Odyssey of the Pueblo Indians: An Introduction to Pueblo Indian Petroglyphs, Pictographs, and Kiva Art Murals in the Southwest

By William M. Eaton

William Eaton’s detailed guide to finding and interpreting Pueblo Indian petroglyphs, pictographs, and Kiva Art murals found in the states of Utah, Nevada, Arizona, New Mexico, and Colorado is a treasure for Pueblo Indians as well as anyone interested in Native American history and art. Includes many illustrations.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Turner Publishing Company
• Release date: Jun 1, 2002
• ISBN: 9781618584984

Book preview

INTRODUCTION

Much evidence can be observed today in the states of Nevada, Arizona, Utah, New Mexico and Colorado that indicates the existence of an advanced Indian culture- the Pueblo Indians. This culture actually consisted of many subcultures extending from southeastern Nevada to the Rio Grande Valley in New Mexico and from the settlements in Chihuahua, Mexico to northern Colorado and Utah. Many books have been written on this subject by highly qualified authors. Due to the complexity of the more or less constant migrations of these tribes over the past 2,000 years, only brief references will be made in this document to tribal names and periods of occupation. References in this document, for example, will consist of the Pueblo (Hopi) Indians with the tribal appellation of Hopi (or names of other major Pueblo tribes) varying from location to location, as appropriate. Despite this over-simplification, the author has attempted to provide the general locations of Indian rock art sites together with an estimate of the appropriate date of creation, e.g. Circa A.D. 1000 to define an origination date of the subject Indian rock art (petroglyphs, pictographs and Kiva murals).

The term Pueblo Indians can also be divided simply into the Western Pueblo Indians and the Eastern Pueblo Indians, with some subclassifications within these two groups. However, the author has elected to use the tribal appellations shown in Figure 1.1.2., Pueblo Indian Regional Map of the Southwest, circa A.D. 1100, to review the various elements of Pueblo Indian culture in widely scattered locations.

In a short span of only 700 years, the Pueblo Indians achieved an almost unbelievable but now well recognized record of accomplishment. As set forth in the Table of Contents, a number of wide ranging subjects will be addressed utilizing Indian art, i.e. petroglyphs, pictographs and Kiva murals, as the basic source of information. This information provided a data base that was then augmented by other sources of knowledge such as atypical archaeological data and scientific documentation.

Indian migrations, for example, were repeated over and over again with legendary beliefs playing a major role in tribal movements. In a classic example, evidence suggests that the Pueblo (Virgin River) Indians migrated frequently to far removed locations. The last and ultimate Virgin River migration, wherein hundreds of village sites were abandoned almost simultaneously, circa A.D. 1150, seems to have been provoked by a major 30-year drought. This and similar subjects will be discussed with particular attention paid to the metaphorical interpretation of existing Indian petroglyphs, pictographs and Kiva murals–these intriguing art panels may, in fact, provide the only written evidence of some dramatic events such as volcanic eruptions.

Closely related to the subject of petroglyphs and pictographs was the introduction of Kiva art murals in the Rio Grande Valley, New Mexico, in the early 14th century. While this development was not considered to be rock art, per se, it was truly a continuation of the artistic efforts that had been underway in Pueblo villages throughout the Southwest for 1,000 years. Pueblo Kiva murals, or mural frescoes, were created, simply, by plastering the walls of Kiva and then utilizing the smooth surfaces to create pictures of all phases of Pueblo Indian life; legends, ceremonies, costumes and the deities that were so important to the Pueblo Indian.

The existence of Indian pottery, artifacts and architectural features of buildings often make it possible to cross-date petroglyphs when stylistic or cultural characteristics are involved. For example, dates established for the creation of Indian pottery may also be applicable to rock art located in the vicinity. In addition, the professional archaeologist has available to him other methods for dating Indian villages. Among the more prominent methods are: (1) the age of Indian ruins can be established by utilizing dendrochronology (the science dealing with the study of annual growth rings of trees), and (2) the age of objects of plant or animal origin can be established by the use of carbon dating (determination of the age by measuring the radioactivity of the objects).

The Paleo-Indian Period-Hunting And Gathering: There is evidence of occupation in the Great Basin area by an ancient Indian population, pre-dating the Pueblo Indian culture, that can be traced back to circa BC 25,000. At some point in time, probably circa BC 6,000, the Western Archaic Indian Culture began to develop slowly. During the Archaic Period, the primary emphasis on the hunter/ gatherer’s effort was to continue to secure food such as native plants, seeds, nuts, cacti fruits, mountain sheep, jackrabbits and an occasional deer. This left little time for constructing habitation shelters. But rapid changes were soon to occur.

