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History Of The Consulate And The Empire Of France Under Napoleon Vol. X [Illustrated Edition]
History Of The Consulate And The Empire Of France Under Napoleon Vol. X [Illustrated Edition]
History Of The Consulate And The Empire Of France Under Napoleon Vol. X [Illustrated Edition]
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History Of The Consulate And The Empire Of France Under Napoleon Vol. X [Illustrated Edition]

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The product of twenty years of laborious hard work, this is the definitive work on Napoleon and his times at the helm of the French Nation, written by no less than the first President of the Third Republic.

Thiers moved in the highest circles of society and met with many of the surviving generals and statesmen of France and her opponents and wove their recollections into this monumental history. Filled with a particularly Gallic flavour without going into hero-worship, this multi-volume history has stood the test of time.

Volume Ten sees Napoleon finally forced from the throne of France in 1814 and thrown sent into exile on the island of Elba.

Includes the Napoleonic Wars Map Pack with over 155 maps and plans following the military career of Napoleon.
LanguageEnglish
PublisherWagram Press
Release dateMar 28, 2016
ISBN9781786259172
History Of The Consulate And The Empire Of France Under Napoleon Vol. X [Illustrated Edition]
Author

Marie Joseph Louis Adolphe Thiers

Marie Joseph Louis Adolphe Thiers (15 April 1797–3 September 1877) was a French statesman and historian. He was the second elected President of France, and the first President of the French Third Republic. Thiers served as a prime minister in 1836, 1840 and 1848. He was a vocal opponent of Emperor Napoleon III, who reigned from 1848–71. Following the defeat of France in the Franco-German War, which he opposed, he was elected chief executive of the new French government, negotiated the end of the war, and, when the Paris Commune seized power in that city in March 1871, gave the orders to the army for its suppression. He was named President of the Republic by the French National Assembly in August 1871. Opposed by the royalists in the French assembly and the left wing of the Republicans, he resigned on May 24, 1873, and was replaced as President by Patrice de MacMahon, Duke of Magenta.

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    History Of The Consulate And The Empire Of France Under Napoleon Vol. X [Illustrated Edition] - Marie Joseph Louis Adolphe Thiers

    This edition is published by PICKLE PARTNERS PUBLISHING—www.pp-publishing.com

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    Text originally published in 1893-1894 under the same title.

    © Pickle Partners Publishing 2016, all rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted by any means, electrical, mechanical or otherwise without the written permission of the copyright holder.

    Publisher’s Note

    Although in most cases we have retained the Author’s original spelling and grammar to authentically reproduce the work of the Author and the original intent of such material, some additional notes and clarifications have been added for the modern reader’s benefit.

    We have also made every effort to include all maps and illustrations of the original edition the limitations of formatting do not allow of including larger maps, we will upload as many of these maps as possible.

    HISTORY OF THE CONSULATE AND THE EMPIRE OF FRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON

    BY

    LOUIS ADOLPHE THIERS

    TRANSLATED, WITH THE SANCTION AND APPROVAL OF THE AUTHOR, BY

    D. FORBES CAMPBELL AND JOHN STEBBING

    With Twenty-Eight Steel plates

    VOL. X.

