. We also explore two broad Christian reactions to the age of reason: Conservatism and Liberalism—each of which has had ongoing influences upon Christian beliefs and practices into the contemporary era. In chapter 9, we also describe a succession of spiritual awakenings that burst forth for many Christians during the modern era—revivals that shaped the faith of thousands and had lingering effects on Christianity into the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.

In chapter 10, we examine other changes for Christianity during the modern period (1600-1900)—including varied political transformations. Among those variations were declines of Spanish, Portuguese, and Dutch power, the ascendancy of British naval dominance, the success of the American Revolution and the founding of the United States of America, the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon, Latin American victories over and independencies from Spanish and Portuguese overlords, the last surges of European colonialism, the rise of socialism and political liberalism in Europe as well as various politically conservative reactions to such movements, and the growing economic and military power of the United States. We also note the diverse Christian responses to these varied political changes, as well as continuing developments in Christian theology, practices, and social ideologies.

In the eleventh and twelfth chapters, we discuss the evolution of Christianity in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, addressing the broad political, economic, and cultural developments of the era and the numerous trajectories of Christianity. Among the topics addressed are the various Christian responses to the two world wars, to the cold war, to the cultural shifts of the 1960s, and to the Muslim resurgence. We also highlight several Christian movements of the contemporary era, including fundamentalism, evangelicalism, liberalism, the Pentecostal/charismatic movements, and the globalization of Christianity. We close chapter 12 with a brief discussion of the future prospects of Christianity.

Writing a book about history is a community affair. It requires ideological exchanges with other humans from across the centuries as well as with scholars of the contemporary world; and it runs the ubiquitous risk of misunderstanding and misrepresenting the past and those who lived in it. Writing history also faces the ever-present threat of (unintentionally or otherwise) leaving out details, truisms, or insights crucial to the topics at hand. In the pages that follow, I have attempted accurately to represent Christian history, addressing those subjects that seemed most critical to the ages described. But I suffer no illusion that I have accomplished this undertaking to the satisfaction of all, or even to myself in every instance. For such failures I request forgiveness ahead of time.

I would be remiss not to express my gratitude to several compassionate souls who aided me in the process of writing this book—individuals who read various drafts and offered many helpful suggestions and corrective insights. Among these benevolent colleagues are the following. New Testament scholar Adam Winn was especially helpful in suggestions for my chapters on Jesus and the early church—chapters 2 and 3. Church historians David Wilhite and Eric Wickman each aided me in strengthening my discussions of the Christianity of the second through the fifth centuries (chapters 4 and 5). Medieval and Reformation historian Rebecca Peterson offered many helpful ideas regarding chapter 6 and its exposition of the medieval and Renaissance eras. I also am deeply grateful to Bill Leonard, renowned scholar of modern and contemporary Christianity, for his comments about and recommendations for the last two chapters on Christianity in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Special thanks as well to administrators and faculty members of the University of Mary Hardin-Baylor for the summer research grant of 2013 that made possible the development of the earliest drafts of this work. Thanks also, and especially, to my wife, Carol, to whom this book is dedicated, for putting up with the many hours when I disappeared into my office to work on my book, and when fatigue and grouchiness made me less than pleasant to live with.

A final note: My intension is that this work will serve as a helpful general introduction of Christian history for college classes and for general audiences interested in the subject. In the near future, I hope to publish a thematic survey of Christianity—one that describes central topics of the faith, systematically addressing theology, ethics, devotional/worship practices, and core intellectual conundrums facing the faithful. Hopefully, these two works will satisfy the palates of those who enjoy historical or topical approaches to Christianity.

1

Christian Backgrounds

In many ways, Christianity began with the life and activities of Jesus of Nazareth, and with the community that rose up around him. But Jesus and his followers did not appear out of thin air. They ascended—as do we all—out of a specific social context, one with a long and complicated history. Specifically, Christianity emerged out of the complex cultural context of first-century Palestine. Two broad historical and cultural backgrounds illuminate Christianity’s advent. The first is the Israelite heritage of the ancient Jews. The second is the history and ethos of the Greeks and Romans. Judaism served as the primary background of Christianity. Its history and sacred narratives formed the core of early Christian self-understanding; and the first followers of Jesus were Jews. But even from the beginning, Greco-Roman influences were already present among Christians and only increased as Christianity spread into the broader Mediterranean world. Indeed, by the first century, Hellenistic culture deeply had influenced Jewish life and, as a result, likewise greatly affected early Christianity. In this first chapter, we offer a brief review of ancient Jewish and Greco-Roman histories and cultures. We begin with Christianity’s Jewish background from ancient times up to the first century CE.

Christian Backgrounds:Ancient Jewish History and Heritage

For many hundreds of years prior to the first century, Jews (also called Hebrews or Israelites) had lived in varying portions of Palestine. The following account blends the sacred stories of the Jewish scriptural tradition (sometimes called the Hebrew Bible or Tanak) with descriptions of events more readily verified by modern historical investigation. The closer the narrative moves to the first century CE, the more its portrayals are grounded in sources independent of the Jewish biblical tradition. Our purpose, however, is not simply to describe objective history as reconstructed by modern historiography (although that is part of our concern), but also to recount the ethos of the Jewish religious tradition that deeply shaped the views of first-century Palestinian Jews, including Christians. Where pertinent, we will note aspects of the Jewish sacred story questioned by modern historians; but a crucial concern is to observe the sacred writings themselves in order to better understand first-century Jewish religious beliefs, values, and hopes.