Formative Period-Archaic/Basketmaker II: Sometime after circa A.D. 1, the demanding pursuit of food was altered by the introduction of farming methods and the beginning of a more stable food supply brought about by new food source, Indian maize, beans and squash. These innovations were brought into the Southwest by Pueblo-type Indians from north central Mexico. The newcomers also brought with them the art of pottery-making along with a knowledge, at a later date, of how to grow cotton and weave it into useful products such as cloth, rope, sandals and blankets. Throughout the Southwest it appeared that there was a friendly merging of the Archaic/Basketmaker II culture with the newly arrived Pueblo Indians. Both groups learned from each other and adopted survival practices used by the other group. A singular advantage of the Pueblo Indians was the heritage of common legends and religious beliefs—this despite the many separate languages already developed by the various Pueblo tribes in the Southwest.

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Figure 1.1.1. Pueblo (Pre-Hopi) Indian Petroglyph, Pueblo I Period, Cottonwood Creek, Arizona. Extensive Use of Celestial Knowledge. Photo courtesy of Dwight Wrench.

Formative Period-Basketmaker III: The petroglyph shown in Figure 1.1.1. was probably created circa A.D. 400 to A.D. 700 and is representative of the transition period identified as Basketmaker III/Pueblo I. A characteristic of this petroglyph is its heavy patination or repatination.

(Editor’s Note: Patina is the formation of black or brown stains of hydous iron and manganese oxides on rock surfaces. The thickness and coloration of these stains will vary based upon composition of the rock and its exposure over time to sun and rain. In the creation of a petroglyph, the Indian would strike the rock surface with a rock hammer, or cut into the patina with a sharpened rock tool, thus producing the desired pattern or markings of ‘white on black’ similar to a blackboard exercise. It is further noted that the determination of petroglyph aging can be partially judged by the degree of ‘repatination’ or ‘restaining’ of the original petroglyph surface. Repatination tends to re-establish surface stains and produce, eventually, a totally new stained surface. As time goes on, it becomes more difficult to see the original petroglyph markings. These tend to blend into adjacent rock surfaces.)

Cottonwood Creek was one of many pre-Hopi ancestral homes on the Little Colorado River. Petroglyphs in the Southwest often displayed water-related creatures like item a. The lizard depicted in item a meant that the area was occupied by the Water Clan. Item b was a Horned Lizard or an Iguana, which may have represented a spirit helper, an assistant to the deity Maasaw, God of Death, item c. Basically, the petroglyph design reflects Pueblo origin with the supreme deity, Maasaw, depicted at home in the heavens on the star Capella, item d. This star was related to two important constellations; Ursa Major, item e, and Ursa Minor, item f. (The latter constellation was drawn missing one star, but anchored as always by the star Polaris). Capella was identified through the two pointing stars in the handle of the Big Dipper, or Ursa Major, which are aimed directly at the star Capella, item d. Pointing stars are utilized throughout Pueblo Indian petroglyphs. Capella is the legendary home in the heavens of Maasaw, and his wife, Tihkuyiwuhti, the Patron of Hunting. The purpose of this particular petroglyph seems to be an urgent request for rain, a necessity for survival in this arid area, from the Water Clan to Maasaw and his wife.

In the petroglyph of Figure 1.1.1., three observations suggest great antiquity: (1) the use of a stick figure to create the Indian chief and Mesoamerican headdress; (2) the complete repatination which suggests a possible lapse of perhaps 1600 years between the creation of the petroglyph and the present time; and (3) the inclusion in item f, the constellation of Ursa Minor, of the star Kochab, which denotes a possible relationship to those ancient times when Kochab was the north celestial pole. (Ref. Figure 10.1.5. and 10.1.6. for further discussion). The areas adjacent to Cottonwood Creek and the Homol‘ovi area were probably occupied, first, by hunters and gatherers until the arrival of Pueblo I Indians, who introduced agriculture.

A very important source of archaeological information can be found in petroglyphs and pictographs. Petroglyphs provide the only written record of Indian legends, activities, rituals and trail information. They are often found near the Indian ruins or alongside ancient trails that are scattered throughout the Southwest. Caves and rock shelters, in turn, have also proved to be a valuable source of chronological data when artifacts, ceramics and lithic materials can be related to known Indian cultures.