    TABLE OF CONTENTS

    Contents

    TABLE OF CONTENTS 4

    PLATES IN VOL. X. 17

    BOOK LIII.—FIRST ABDICATION. 22

    Internal state of Paris during Napoleon’s late military operations—Secret party intrigues—Position of M. de Talleyrand—His views—Mission of M. de Vitrolles to the allied camp—Conference of Lusigny —Instructions given to M. de Flahaut relative to the conditions of the armistice—Efforts on our part to prejudice the question of the frontiers by tracing the line of separation of the armies—Retreat of the Prince de Schwarzenberg to Langres—Grand council of the allies—The war party wishes that Wintzingerode and Bülow’s corps should be united to Blücher’s army, in order to put the latter in a position to march on Paris—The difficulty of withdrawing these corps from Bernadotte removed in an extraordinary manner by Lord Castlereagh—The latter profits of this opportunity to propose the treaty of Chaumont, which binds the coalition for twenty years, and thus becomes the basis of the Holy Alliance—Joy of Blücher and his party—His march to join Bülow and Wintzingerode—Peril of Marshal Mortier, who was sent beyond the Marne; and of Marmont, who was left between the Aube and the Marne—These two marshals succeed in combining their forces, and giving a check to Blücher, whilst Napoleon hastens to their aid—Rapid march of Napoleon on Meaux—Difficulty of crossing the Marne—Blücher, protected by the Marne, tries to overpower the two marshals, who have taken up a position behind the Ourcq—Napoleon crosses the Marne, joins the two marshals, and sets out in pursuit of Blücher, who is obliged to retire on the Aisne—The almost desperate position of Blücher, now threatened to be pushed into the Aisne by Napoleon—The reduction of Soissons, which gives the allies the command of the bridge of the Aisne, saves Blücher from certain destruction, and procures him a reinforcement of 50,000 men by the union of Wintzingerode and Blücher—Critical situation of Napoleon, and his impassable firmness on this sudden change of fortune—His first impulse, to march upon the fortresses, collect the garrisons, and fall with 100,000 men on the enemy’s rear—It is necessary first to face Blücher and give him battle—Napoleon captures the bridge of Berry-au-Bac, and crosses the Aisne with 50,000 men in sight of Blücher’s 100,000—Perils of a battle to be fought with 50,000 men against 100,000—Reasons that decide Napoleon to capture the plateau of Craonne, in order to advance to Laon by the Soissons route—Bloody battle of Craonne, fought on the 7th March, in which Napoleon carries the formidable positions of the enemy —After having seized the Soissons route, Napoleon wishes to penetrate into the plain of Laon, to complete the defeat of Blücher—New and more sanguinary battle of Laon, fought on the 9th and 10th March, and the issue undecided, through Marmont’s fault, who allowed himself to be surprised—Napoleon is obliged to retreat on Soissons—His indomitable energies in an almost desperate position —St. Priest’s corps having approached, he charges, cuts the corps in pieces in the neighbourhood of Reims, after having killed the general—Napoleon finding himself in danger of being enclosed between the armies of Schwarzenberg and Blücher, resolves to execute his great project of marching on the fortresses, rally the garrisons, and fall on the rear of the allies—His directions for the defence of Paris during his absence—Consternation of the capital—The council of regency, being consulted, wishes that the propositions of the Congress of Châtillon should be accepted—Indignation of Napoleon, who threatens to shut up in Vincennes, Joseph and all those who speak of submitting to the conditions of the enemy—Events that have taken place in the south, the battle of Orthez, after which Marshal Soult advanced on Toulouse, leaving Bordeaux unprotected —Entrance of the English into Bordeaux, and the Bourbons proclaimed in that city on the 12th March—Vexatious effect produced by these events at Paris—Napoleon seeing the alarm of the capital, towards which Prince Schwarzenberg has advanced considerably, determines, before marching on the fortresses, to present himself