Geography

Palestine is one of many words that name the territories sometimes occupied (though not always ruled) by the Jewish people throughout antiquity. Other names for this region were Canaan and Israel. For our purposes, Palestine refers to territories along the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea just south of modern Lebanon and north of the Sinai Peninsula (between the ancient cities of Dan in the north and Beer-Sheba in the south), and stretching eastward from the Mediterranean coast to about twenty or so miles east of the Jordan River Valley (which includes the Jordan River, the Sea of Galilee, and the Dead Sea). Palestine is part of a larger region often referred to as the Levant—the area off the east coast of the Mediterranean Sea that extends between modern Turkey and Egypt, and includes not only Palestine (as defined above) but also the lands now known as Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan. In turn, the Levant is a part of a still larger set of territories often called the Near East, which includes the terrains now held by the modern states of Egypt, Israel, Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and parts of Turkey (see Map 1).

Throughout antiquity, Palestine had the blessing and misfortune of being at the heart of key trade routes between Africa, Europe, and Asia. This meant economic opportunities for the people of the land, but also the ever-present threat of invasion by powerful neighbors interested in controlling the territory and its trade. Throughout its history, Palestine was invaded, controlled, or used as a stage for warfare by many bordering people groups in the Near East—including the Egyptians from the southwest; the Hittites from the north (from regions now part of modern Turkey); and the Assyrians and Babylonians, who lived in Mesopotamia (the land between the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers east of the Syrian desert). As time unfolded, other empires likewise invaded and dominated Palestine. Among them were the Persians from territories east of Mesopotamia (modern Iran), the Greeks and Macedonians from the Greek and Balkan Peninsulas, and the Romans from Italy.

The Tanak Tradition

Grounded in the conviction that God had been active in human history, the Hebrew Scripture writers constructed an overarching ordering narrative describing central events in the divine-human dialogue and offering theological assessments along the way. Major portions of the Hebrew Scriptures chronicle this sacred story, especially the books of Genesis through Numbers, Joshua through Kings, and Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah.

The Hebrew Bible typically is divided into three key sections, often referred to as the Tanak, which is an acronym for the Torah (Law or instruction), the Nevi’im (Prophets), and the Ketuvim (Writings). The Torah is composed of five books—Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy—and contains both narratives of ancient sacred history, and various ethical and ritual commands. The book of Genesis (the first book of the Torah) describes key primordial events—including the creation of the world by God, the creation of the first humans (Adam and Eve), the entering of evil into human life, the watery judgment of God upon wicked humans, and the saving of one family from that destruction (Noah and family). Much of Genesis is concerned with the story of one family: the family of Abram (later named Abraham), with whom God makes a covenant. God promises to make Abraham’s descendants into a great nation and to bless all nations through them. God also promises to give to Abraham and his descendants a land. The remainder of Genesis tells the story of Abraham’s immediate descendants—Isaac (his son), Jacob and Esau (his grandsons), and Joseph and brothers (his great-grandchildren). At the end of Genesis, Joseph and his brothers are in Egypt, holding on to the promise that God would one day give them the land promised to Abraham. Among the many religious insights of Genesis are the following. God created all that is. Humans are creatures of God and in the divine image. Human beings sin against God and reap divine judgment. God is an electing and gracious God who called the descendants of Abraham for divine purposes. Among God’s purposes are to bring blessing upon Abraham’s descendants and upon all nations. God can fulfill the divine purpose in spite of human sin and frailty.

The next book of the Torah is Exodus, wherein is described God’s calling of an Israelite named Moses (a descendent of Abraham) to set the people of Israel free from slavery in the land of Egypt. (The name Israel comes from Jacob, the grandson of Abraham who was given that name in a direct encounter with God). To Moses is revealed the important personal name of God: Yahweh. After God forces the Egyptians to let the Israelite slaves go, God makes a covenant with the whole nation of Israel at a place called Sinai (also called Horeb). That is, God promises to protect and guide the Israelites, but they are to keep the divine commands. At this place, the renowned Ten Commandments are given, as well as other ethical, social, and religious laws. These laws are recorded in the books of Exodus, Leviticus, and Deuteronomy. (Although most scholars believe that most of the laws now contained in these works were added much later than during the time of Moses). An important component of the law was a system of sacrifices designed to bring ritual purity and forgiveness of sins to Israelites who fail to keep the covenant laws. Some of the most critical theological insights of these four books are these: God is a mighty and compassionate savior, fully capable of saving God’s people from oppressors and harsh conditions. God has given the law as a gift and blessing to God’s people. Following these instructions brings peace. The right response to God’s loving-kindness and mercy is gratitude and love. The core of God’s covenant with the Israelites is summed up in ten commands:

1. Worship Yahweh alone.

2. Make no images of Yahweh.

3. Honor Yahweh.

4. Keep the Sabbath.

5. Honor parents.

6. Do not murder.

7. Do not commit adultery.

8. Do not steal.

9. Do not bear false witness.

10. Do not covet.

The next major section of the Tanak is called the Nevi’im (the Prophets). It contains the subsection called Former Prophets, which includes the books of Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings. The Nevi’im also includes the subsection called Latter Prophets. The Latter Prophets are Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel. Also among the Latter Prophets is a collection of books, often called the Twelve: Hosea, Joel, Amos, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Habakkuk, Zephaniah, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi. The Former Prophets are more narrative in quality, describing the following events: the coming of the people of Israel into the promised land, the Israelite conquest of the people of the land, the rise of the monarchy in Israel (including especially the rise to power of King David and his son King Solomon), the eventual division of Solomon’s kingdom into two nations (the Southern Kingdom of Judah and the Northern Kingdom of Israel), the destruction of the Northern Kingdom (Israel) by the Assyrians and the exile of the people of Israel, and finally the ruin of the Southern Kingdom (Judah) by the Babylonians and the subsequent exile of the people of Judah. Throughout these narratives is a constant theological theme—namely, that the people of Israel and Judah had been unfaithful to their covenant with Yahweh and, thus, had brought divine judgment upon themselves. Another theological emphasis is God’s covenant with King David. God promises that David’s kingdom and dynasty will never end (2 Sam 7:3–17). Thus, at the end of the book of Kings (the last book of the Former Prophets) one finds a glimmer of hope. Although Jerusalem (see Map 1) had been destroyed and many people of Judah had been exiled, a member of the Davidic royal family was still alive in Babylon and was being shown favor by the Babylonian king (2 Kgs 25:27–30). The hope for a never-ending Davidic dynasty helped fuel later Jewish hopes for the coming of a Davidic king (a messiah or anointed one) who would reestablish the nation of Israel to its former autonomy and power.

Unlike the Former Prophets, the Latter Prophets are more sermonic and poetic in content. They contain the messages of preachers or prophets who lived before, during, and after the exiles of both Israel and Judah. They often contain warnings of a coming judgment that will befall the kingdoms of Israel and Judah if the people and leaders do not renew their commitment to God’s covenant. Or they explain why destruction and exile have occurred in terms of the two kingdoms’ failure to be faithful to the covenant of Yahweh. They also affirm the idea that God will save a remnant of God’s people, that God freely chose the people of Israel and will not ultimately give them up. Consider the words of Hosea 11, where each of these major themes is heard:

When Israel was a child, I loved him, and out of Egypt I called my son. The more I called them, the more they went from me; they kept sacrificing to the Baals, and offering incense to idols. Yet it was I who taught Ephraim to walk, I took them up in my arms; but they did not know that I healed them. I led them with cords of human kindness, with bands of love. I was to them lie those who lift infants to their cheeks. I bent down to them and fed them. They shall return to the land of Egypt and Assyria shall be their king, because they have refused to return to me. The sword rages in their cities, it consumes their oracle-priests, and devours because of their schemes. My people are bent on turning away from me. To the Most High they call, but he does not raise them up at all. How can I give you up, O Ephraim? How can I hand you over, O Israel? How can I make you like Admah? How can I treat you like Zeboiim? My heart recoils within me; my compassion grows warm and tender. I will not execute my fierce anger; I will not again destroy Ephraim; for I am God and no mortal, the Holy One in your midst, and I will not come in wrath. They shall go after the Lord, who roars like a lion; when he roars, his children shall come trembling from the west. They shall come trembling like birds from Egypt, and like doves from the land of Assyria; and I will return them to their homes, says the Lord. (Hos 11:1–11)

Sometimes, in the Prophets (and elsewhere), the promise of restored fortunes for Israel is tied to the hope of a reinstated Davidic king or kingdom (Jer 29:8–9; Ezek 37:21–27). The Latter Prophets also often emphasized social justice and care for the poor and oppressed; they frequently condemned empty religious piety at the expense of genuine righteousness (Amos 5:21–24; Jer 7:1–11). The third major section of the Tanak is called the Ketuvim, or Writings. These include some historical narratives (Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah), some short-personal narratives (Ruth and Esther), at least one apocalyptic writing (Daniel), and various forms of mixed literature—including the Psalms, the Wisdom literature of Proverbs, Job, and Ecclesiastes, the poetry of the Song of Songs (also called the Song of Solomon), and the lamentations of Lamentations.

In 538 BCE, Cyrus the Great conquered the city of Babylon, making it the new capital of the Persian Empire. In Babylon he discovered a close-knit, unassimilated, group of captive people, longing to return to their homeland: the Jews. Apparently to gain their trust and simultaneously to create a buffer state between Persia and Egypt, Cyrus permitted several Jews to return to Judah. Upon returning, the people rebuilt the Jerusalem temple (which had originally been built in the days of Solomon and destroyed centuries later by the Babylonians). They also reestablished the priesthood with its many laws, sacrifices, restrictions, and festivals, and established a local government overseen by the priests in Jerusalem (although ultimate rule was in the hands of governors appointed by the Persians). During this time there were even rumors that God might raise up a Davidic king (messiah or anointed one) who would again govern Judah (Hag 2:23; Zech 6:9–15). Ultimately no messianic ruler appeared, and the Persians remained in control of Judah, ruling it from 538 until 332 BCE. The early postexilic period (between ca. 538 and 430 BCE) is described in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah—the details of which we will not discuss here.