Caves and rock-shelters are used by the professional archaeologist to establish a chronological record of occupation by various cultures. This process is based upon examining evidence on a strata-by-strata basis. Surface evidence, if any, is usually of recent origin and the oldest evidence of human occupancy is usually found in the bottom of the cave or lowest strata. If the stratum are undisturbed and human occupancy was involved over hundreds of years, significant archaeological documentation from this cross section can be obtained.

Archaic, Basketmaker and Pueblo Indian cave sites in the Virgin River Valley illustrate in some cases the continuous occupancy of these sites starting with the Archaic/Basketmaker III Period and progressing through the later Pueblo I, II and III Periods. Two cave locations are notable because they each show evidence of chronological history through the stratified evidence locked in the lower clay and refuse levels of the caves. For example, the Paiute Cave, which is located near Overton, Nevada, is closely associated with Pueblo I and II, and the very early Paiute Indian occupancy; the Etna Cave near Caliente, Nevada, has revealed Basketmaker II and III occupancy, Pueblo II Indian habitation, and Fremont Indian artifacts.

Formative Period-Pueblo I, II, III and IV: It is believed that these Pueblo tribes departed the central Mexican highlands during the fifth and sixth centuries and migrated northward towards New Mexico, Arizona and Southeastern Nevada. Originally of Toltec stock, they brought with them Mesoamerican (Toltec) customs and elements of the Toltec religion including their major gods, Quetzalcoatl, the Sky God, and Tlaloc, the Rain God, whose blessings were vital to survival in these new and arid lands.

Both the Basketmaker Indians occupying the Southwest and the Pueblo Indians had some common grounds in old legends and religious beliefs. Petroglyph symbols from both cultures were similar and the commonly used Indian sign language supplied still another channel of communication. One possibility for explaining this transition from the old to the new may be to recognize that the joining of two related but different cultures did not necessarily have to be a cataclysmic event, but rather may have been an extended series of migrations from Mesoamerica which continued over hundreds of years.

Mexican Influence Throughout The Southwest: Meanwhile, the Casas Grandes culture in Chihuahua, Mexico developed rapidly after A.D. 1000 with its new capital of Paquime assuming a lead role as a Toltec frontier outpost. (Ref. Figure 1.1.2.). The Pueblo Indians of Casas Grandes, with their close ties to the older Toltec civilization, occupied a vast area in Chihuahua. They were not only successful in a business sense, but created new architectural features such as ceremonial mounds, plazas, ball courts and multi-storied buildings. Many of these architectural features were reflected in far away pre-Hopi ancestral locations such as Wupatki and Homol’ovi in north central Arizona.

The Casas Grandes Indians also maintained trading contacts with many other Pueblo tribes. Local Indian traders from Casas Grandes became known as puchteca. They served as an integrating force by bringing new ideas and trade goods to remote Pueblo Indian tribes. (Noble 1991: 9-11). But one should not construe that these frontier traders were roving, irresponsible, flute-playing transients. It is becoming evident that the role of the puchteca in Casas Grandes, for example, was an elite role with the puchteca serving hand in hand with the chiefs of the province. Perhaps their role might be better defined as the eyes and ears of the province chieftan who relied on this group to keep him informed of events occurring across many miles of frontier such as the Chaco Canyon complex far to the north.

There is general agreement today that, whatever the process, the formation of new Indian tribes was a continuing and complex development. The newly arrived Pueblo Indians probably mixed with the original Basketmaker Indian population, and these early contacts were reinforced by puchteca traders who provided further cultural diffusion. The result of this activity was (1) the creation of new Pueblo-type cultures, for example, the Virgin River Indians, the Fremont, the Kayenta and Chaco Canyon, and (2) the ultimate migration of many Pueblo Indian groups to the Rio Grande Valley.

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Figure 1.1.2. Pueblo Indian regional map of southwest, circa A.D. 1100. Created by Mary L. Gerke, Arcadia, California.