suddenly in the rear of Schwarzenberg, and divert his course from Paris to attack him—Movement from the Marne to the Seine, and passage of the Seine at Méry—Napoleon finds himself unexpectedly facing the army of Bohemia—Battle of Arcis-sur-Aube, fought on the 22nd March, on which occasion 20,000 French opposed during an entire day 90,000 Russians and Austrians—Napoleon at length resolves to recross the Aube, and protect himself by this river—He advances on St. Dizier, in the hope of drawing the army of Bohemia after him—His project for advancing as far as Nancy, to rally there 40,000 or 50,000 men from the different garrisons—En route, he is joined by M. de Caulaincourt, who has been obliged to leave the Congress of Châtillon, in consequence of his refusal to accept the propositions of the allies—Termination of the Congress of Châtillon and the conferences of Lusigny—Napoleon does not regret what he has done, and does not yet despair of success—During this time the armies of Silesia and Bohemia, between which he had ceased to manoeuvre, have combined their forces in the plains of Châlons, and deliberate on what course to adopt—Grand council of the allies—Military reasons show the importance of pursuing Napoleon, whilst political reasons tend to an opposite course, that of marching on Paris, and trying to effect a revolution in the capital—Intercepted letters of the empress and the ministers determine the allies to march on Paris—influence of Count Pozzo di Borgo in producing this determination—Movement of the allies towards the capital—Marmont and Mortier being cut off from Napoleon, encounter the entire allied army—Disastrous day of Fère-Champenoise—Retreat of the two marshals—Sudden appearance of the allied army before the walls of Paris—Incapacity of the war minister, and neglect of Joseph, who have made no preparation for the defence of the capital —Council of regency, where it is resolved that the government and court should retreat to Blois—Instead of organising a popular defence of Paris, they conceive the foolish idea of fighting a battle outside the walls—Battle of Paris, fought on the 30th March, by 25,000 French against 70,000 of the allied soldiers—Bravery of Mortier and Marmont—Forced capitulation of Paris—M. de Talleyrand wishes to remain at Paris and obtain a mastery over the mind of Marmont—Entrance of the allies into the capital—Their pre-cautions—Their conduct with regard to the different classes of the population—Polite attentions of the crowned heads to M. de Talleyrand, whom they make, in some sense, arbiter of the destinies of France—Events that take place in the army during the march of the allies on Paris—Brilliant combat of St. Dizier—Fortuitous circumstance that undeceives Napoleon, and shows him at last that he is not followed by the allies—The evident danger of the capital and the voice of the army make him determine to retrace his steps—His hasty return—Napoleon, in order to arrive sooner, separates from his troops, and arrives at Fromenteau between eleven o’clock and midnight, at the very moment when the capitulation of Paris was signed—His despair, his irritation—He quickly recovers himself —He suddenly conceives the project of throwing himself on the allies dispersed in the capital, and scattered on the two banks of the Seine; but as his army has not yet joined him, he hopes to gain, by opening negotiations, the three or four days that must elapse before they can join him—He commissions M. de Caulaincourt to go to Paris to engage Alexander in negotiations, and he retires to Fontainebleau with the intention of concentrating his army there—M. de Caulaincourt accepts the mission confided to him, but with the secret resolve to sign a peace on any conditions—Reception given by the Emperor Alexander to M. de Caulaincourt—This prince, disarmed by success, becomes the most generous of conquerors—However, he promises nothing, except a becoming personal treatment for Napoleon—The allied sovereigns, with the exception of the Emperor Francis, retire to Dijon, and hold a council at M. de Talleyrand’s to decide on the form of government suitable to France —Legitimate principles happily expressed and