Modern historians are often skeptical about the historicity of many elements of the biblical narratives just described, in part because the narratives make supernatural claims, but also because historians lack confirming evidence from ancient sources independent of the biblical tradition. This is especially the case for those stories dealing with the earliest periods of Israel’s history such as the narratives about the patriarchs (first fathers/first ancestors) and the accounts of the exodus from Egypt. Historians also question precisely how the Israelites came to possess the promised land. Part of the biblical account (the book of Joshua) describes a furious, lightening-like war conducted by the armies of Israel (led by Israel’s God—the Lord of hosts/armies) against the indigenous peoples of Palestine (Canaanites). But other parts of the sacred tradition (including the book of Judges) suggest that Israelites infiltrated the land gradually, coexisting with disparate people groups there. Many biblical historians believe the latter perspective is more likely than the former one. Another theory, offered by Norman Gottwald and affirmed by several scholars, is that most of those who became known as Israelites during the pre-monarchy years were indigenous peasants in Canaan who mixed with smaller groups of desert people who migrated into Canaan. Those desert peoples brought with them stories of a God named Yahweh and of an exodus from Egypt. Together, the indigenous Canaanite peasants and their desert allies overthrew their various Canaanite rulers and took possession of the land.¹ Even the stories of King David, King Solomon, and other Israelite rulers are shrouded in evidential darkness.

As the biblical accounts move temporally closer to the first century CE, the events they describe find greater extrabiblical confirmation—at least in broad outline if not in exact detail. For example, considerable extrabiblical evidence appears for the existence of the separate kingdoms of Israel and Judah, including of Israel’s fall to the Assyrians around 722 BCE and Judah’s fall to the neo-Babylonians around 586 BCE. Likewise independent evidence exists for the return of Jewish exiles to their homeland under Persian rule. As our account of Jewish history continues below, we move (more and more) beyond the Tanak tradition proper to other (Jewish and non-Jewish) ancient sources.

Beyond the Tanak Tradition

The history of Judah between Nehemiah (440s BCE) and the end of Persian rule (332 BCE) is shadowy at best. The Tanak does not describe this period, and there are only spotty nonbiblical accounts of the era. There is, however, evidence within the Tanak literature of different theological perspectives among Jews about how they were to respond to the Babylonian exile, to the perennial presence of foreign overlords, and to the insurgence of Gentiles (non-Jews) into formerly sovereign Jewish territory. One perspective (expressed in Ezra and Nehemiah) called for somber rededication to Israelite religious rituals and for strict separation from Gentile influence; from this perspective, intermarriage between Jews and Gentiles was forbidden. Another perspective (expressed in Ruth, Jonah, and portions of Isaiah) encouraged missionary efforts toward Gentiles, emphasizing Israel’s role as a light to other nations (see Isa 49:6).

As the centuries of Persian rule unfolded, two powerful types of religious leader emerged in Judah. First were the priests, centered in Jerusalem and its temple. They performed the ritual sacrifices and presided over the festivals of the nation. They also served as the central political leaders of the nation, often working closely with foreign occupiers. The priesthood was hereditary—passed down from father to son within key priestly families. The second type of religious leader was the scribe or rabbi. Scribes or rabbis played two important roles. First, they translated and interpreted the sacred Scriptures. This was particularly important because the Hebrew language, in which the Scriptures were written, was being replaced by Aramaic as the spoken language of the Jewish people. Thus, most Jews could not understand their own Scriptures. Second, the scribes or rabbis helped decentralize worship. The origin of weekly synagogue worship gatherings is debated. Most scholars agree, however, that synagogue practices intensified after the Babylonian captivity and during the period of foreign occupation in Judah. At the center of synagogue worship was the study of the sacred Scriptures, especially the Torah. Rabbis conducted these services, since they were experts in the Torah.

In 332 BCE, Persian rule was ended by the Macedonian/Hellenistic conqueror Alexander the Great. Alexander’s armies conquered huge swaths of land, from his native Macedonia and Greece, through Asia Minor (Turkey), the Levant, and Egypt, eastward into Mesopotamia and Persia, all the way to the western territories of India. At his death in 323, Alexander’s empire was divided among his generals. And for the next two centuries, the Jews of Judea (Greek for Judah) were ruled by Hellenistic dynasties—first by the Ptolemies (323–198 BCE), then by the Seleucids (198–142 BCE). The relationship between Jews of Judea and their Hellenistic overlords was complex. Echoing distinctive positions implicit in the Tanak, some Jews called for compromise and moderate assimilation, welcoming many of the benefits of Greek culture while hoping to provide a positive witness to Gentiles. Others preferred strict separation, fearing that accommodation would lead to the loss of identity and unfaithfulness to Yahweh. And still others advocated for nearly full-fledged conformity to Greek culture.

In 168 BCE, many Jews revolted against the Seleucid king Antiochus IV (Epiphanes). Antiochus IV attempted to impose Greek culture, including Greek religious practices, upon his Jewish subjects. He replaced the ruling high priest, Onias III, first with Onias’s brother Joshua (who took the Greek name Jason), and later with a priest named Menelaus, who was not from a priestly family, and who was a strong advocate for mingling Jewish and Greek worship practices. Apparently at Menelaus’s urging, Antiochus IV forbade the Jewish ritual of circumcision, placed a statue of the Greek deity Zeus in the Jerusalem temple, and sacrificed a pig on the temple altar. For most Jews such actions were sheer sacrilege (1 Macc 1:54). Jews who publicly opposed these atrocities were severely punished—many were tortured and executed. The Jewish Revolt was led by the Hasmonean family—first by a priest named Mattathias, and later by his sons Judas Maccabeus (the Hammer), Jonathan, and Simon. In 165 BCE, the temple in Jerusalem was liberated from Seleucid control and purged of its pagan defilements—an event celebrated by Jews today in the annual Feast of Hanukkah. In 142 BCE, through the military leadership of Simon, Judea gained independence from the Seleucids and established a new kingly dynasty—the Hasmonean dynasty—which ruled from 142 BCE into the Roman era. The exploits of the Hasmonean family and the war against the Seleucids are recorded in 1 and 2 Maccabees.