Migrations of Various Pueblo Indian Tribes: An early example of Pueblo (Virgin River) Indian migration occurred when Indians from the lower Moapa Valley and Valley of Fire, in southeastern Nevada, began to migrate up the Virgin River and then northeast through a number of routes to central and northern Utah where the Pueblo (Fremont) Indian sub-culture developed. Finally, the ultimate migration of the Virgin River Indians was concluded after a major drought, circa A.D. 1120 through A.D. 1150, when almost all remaining Pueblo (Virgin River) Indians migrated to the east and southeast. Some evidence exists that a number of these tribes then resettled on Black Mesa, which was part of the Pueblo (Hopi) homelands in northern Arizona. (Ref. Appendix B).

At Wupatki National Monument, Arizona, there was a mix of many different tribes who were intent on farming in the shadow of Sunset Crater which erupted in A.D. 1064. This eruption deposited a rich cinder mulch over a large area northeast of the crater. Occupation of this new farming area began circa A.D. 1106 but soon concluded approximately a hundred years later, circa A.D. 1225. At Wupatki, strong ties existed between the Hohokam people of southern Arizona (near Phoenix, Arizona), the local Sinagua Indians, and the newly arrived Pueblo Indian tribes from the Virgin River Valley and the Homol’ovi area. These historic Pueblo ties with Mesoamerica prompted the Indians at Wupatki to construct the northernmost example of the Toltec ball court. Eventually, however, even Wupatki was abandoned, circa A.D. 1225, with most of the clans at Wupatki seeking out the Hopi homelands on adjacent mesas to the northeast. That area is still occupied today by their descendants who live on the Hopi Indian Reservation.

One would expect that the Pueblo Indian link to the past, i.e. the Casas Grandes culture in Chihuahua, Mexico, would survive if only because of its success and dominance. The first Europeans to visit that area, however, circa A.D. 1600, were disappointed to find only endless ruins. Hence, in the same pattern of many thriving Pueblo Indian villages in the Southwest, the occupants had simply disappeared.

Scholars have long studied the differences in the languages spoken by different branches, or tribes of the Pueblo Indians. Four, and possibly five linguistic stocks, have now been identified among this group of Indians and their predecessors: Keresan, Zunian, Tanoan, Shoshonean or Uto-Aztecan and Kiowan. Of course, dialects have developed over a period of time throughout these groups. This is especially true in those situations wherein clans/tribes have migrated vast distances or left some members behind. One author, Hewett, points out "In far away Hopiland, at Hano, there is a Tewa-speaking group that migrated about the beginning of the 18th century from the southern Tewa, or Tanos, of the Rio Grande region; whereas the Hopi Indians proper speak Shoshonean." (Ref. Hewett E.L. 1945: 16). Today, we find many different but distinct Puebloan linguistic tongues being spoken at various Pueblo Indian villages and pueblos in the Rio Grande Valley within a radius of 100 miles from Albuquerque, New Mexico.

To summarize, many fine achievements were accomplished by this comparatively obscure Pueblo Indian culture. They erected well planned and comfortable rock and mortar habitations for their people, sometimes three and four stories high! They were obliged to count using fingers and toes, but they created star charts that were so accurate that they can be compared with today’s published versions of the heavens. They took great pride in fulfilling their religious migration requirements, built magnificent roads and documented these journeys with petroglyph road maps. They were one of the first ancient Indian cultures in the Southwest to utilize irrigation farming with the annual growing of crops such as; beans, maize, squash and cotton. They made good use of an agricultural lunar calendar of 13 months. All of these subjects can be found in Pueblo Indian petroglyphs, pictographs and Kiva art murals. This rock art was created during Pueblo I, II, III and IV periods, i.e. circa A.D. 700 through A.D. 1540. As such, these presentations provide (1) a most useful insight into the details of ancient Indian life, and (2) a reliable source of information for analyses, comparisons, conclusions and guidance for future research efforts.

Despite linguistic differences, the Pueblo Indians are all related to each other by history, by religion, by legend, by symbolism and by rock art–suggesting a common origin and source.

CHAPTER 2

USE OF SYMBOLISM IN PETROGLYPHS AND PICTOGRAPHS

Evolution of Pueblo Symbolism and Complex Metaphoric Communication. Symbolism in Pueblo Indian rock art and all Indian rock art for that matter, is the practice of representing things by symbols, or of investing things with a symbolic meaning or character. The Pueblo Indians recorded a wide range of subjects in petroglyphs, pictographs and Kiva murals that included both animate, inanimate and occasionally abstract subjects. Symbols can represent such things as natural phenomena; sun, moon, clouds, rain, lightning, streams of water, mountains, valleys, volcanoes and difficult terrain. Another group represents distinctive symbols for the various deities including Tawa, the Sun Father, Maasaw, the God of Death and various lesser deities. Then there are symbols designating the status of individuals and deities by utilizing horns, feathers, headdress and other means of identification. Abstract ideas can also be presented as symbols that utilize circles, concentric circles, dot patterns, triangles, stepped pyramids and other devices.