strongly supported by M. de Talleyrand—Declaration of the crowned heads that they will not enter into further negotiations with Napoleon—Convocation of the Senate—Formation of a provisionary government, at the head of which is M. de Talleyrand—Joy of the royalists—Their efforts to get the Bourbons immediately proclaimed—Journey of M. de Vitrolles in search of the Count d’Artois—M. de Talleyrand, and some enlightened men by whom he is surrounded, moderate the movement of the royalists, and wish that a form of constitution should be drawn up which should be the express condition of the return of the Bourbons— Eagerness with which Alexander enters into these views —Napoleon’s dethronement pronounced on the 3rd April, and a form of constitution drawn up by the Senate, at once monarchical and liberal—Fruitless efforts of M. de Caulaincourt in favour of Napoleon both with Alexander and Prince Schwarzenberg—He is sent to Fontainebleau to persuade Napoleon to abdicate—Meanwhile the allies endeavour to seduce the heads of the army—In compliance with the advice of M. de Talleyrand, the principal attempts at seduction are practised on Marshal Marmont, who, at Essonne, forms the head of the colonne de l’armée—What takes place at Fontainebleau during the proceedings at Paris—Great projects of Napoleon—His conviction that, if seconded, he can overwhelm the allies in Paris—His military arrangements, and his extreme confidence in Marmont, whom he has stationed on the Essonne—Evasive replies that he makes to M. de Caulaincourt, and his secret resolves for the morrow—Next day, the 4th April, he assembles the army and announces his determination to march on Paris—Enthusiasm of the soldiers and officers, lately so dejected—Consternation of the marshals—The latter, assuming the representation of the wearied ones, remonstrate with Napoleon—Napoleon asks them if they wish to live under the Bourbons—On their unanimous reply that they wish to live under the King of Rome, he conceives the idea of sending them to Paris with M. de Caulaincourt, to obtain the transmission of the crown to his son—Whilst he feigns to carry on this transaction, he is still resolved on a great battle in Paris, and makes every preparation for that object—Departure of the Marshals Ney and Macdonald with M. de Caulaincourt, to negotiate the regency of Marie Louise, and the abdication of Napoleon—Their meeting with Marmont at Essonne —Embarrassment of the latter, who acknowledges to them that he has secretly negotiated with Prince Schwarzenberg, and promised to join the provisional government with his corps d’armée—On their remarks he withdraws the promise made to Prince Schwarzenberg, and orders his generals, whom he has taken into his confidence, to suspend their movements—He accompanies to Paris the deputation commissioned to negotiate for the King of Rome—Interview of the marshals with the Emperor Alexander—This prince, staggered for a moment, defers his decision to the following day—During this time Napoleon having sent Marmont to Fontainebleau to prepare his great military operation, the generals of the 6th corps think they are discovered, quit the Essonne, and execute Marmont’s suspended project—This intelligence decides the allied sovereigns, and the cause of the King of Rome is indefinitely abandoned—M. de Caulaincourt is sent to Napoleon to obtain his abdication pure et simple —Napoleon, deprived of Marmont’s corps, and no longer able to attempt any serious movement, resolves upon abdicating—Return of M. de Caulaincourt to Paris, and his efforts to obtain a suitable treatment for Napoleon and the imperial family—Generosity of Alexander—M. de Caulaincourt obtains the isle of Elba for Napoleon, the Grand Duchy of Parma for Marie Louise and the King of Rome, and pensions for all the princes of the imperial family—His return to Fontainebleau—Napoleon attempts to commit suicide—His resignation—Loftiness of his sentiments and his language—Constitution of the Senate, and entrance of the Count d’Artois into Paris on the 12th April—Enthusiasm and hopes of the Parisians—Departure of Napoleon for the isle of Elba—General view of the greatness and errors of the imperial reign. 23