In 63 BCE Judea (and the whole of Palestine) was again conquered—this time by the Romans. Roman power had long been growing throughout the Mediterranean and in the Near East during the dwindling days of the Hellenistic era. Ironically, Rome’s involvement in Palestine came at the request of a member of the Hasmonean royal family who wished to wrestle power from a familial rival. The Romans gladly assisted and soon took charge of the whole region, all in the name of peace and stability. Shortly thereafter, Rome removed the Hasmoneans from power, replacing them with the Herodians—a dynasty more congenial to Roman interests. Under King Herod the Great (reigned 37–4 BCE), Rome established a Jewish puppet kingdom. Herod brought relative political and economic stability to the region and engaged in numerous civic building projects. One of most notable projects was his expansion and refurbishing of the temple in Jerusalem.

The centuries of foreign invasions and occupations (first by the Babylonians, then the Persians, then the Greeks, then the Romans) had tremendous impact on Jewish life and outlooks. One effect was the scattering of many Jews away from Palestine into various parts of the Near East and the Mediterranean basin. Those dispersed often are referred to as the diaspora. During the Babylonian conquests of the sixth century BCE, many Jews fled to Egypt and set up permanent communities there, and a significant number of Jews formerly exiled to Babylon voluntarily remained when Cyrus the Great allowed many to go back to Judah. The Hellenistic period saw even greater (typically voluntary) dispersals of Jewish peoples throughout the regions of Alexander’s divided empire. For instance, thousands moved to the Egyptian city of Alexandria (founded by and named after Alexander the Great). During the Roman period, Jewish communities sprang up throughout Asia Minor, Greece, North Africa, and Italy, including in Rome itself.

A second effect of the foreign occupations of Palestine on the Jewish people was an impetus to collect and put the varied sacred traditions into writing. A cardinal period of literary activity seems to have arisen during and after the Babylonian exile (ca. 550 to 440 BCE). The products of this literary creativity reflected the concerns of the priests from Judah, who (upon returning from exile) hoped to restore purity to Jewish ritual and faith; this literature often is referred to as the Priestly tradition. While the priestly group drew from ancient traditions, especially about worship in the Jerusalem temple, it is believed that the final shape of the legal and ritual codes in Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, and Deuteronomy was set by this priestly cadre. Members of this priestly school are often seen as the last great editors of the Tanak narrative and tradition, shaping especially the Torah and the Prophets into their current form, and piecing Hebrew oral and written traditions into a more unified system. The books of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah are especially associated with the priestly tradition.

A third outcome of the long foreign occupations of Palestine on Jewish people was the development of the Septuagint, or the Alexandrian canon of Hebrew Scriptures. During the Hellenistic period and into the Roman era, many Jews learned Greek as their primary language or as the language of commerce. This was especially the case for Jews of the diaspora, but this was also true for many in Palestine. Because of this, various Hebrew Scriptures were translated into Greek so that people could understand their own sacred writings. Eventually a canon of these texts was established among Jews living in Alexandria, Egypt—perhaps around 200–150 BCE. This canon more or less became the canon of Greek-speaking Jews throughout the Mediterranean, including for many in Palestine in the first century CE. It is not certain when or by whom these Hebrew Scriptures were translated into Greek. But tradition held that seventy Jewish scholars did the translating and established the Greek canon. For this reason, the ancient Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures became known as the Septuagint (derived from the Greek word for seventy); in writing the Septuagint is known as the LXX (the Roman numeral for seventy). The Greek canon had fifteen more books than the Hebrew canon.

A fourth impact on the Jewish people from centuries of foreign occupation in Palestine was the expansions of two important theological themes expressed in the Former and Latter Prophets. These themes were, the call to faithfulness to God’s covenant, and the hope of an everlasting messianic or Davidic dynasty. A central message of the prophets had been that Israel and Judah had been unfaithful to the divine covenant, and consequently judgment had befallen them. Further, some prophets looked forward to a day when God would restore Israel/Judah to its former glory through a messianic/Davidic king. Upon returning from Babylonian exile, many Jews called for recommitment to faithfulness and hoped for a messianic leader to rule over them. But as the centuries of foreign occupation continued, the precise nature of such faithfulness and such Davidic rule was debated.

In the Tanak tradition there had long been a transcendent quality to Jewish hopes—belief that God would intervene in history, not only to restore Israel, but also to right the wrongs of human history. This penchant toward transcendence became even more pronounced during the centuries of foreign occupation. During the Persian and Hellenistic periods, a new religious perspective arose, often called apocalypticism. Its origins are not completely certain. Hints of such thinking appear in the Tanak (especially in the prophetic) literature (for example, in Zechariah and Daniel), but the movement flowered after the Tanak period. Apocalyptic doctrine stressed the coming of a divinely inaugurated new age. The current world is irretrievably evil; a great cosmic war is being waged between God and supernatural powers of evil. Ultimately, God will have to directly intervene in this world to change the status quo. Closely tied to such hope was belief in the resurrection of the dead and in a final worldwide judgment when the faithful will be rewarded and the wicked punished.²