In discussing these various symbols, one will encounter the symbol description and the ascribed meaning. A symbol description is a simple explanation of what an individual observes, such as: Anthropomorphic, goggle-eyed, with trapezoidal head and straight vertical lines over the forehead. (Ref. Figure 3.6.4). Possibly more important than the description, however, is the ascribed meaning. The ascribed meaning becomes the interpretation of what the symbol means. This can be a short but meaningful reference such as "this symbol is the deity Tlaloc, the Rain God, and represents a prayer for rain."

More complex symbols may interact with each other and suggest various additional metaphorical implications and sometimes more than one conclusion. (Ref. Figure 7.4.3). The interpretation, or ascribed meaning, of complex symbols is based largely on the knowledge and experience of the observer. It is fair to say that the opinion of even seasoned observers will change over a period of time and additional research.

The use of symbols in Pueblo Indian rock art greatly shortened the work effort and provided an effective means of introducing an entire new field of artistry in petroglyphs, pictographs and Kiva murals. By carefully utilizing groups of symbols, the ability to establish metaphorical meaning was achieved. Thus, the range and scope of human knowledge has been increased dramatically by this process. Pueblo Iédian symbols, originated many hundreds of years ago, are still prominently displayed throughout the southwest and are extensively utilized in decorating Pueblo Indian pottery.

A good place to begin the investigation of petroglyphs is to review the more common petroglyph symbols to establish a basis for recognizing many of the symbols encountered in the field. Basic Indian symbols along heavily used paths and trails should be recognized easily and quickly. The discussion will then examine other basic Pueblo Indian symbols.

Trail Markers: Markers indicated a well-thought out plan to convey trail information, they pertained to a wide variety of subjects. In practice, these informative symbols were used to quickly communicate with all people who used that trail. They were always located close to the point of reference and in plain view. They performed the same function as highway signs.

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Go Straight Ahead! The human figure represented the traveler. The dash over the head of the figure performed in the same fashion as an arrow. It said that the traveler should go ahead in this direction. If a horizontal bar replaced the arrow, the trail was blocked or closed.

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Don’t Go This Way. Dangerous Trail. This symbol represented the results of following the wrong trail, a falling body or possibly death.

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Follow the Direction Indicated. Most trails have intersections or branches going in different directions. This may be confusing if the traveler did not know the correct route. Sometimes two sets of the same symbols would be used to provide repetition to assist the traveler.

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Here is Where You Go Upwards. Sometimes a series of dots would convey the same message to the traveler, or a raised arm would show the traveler where the trail went. The metaphor here is similar to that expressed in the previous trail marker, but utilized different symbols.

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Here is Where you Go Downwards. In this petroglyph, the trail marker was old, circa A.D. 700 and almost totally re-patinated. The three dints were approximately one-inch in diameter and one-half an inch deep. At the bottom of the symbol was the familiar spiral indicating that the traveler should go down the hill at this point. (A spiral developed in the reverse direction would indicate going up or look upward.)

Basic Indian Symbols—General. These symbols were widely used by the Pueblo Indians over a period of two thousand years. There can be more than one meaning, or metaphor, applicable to each symbol including many minor variations in style and design.

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This symbol generally means Here, this is the spot, or You are here.

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Two dots are sometimes referred to as two eyes. They may be used to direct one’s attention to a nearby object or may point in a certain direction that represents a village or trail that can not be easily seen.

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A series of dots may represent an object such as the Big Dipper, or Ursa Major. Another series of dots may indicate a path or trail, or may represent footsteps. The in situ location and adjacent symbols can often help to determine the metaphorical meaning.

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These two dots are also two eyes, as mentioned previously. The dots, or dints as they are called, were in wide use among the Basketmaker III Indians before the Pueblo Indians arrived. Often, these dints—if heavily patinated—will help to establish the appropriate age and/or culture. The two dots, here, mean in a metaphorical sense, Look in this direction.

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This symbol indicates speech or talking between two individuals.

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A straight line usually points towards an object in a fashion that is similar to two dots or two eyes. The meaning may be Go in this direction.