    CONCLUSION. 222

    BOOK LIV.—RESTORATION OF THE BOURBONS. 252

    Last operations of the French who remained scattered in different parts of Europe—Campaign of General Maison in Flanders, and defence of Antwerp by General Carnot—Surrender of Antwerp, and conditions of this surrender—The French troops begin to desert—Firmness of General Maison under a misfortune that threatens to leave France without an army—Long and memorable resistance of Marshal Davout at Hamburg—Conditions on which he surrenders, after having saved a numerous army and abundant war materials —Noble conduct of Prince Eugène in Italy—The French army led back from Italy by General Grenier—Events in the Pyrenees—The news from Paris having arrived too late to stop hostilities, the English and French fight for the last time—Sanguinary battle of Toulouse—Armistice on all the frontiers—Position of the Count d’Artois after his entrance into Paris—Debate as to the title under which he should provisionally govern the kingdom—The Senate objects to recognise his rank of lieutenant-general, excepting on condition of a solemn pledge with respect to the constitution—Irritation of the Count d’Artois and his friends—The Duke d’Otranto devises a mode of proceeding which is adopted—The Senate repairs to the Tuileries, and invests the Count d’Artois with the lieutenant-generalship, at the conclusion of a declaration in which the prince, becoming responsible for Louis XVIII., promises the adoption of the principal bases of the senatorial constitution—First acts of the Count d’Artois’ administration—The provisional government becomes the prince’s council—Constitution of the ministry—Despatch of envoys-extraordinary into different parts of France—Sufferings of the occupied provinces, and contemplated alleviations—New quarters assigned to the French armies—The conscription of 1815 suspended—Financial measures of M. Louis—His firm resolution to pay all the debts of the State, to keep up the taxes, and especially the droits réunis—Rapidity with which public credit begins to be re-established under the combined influence of this minister and peace—Transient changes effected in our commercial tariffs—Sufferings of the occupied provinces continue to increase—A negotiation is hastily commenced to obtain the evacuation of the territory by the combined armies—The evacuation of the French provinces cannot be spoken of without exciting a similar demand with regard to the foreign provinces occupied by our troops—It being impossible to refuse this reciprocity, it is agreed by the convention of the 23rd April to evacuate Hamburg, Antwerp, Flushing, Bergen-op-Zoom, Mons, Luxembourg, Mayence, and in a word, the most important fortresses in Europe—The imprudence of this convention is not at first conceived, which becomes soon a subject of bitter reproach—Rapid change which has taken place in the public mind since the entry of the Count d’Artois—The mass of the population, familiarised with the idea of the return of the Bourbons, soon submit to them unreservedly, but the transports of the royalist party irritate the revolutionists and the Bonapartists, and provoke sharp recriminations from both parties—The Count d’Artois commits certain acts of imprudence, which make his most enlightened friends anxious for the return of the king—Various messages despatched to Louis XVIII., and description he receives of the state of France—In consequence of being told that his adhesion to the constitution of the Senate is not indispensable, he defers his decision, and advances slowly towards France — His sojourn at London—Enthusiasm that his presence excites among the English —Imprudent address, in which he declares that, next to God, he is most indebted to England—Disembarkation of Louis XVIII. at Calais—His journey through the northern departments, and his arrival at Compiègne—Warm attentions of which he is the object, especially on the part of the marshals, to whom he gives the most flattering reception—Impatience testified to know his character—Character of Louis XVIII. and of the Count d’Artois, and remarkable difference between the two brothers—Interview of M. de Talleyrand with the king—Solicitude of the latter to avoid all pledges—Visit of the Emperor Alexander to Compiègne, and uselessness of his efforts to win attention for his advice—Louis XVIII. is not adverse to the idea of a constitution, even of a liberal one, but he wishes to give it himself, in order to maintain the principle of his authority—It is arranged that before entering Paris he shall pause at St. Ouen, and make a general declaration confirmatory of that of the Count d’Artois, and framed in conformity with the bases of the senatorial constitution—Sojourn at St. Ouen, and declaration of St. Ouen, dated 2nd May 1814—Entrance of Louis XVIII. into Paris, 3rd May—The Parisians give him the most cordial reception—Louis XVIII. seizes on the supreme power, and frames the royal council—First meeting of this council, in which all the public questions are slightly touched—General views concerning the army, the navy, the finances—M. Louis persists in his two principles, respect for the public debts, and support of the necessary taxes—Royal proclamation relative to the droits réunis—Adjournment of the question of conscription—Louis XVIII. shows a determination to re-establish the ancient military household, and even to increase it considerably—No member of the council dares resist this imprudent resolution—Fresh efforts to terminate the sufferings in the occupied provinces—It is now evident that the convention of the 23rd April, whilst depriving us of valuable pledges, has not advanced the departure of the allied armies by a single day—The allied sovereigns promise to give fresh orders to their armies, and Louis XVIII. issues a proclamation commanding the local authorities to disobey the requisitions of the foreign generals—Anxiety to conclude peace—M. de Talleyrand receives a mission to negotiate—Fresh error resulting from precipitation, similar to that committed in sighing the convention of the 23rd April—It would be better that the fate of France should be regulated at Vienna at the same time as that of the other powers, because there would be a diversity of opinions, and the French interests might find support—M. de Metternich believes, on the contrary, that it is for the interest of the allied powers to treat immediately with France, and defer the solution of the European questions until the assembly of the general congress at Vienna—The royal government does not comprehend the profundity of these views, and impatient to claim the merit of making peace, is anxious to conclude it immediately—Adoption of the frontiers of 1990 laid down as an irrevocable principle—This frontier adopted with some additions—The isle of France made an exception in the restitution of our colonies—Noble opposition of the king to every species of compensation for the expenses of the war—He succeeds, thanks to the firmness displayed by him and the government on this occasion —Preservation of the museums—Treaty of Paris of the 30th May 1814—Whilst peace is being negotiated the constitution is also discussed—The king does not wish to confide this task to the royal council, and undertakes it himself with MM. Montesquiou, Dambray, Ferrand, and Beugnot—His liberal views, attributable to his residence in England, but all subordinate to one condition, which is, that the new constitution shall emanate exclusively from the royal authority—Various questions debated—Pliancy of the king on every point when his favourite principle is conceded —The sketch of the constitution laid before two commissions, one chosen by the Senate, the other by the legislative corps—The new constitution is called the Constitutional Charter—The foreign sovereigns, not wishing to leave Paris before the promises made at St. Ouen are fulfilled, the 4th June is fixed for the royal audience, when the Charter is to be proclaimed—Royal audience of the 4th of June—Favourable results of this audience—Proclamation of the Charter—Departure of the foreign sovereigns—Definite establishment of the Bourbon government. 253