Religious Parties of First-Century Judaism

By the Roman era, these three themes—the call to covenant faithfulness, messianic hope, and apocalypticism—were often blended in diverse ways among Jewish religious groups in Palestine. One group, the Zealots, called for military insurrection against the Romans and often tied their bellicose ambitions to messianic hope and to faithfulness to the covenant law. For them, the Messiah was primarily a military leader destined to rule Israel. For many Zealots, the Hasmonean victory over the Seleucids, including their commitment to separatists’ principles, served as a model for messianic hope during the Roman occupation. A similar stance was taken by the Essenes. Like the Zealots, the Essenes hoped for military victory over the enemies of God; they attempted to live in a state of readiness for battle, and followed strict religious codes of conduct. The Essenes were even more apocalyptic in their thinking than the Zealots were, looking for God’s spectacular breaking into history to overthrow the current world order and establish a divine order over the whole earth. As God rules in heaven, so God would soon rule over the earth. The Essenes expected two messiahs—one a descendant of David, who would rule God’s earthly kingdom; and the other a descendant of Aaron (the brother of Moses and the ancestor of Israelite priests), who would restore the priesthood to righteousness. Sadly, in the Roman period, military uprisings consistently ended in disaster for Jewish rebels like the Zealots and the Essenes. In 70 CE the Romans destroyed the temple in Jerusalem.

Other Jewish religious groups advocated for political prudence, hoping to preserve essential components of their Jewish heritage without unduly riling their Roman overlords. Such was largely the stance of the ruling priestly families and the Sadducees. The Sadducees were religiously conservative. They affirmed as authoritative only the five books of Moses—the Torah—with their emphasis on the temple, sacrifices, and the priesthood. They were skeptical about the authoritative status of the Nevi’im and Ketuvim, seeing these sections more as commentary. Further, the priests and the Sadducees rejected outright newer doctrines that had arisen since the return from Babylon—beliefs in a universal divine judgment, the coming of a new apocalyptic age, and the resurrection of the dead. Politically, the priests and Sadducees hoped to work a compromise with the Romans, much like what Jews had during the days of Persian and Hellenistic control.

Additional Jewish sects called for strict adherence to the Torah in daily life and sought as much separation from Gentile practices as reasonably possible. This was the strategy of the Pharisees. The Pharisees were largely a lay (nonpriestly) movement and emphasized faithfulness to God’s covenant by obeying the Torah. For them, Jews were to be a kingdom of priests (Exod 19:5–6), applying the whole Torah (including the priestly codes) to daily life. The Pharisees affirmed a larger canon of Scripture than the Sadducees did, endorsing the Nevi’im and Ketuvim as authoritative; they were open to the oral Torah—that is, to the continuing expositions of Scriptures by religious teachers. For this reason, the tradition of the elders (traditional interpretations of the Torah) had great authority for them. At times the Pharisees’ rigid commitment to Torah observances generated among them disdain for their fellow Jews who did not closely follow such restrictions. Pharisees often refused to dine with individuals who did not observe proper rituals of purification and preparation, and spoke in condescending tones about the people of the land—Jews who did not follow the strict Pharisaic codes. As we shall see, much of the infamous conflict between the Pharisees and Jesus (and early Christians) was over the perspectives of Jesus and his followers about ritual practices and their openness to Gentiles. For many Pharisees, such laxness and openness compromised genuine faithfulness to the divine covenant.

The Pharisees were less cooperative with the Roman occupiers than were the Sadducees, seeing themselves as contemporary representatives of those who had rebelled against Seleucid rule some 150 years earlier. The Pharisees especially honored the harsh call to separation from Gentiles expressed in Ezra and Nehemiah, and they applauded the strict early reforms of the Hasmonean period. The commitment to separation from Gentiles caused some Pharisees to side with militants seeking to rebel against Rome. But many—perhaps most—took a more judicious approach to Rome. Many endorsed the apocalyptic idea that ultimately God would directly intervene to rectify the wrongs from centuries of foreign occupation. For these Pharisees, as for many apocalyptic thinkers, the key religious strategy was to remain faithful to God in hope of a better existence in an age to come.

Core First-Century Jewish Religious Concepts

From this brief survey of Israel’s history, it is obvious that Jewish religious thought in the first century was not monolithic. There was great diversity of opinion about best religious practices, about precise interpretations of Hebrew Scriptures, and about how best to relate to Gentiles and Gentile hegemony. In spite of this diversity of perspectives, however, we may identify several core religious views shared by many first-century practitioners of the Jewish faith (or faiths).

At the center of Jewish faith was belief in only one God—Yahweh (often translated in English-language Bibles as Lord)—the God who was personally revealed to Moses at Mount Sinai, the God first revealed (though not by name) to Abraham. This God was Lord of all—creator, sustainer, ruler of the universe. And there are no other gods besides this God. The biblical evidence suggests that the idea of a singular God grew gradually in the Jewish collective mind-set. In the oldest strata of the Hebrew Bible, Yahweh is depicted more as one god among many—the one god that chose to invest in the people of Israel alone. In typical ancient fashion, this god was declared to be greater than all other gods, especially greater than the gods of Israel’s neighbors. As time passed, however, particularly in the eras of the Babylonian captivity and the return from exile, Jewish religious writers came to declare that this god, Yahweh, was the one and only God. By the first century CE, monotheism (belief in one supreme God) was a fundamental assumption of most forms of Jewish faith. This belief is captured in the Shema—a verbal formula that expresses the core of Jewish religious commitments. The Shema pieces together several passages from the Hebrew Scriptures, the most important of which declares: Hear, O Israel: The Lord is our God, the Lord alone. You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your might (Deut 6:4–5). By the first century CE, these words were interpreted to mean that the Lord (Yahweh) is the only God. In turn, supreme devotion to this God is the chief Jewish obligation, (and, perhaps, the chief human obligation).

Closely tied to love for Yahweh was obedience to the Torah—the divine law or instruction. The Shema goes on to decree: Keep these words that I am commanding you today in your heart. Recite them to your children and talk about them when you are at home and when you are away, when you lie down and when you rise (Deut 6:6–7). While Jewish sects disagreed over precisely how to obey the divine instructions or over which ones were binding, most Jews agreed that obedience to Torah-law was cardinal for honoring and receiving blessing from Yahweh. The Torah was perceived to be a part of the divine-human covenant made at Sinai. At the center of this religious instruction were the Ten Commandments (discussed above), bordered by multiple peripheral regulations handed down over time. As I noted above, much of the Hebrew scriptural narrative blamed failure to keep the covenant/Torah for Israel’s and Judah’s defeat by foreign powers; and many Jews in the first century believed that the continuing Roman occupation of the land might end if the Jewish people would faithfully follow the Torah requirements.

Associated with the Torah were the Jerusalem temple and its sacrificial system. For most first-century religious Jews (especially those in Palestine), the Jerusalem temple was the chief place for the faithful to worship and honor Yahweh. Through various sacrifices one could thank God for blessings, petition God for favors, or ask God for forgiveness. Forgiveness offerings particularly aided individuals who breached the Torah commands, and who sought restoration with Yahweh and with the religious community. Thousands of Jews from Palestine and beyond came to Jerusalem to seek communion with Yahweh, especially during the great annual religious festivals of the Jewish calendar. A final common core of first-century Judaism was hope fostered by divine promises. Yahweh had promised Abraham a land and many descendants through whom blessings would come to all people groups. Yahweh also promised King David an everlasting dynasty. After centuries of foreign occupation, many Jews in the first-century still held on to such promises, hoping for some form of fulfillment. Messianic hope and apocalyptic thinking (including belief in resurrection and in divine cosmic intervention) were grounded in these divine promises.

Christian Backgrounds: The Greco-Roman World

The Jewish heritage was not the only background of early Christianity. The broader Greco-Roman legacy likewise shaped early Christian beliefs and practices. As noted above, Greek culture came to Palestine through the conquests of Alexander the Great. For more than three hundred years, Hellenistic ideologies influenced Near Eastern politics and behaviors.

After the death of Alexander, as the Seleucids and Ptolemies vied for power in the Levant, Rome was expanding throughout the Mediterranean. During the third century BCE, Rome gained control of the western Mediterranean, decisively defeating the Carthaginians in 201. In the second century BCE, Roman armies conquered Macedonia, Asia Minor, and Greece. In that same century, the Romans aided the Jewish revolt against Antiochus IV (Epiphanes), forbade Seleucid expansion into Egypt, and eventually conquered Seleucid Syria itself. In the midsixties BCE, through the generalship of Pompey, Rome took control of Jewish Palestine, eventually establishing the client kingdom of Judea under Herod the Great. Throughout most of the fifties, Julius Caesar led Roman armies to victory over most of Gaul (modern France). Civil war rocked Rome and its provinces throughout the forties and thirties BCE, culminating in the rise to power of Caesar’s grandnephew and adopted son, Octavius. In 31 BCE, Octavius’s soldiers defeated Mark Anthony’s army at Actium (in Greece), effectively making Octavius the first Roman emperor. Over time several portentous titles were giving to him, including consul (chief administrator), leader of the imperium (Roman armies), Pontifex Maximus (high priest of Rome), and Augustus (worthy one). Octavius reigned from 27 BCE to 14 CE. (See Map 1 for the extent of Octavius’s empire.)

The rule of Augustus Caesar (Octavius) at the end of the first century BCE brought relative peace to the Mediterranean. Rome’s civil war came to an end, allowing Augustus and his successors to consolidate the empire’s holdings, recoup its financial losses, and impose peace (Pax Romana) upon a vast array of denizens. With political stability came economic growth. Trade routes were secured, new roads were built, and new opportunities emerged. While many persons begrudged Roman control (especially the poverty-stricken lower classes), new economic opportunities allowed some to flourish—including landed aristocrats and a growing middle class of artisans, civil servants, and merchants. Under Augustus, several new territories were added to Rome’s domain, including Egypt, Dalmatia, Galatia, Noricum, Moesia, Pannonia, Rhaetia, and Thrace. After the death of Herod the Great (6 BCE), Rome turned Judea-Samaria into a Roman province rather than a vassal (quasi-independent) kingdom. This status flipped again (at least formally) under Emperor Caligula (reigned 37–41 CE), who reinstated Judea as a vassal kingdom under King Herod Agrippa, the grandson of Herod the Great. Judea retained this standing until late in the first century.

The Romans were influenced profoundly by Hellenistic culture, admiring its art, literature, theater, philosophy, and science, and incorporating much of Greek religious ideology into their own faith-perspectives. To these cultural resources Romans melded their own penchant for engineering, law, warfare, and governing. The result was an amalgamation of cultures that exacted considerable sway upon the peoples whose lands the Romans occupied. In the following pages, we focus on two key aspects of Greco-Roman civilization that especially affected early Christianity: religion and philosophy. Before that, however, we make a few observations about the broad contours of Greco-Roman social tendencies.