    BOOK LV.—GOVERNMENT OF LOUIS XVIII. 342

    Changes effected in the public mind during the months of April and May—Revival of parties—The ultra-royalists throng round the Count d’Artois—This prince, ill and vexed, makes a long stay at St. Cloud—Return to France of the Duke d’Orléans—The friends of liberty place their hopes in him, whilst the royalists already make him the object of their attacks—Great reverse of this prince—The Bonapartists, their dejection and their dispersion—The revolutionists, who were at first pleased at the fall of Napoleon, are, by the violence of the emigrants, induced to join the Bonapartists—M. de Lafayette, M. Benjamin Constant, and Madame de Staël return to Paris, and a constitutional party is formed—Prudent arrangements of the bourgeoisie of Paris—The opinions of the capital reflected under various aspects in the provinces—State of La Vendée and Brittany—The old insurgents again take up arms, refuse to pay certain taxes, and disturb by their threats the holders of the biens nationaux—Irritation of the cities in the east of France against the Chouans and the Vendéans—State of the city of Nantes—Dispositions of the southern provinces—Spirit that prevails at Bordeaux, Toulouse, Nimes, Avignon, Marseilles, Lyon—The presence and ravages of the enemy exasperate the eastern provinces, and attach them still more to Napoleon, whom they regard as the energetic defender of the land—Return of the troops from remote garrisons and prisons in England, Russia, Germany, and Spain—Exasperation and arrogance of these troops, who are persuaded that a dark treason has betrayed France into the hands of the enemy—Embarrassment of the Bourbons, who are obliged to reduce the army to a painful extent, and try to keep well with all classes, particularly those who are hostile to them, and obliged, so to speak, to govern by the aid of their enemies in opposition to their friends—First resolutions relative to the finances, to the army, and the navy, &c.—Louis, the minister of finance, finally succeeds in passing a resolution that all the State debts are to be paid, and the droits réunis kept up—Limits within which he obliges the war and navy ministers to confine themselves—Project of organising the army—Conservation of the imperial guard and re-establishment of the ancient royal military household—Difficulty of reconciling these different institutions, and above all, of supporting the expense—Maintenance of the Legion of Honour, with a change in the insignia—Great military posts bestowed on the principal marshals—Discontent with which the army receives intelligence of the new system of organisation—Meeting at Paris for an immense number of half-pay officers and unemployed functionaries—Whilst the military men are hurt by the reductions to which they are obliged to submit, those attached to the principles of the Revolution are rendered discontented by imprudent manifestations—Funeral service for Louis XVI., Moreau, Pichegru, Georges Cadoudal—Attacks of the clergy against the possessors of national property—The Concordat not having been guaranteed by the Charter, the Bourbons determined upon demanding its revocation—Mission to Rome for this object—The Pope is requested to revoke the Concordat, and the Pope asks Louis XVIII. to restore Avignon—Police regulations which render the observance of Sundays and holidays obligatory—Effect produced by the regulation —The government, by yielding to the party feelings of its supporters, had, within a few months, alienated the military men, the revolutionists, the priests who had taken the oath, the possessors of national property, and the citizen class—The meeting of the chambers, animated by a monarchical and liberal spirit, infuses a better tone into the state of things—M. Durbach denounces in the Chamber of Deputies the regulation touching holidays and Sundays, and the system of legislation that places the daily press under a censorship—The Chamber of Deputies, though condemning the language of M. Durbach, demands a law for these two objects—The king yields to the wishes of the chamber—He orders a law regulating the press to be drawn up, but a law that confirms the censorship —Public excitement—Dawning taste for political discussions—After long debates it is acknowledged that a censorship is not mentioned in the Charter, and the law concerning the press is only adopted as a temporary measure—The king accepts the presented amendments, and sanctions the law such as it has issued from the Chamber of Deputies—The question of Sundays, and holidays is referred to a special commission—Several publications against the national sales having been denounced to the chambers, the Chamber of Deputies condemns these writings, and again solemnly confirms the inviolability of the property called national—Bills relative to financial measures—M. Logis presents the financial schedule of the empire—Incorrectness of this schedule, but excellence of the minister’s principles—He proposes the integral liquidation of the State debts, the maintenance of the indirect taxes, and the payment of arrears by means of temporary bills bearing an interest of 8 per cent.