The General Ethos of the Greco-Roman World

The Roman Empire was built on military power and wealth. Its social, political and economic system was essentially a hierarchy with only a few in control at the top. The most power rested in the emperor and his immediate supporters. They controlled the military. Slightly below the emperor and his supporters was the Roman aristocracy, which included especially the senatorial class and a lesser order called equestrians. The clout of these classes came from owning vast sums of land and from close entanglement with military structure and operations. Membership in these classes was generally hereditary. The emperor and the Roman upper classes controlled most of the empire’s power and wealth. Provincial authorities and aristocracies also wielded considerable political and economic mastery, but often only at the discretion of the emperor or Roman aristocracy proper. Below these elite classes was a larger middle group of bureaucrats, retainers, merchants, entrepreneurs, scholars, and assorted functionaries. This class possessed varying degrees of mid-range wealth and political influence. The vast majority (80–90 percent) of people in the empire lived in some form of poverty and exercised virtually no political power. Their economic status ranged from minimal incomes to subsistence living to abject need. Most of these poorer classes engaged in some form of agriculture.

Roman society had a patron-client structure. With much of the power and wealth in the hands of a few, most of the populace had to rely upon the generosity of wealthy and powerful individuals. Those offering gifts were called patrons or benefactors; those receiving gifts were clients or beneficiaries. Patronal generosity could be expressed by making public gifts such as roads, baths, or theaters; by hosting games; or by supplying food for the poor. Generosity also could be manifested privately through making political appointments, donating to private causes, supporting legislative policies, and so forth. With the patron-client relationships came moral (and sometimes legal) obligations. Often clients were expected to demonstrate public appreciation to and respect for patrons. They were to be genuinely grateful to their benefactors and show faithfulness or loyalty should the patron ask for support in return. The language of patronage was often used rhetorically to speak of the emperor and of the empire as a whole. According to imperial propaganda, through the benevolence of emperor and empire, the Mediterranean world received the gifts of security, prosperity, and peace (Pax Romana). The language of patronage was also employed in relation to the gods. The gods were the ultimate benefactors.

Roman society also practiced slavery. Slavery knew no ethnic or racial boundaries. Often those in severe or even moderate poverty would sell themselves or their children into slavery in hope of better living conditions, if not greater freedoms. Many persons became slaves through military defeat or were born into slavery as children of slaves. Some slaves were able to purchase their freedom or were set free by appreciative owners. But many remained enslaved all their lives. While certain laws offered some protection for slaves, many such laws were ignored, and punishments often were severe.

Greco-Roman Religions

Greco-Roman religions were closely tied to family, tribe, city, and state. Typically it was believed that the welfare of such social institutions depended upon blessings from the gods. Worship and sacrifices served as means by which to honor the gods and gain their favor. Indeed the gods often were looked upon as great cosmic patrons who offered perennial gifts but expected public recognition and loyalty in return.

Greeks and Romans recognized many different gods (gods of home, of family, of city, of empire, and even of individuals), and often they willingly accepted (and worshiped) previously unfamiliar deities from cultures they encountered or conquered. Greco-Roman society was less open to religions that demanded exclusive allegiance to a single deity—as was the case with Judaism and Christianity. Worship of traditional Greco-Roman gods was a civic responsibility. Through worship, a citizen honored not only the gods but the institutions and public leaders sanctioned by those deities. While Roman leaders made considerable concessions to Jewish religious practices, as time passed, they found granting similar allowances to Christians more problematic.

Although numerous gods were recognized, Greco-Roman tradition had come to distinguish twelve highest gods—the divinities who resided on Mount Olympus. The greatest of these Olympian gods was Zeus, the god of daylight, sky, and storm, the sustainer of justice and of cosmic balance, whose primary weapon was the lightning bolt. Often described as utterly sovereign, Zeus graciously shared his rule with members of his royal-divine family. Among the twelve Olympians were these:

While depicted as sovereigns over diverse aspects of nature or human industry, many of these Olympians also were regarded as guardians of various cities of the Roman Empire, or as patron deities of the empire itself. Thus, failing to worship or honor them properly was often perceived as breaching civic duty.

Similar to the perfunctory worship of the Olympians was the emergence of emperor and empire worship. Greco-Roman mythologies had long spawned stories of humans whose mighty deeds or selfless acts allowed them (often after death) to be deified (promoted to divine status). Such stories set the precedent for glorifying Roman emperors as deities. After his death, Julius Caesar was declared to be a god. In life, Augustus Caesar (Octavius) was declared to be Rome’s savior and the son of god. At death Augustus too was deified. As time passed, similar avowals were made about succeeding living emperors. Rome likewise was referred to as the eternal city, with quasi-divine overtones. Politically such pronouncements served as propaganda to justify the empire’s and its leaders’ supremacy over the Mediterranean world. Just as worship of the Olympians was seen as a public duty, so venerating Rome and its emperors came to be considered a public obligation.

In addition to civic religions, many residents of the empire found solace in more personal religions—religions focused not so much on benefiting the family, state, or society but on attending to the needs of individuals. Two such religions from the Greco-Roman tradition were those dedicated to the gods Asclepius and Dionysus. Each of these gods was born a mortal human, to a human mother and divine father. Each suffered in life, came to a violent death, and was raised to immortal and divine status. In turn, each deity offered esteemed gifts to humankind. Asclepius was the patron god of physicians, giving healing and medicine; Dionysus was the divine giver of wine. Striking similarities have been noted between the sacred stories of Dionysus and of Jesus. Examples include that each was a son of god, each was born of a virgin mother, each performed miracles, each was rejected in his hometown, each died a violent death, and each rose to immortality to