—The royalist oppositionists declare against the propositions of the minister, and without venturing to speak of bankruptcy, wish that the State creditors should be paid—They find some support from the liberal opposition, who, not comprehending the designs of the minister, exclaim against stock-jobbing—M. Louis, by his energy and unstudied eloquence, triumphs over all resistance, and gets his projects adopted, which become the basis of public credit in France —Prudent commercial measures calculated to effect the transition from a state of war to a state of peace—Though the liberals accuse the chambers of timidity, they acquire, by a mixture of moderation and firmness, the respect of the government and the confidence of the public—Their discussions produce a certain calm—Fête at the Hôtel de Ville in honour of Louis XVIII.—The bodyguards dispute with the national guard the honour of guarding the king—Effect of this fête—Defect in the administration resulting from an error of M. de Montesquiou—This talented minister, who possessed the art of pleasing the chambers, was unfortunately unfit for business, and could neither modify nor direct the personal administration—The provinces, left to themselves, adopt the tone of the local passions—Proposed journey of the princes to rally the supporters of the Bourbons—Danger of these journeys, which excite instead of allaying the popular passions—Journey of the Duke d’Angoulême into Lower Normandy, Brittany, Vendée, and Guyenne—His reception at Brittany, and particularly at Nantes—This prince passes into the heart of Vendée—Sentiments and conduct of the Vendéans of the Bocage —Bordeaux: change that had taken place in the disposition of the inhabitants—Return of the prince through Angers—His journey, a mixture of good and evil, finishes in August—Departure of the Count d’Artois for Champagne and Burgundy—He promises many consolations to all places that have suffered from the effects of the war, lavishes military decorations, and encourages at Dijon the intolerance of the petite église—His stay and his imprudent conduct at Lyon—His arrival at Marseilles—Enthusiasm of the Marseillaise—Their ardent desire to obtain the franchise of their port—The Count d’Artois promises it and departs, leaving the people intoxicated with joy—His journey to Fismes, Avignon, Grenoble, and Besançon—Unbecoming conduct with regard to the Archbishop Lecoz—Return of the Count d’Artois to Paris—His journey has only produced evil, without any admixture of good—Journey of the Duke de Berry into the frontier provinces—This prince, irritated by the opposition offered by the army, gives way to injudicious anger—After a short interval of quiet in August, the passions of the people are again awakened in October and November by the journeys of the princes, and by the imprudent measures of the government with regard to the pensioners, to the orphan daughters of the officers of the Legion of Honour, and the military schools—The intervention of the chambers induces a modification or revocation of these measures —Affluence and increasing opposition of the military at Paris—Disagreeable incident with regard to General Vandamme, and commencement of General Exelmans’ affair—Disgrace of Marshal Davout—Great sensation produced by the proposition of restoring to the emigrants their unsold property—The principle of the proposed measure is admitted, but the language of the minister Ferrand offends everybody—The chambers censure the minister, and pass the law, with various amendments—Amid all this excitement, the party called the Chouans, and that of the half-pay officers, experience mutual alarm, each accusing the other of imaginary conspiracies—The official police endeavour to reduce these conspiracies to the simple truth, whilst the officious police of the Count d’Artois try to exaggerate them— Weariness and perplexity of Louis XVIII., beset by the reports of his brother—Part performed by M. Fouché under these circumstances—The king intending to be present at a representation at the Odeon, a conspiracy against the royal family is immediately talked of, and extraordinary precautions taken in consequence—Affected zeal of Marshal Marmont, who commands the bodyguard—Outcry against the war minister and the director of police—The king yields to the entreaties of the count, and replaces General Dupont, war minister, by Marshal Soult, and M. Beugnot, director-general of police, by M. d’Andre—He indemnifies M. Beugnot by appointing him minister for the navy—This palliative infuses great confidence in the court party and the ultra-royalists—State of things in December 1814. 343

    REQUEST FROM THE PUBLISHER 437

    THE ITALIAN CAMPAIGNS 438

    Europe, The Italian Campaigns, 1796 - Strategic Situation 438

    Northern Italy, 1796 - Seizing Central Position, 10 - 14 April 440

    Northern Italy, 1796 - Using Interior Lines, 15 - 23 April 441

    Northern Italy, 1796 - Pursuit to the Po, 24 April - 8 May, and Exploitation to Cerona, 9 May - 1 June 442

    Lake Garda and Vicinity, 1796 - Wurmser's Advance & Bonaparte's Pursuit, 1-13 September 444

    Lake Garda and Vicinity, 1796 - Mobile Defense, 1-12 November 445

    Lake Garda and Vicinity, 1796 - Bonaparte Forces The Decision, 14-17 November 446

    Lake Garda and Vicinity, 1797 - Rivoli Model of Interior Lines, 7-14 January 447

    THE EGYPTIAN CAMPAIGNS 448

    Europe, 1798 - The Egyptian Campaigns, Strategic Overview, 1798 - 1799 448

    THE MARENGO CAMPAIGN 450

    Northern Italy, 1800 - The Marengo Campaign, Strategic Envelopment and Battle of Marengo 450

    The Marengo Campaign, 1800 - Situation Late April 452

    The Marengo Campaign, 1800 - Situation 14 May 453

    The Marengo Campaign, 1800 - Situation 5 June and Movements Since 27 May 454

    The Marengo Campaign, 1800 - Situation Late 13 June and Initial Movements 14 June 456

    The Marengo Campaign, 1800 - Situation About 1000, 14 June 457

    The Marengo Campaign, 1800 - Situation Shortly Before 1400, 14 June and Movements up to 1500 458

    THE EXPANSION OF FRANCE 459

    Europe, 1801 - The Expansion of France, Territorial Gains 459

    Europe, 1803 - The Expansion of France, Restructuring Germany 461

    Europe, 1805 - The Expansion Of France, Redeployment of the Grande Army 462

    THE ULM CAMPAIGN 463

    Central Europe, 1805 - The Invasion of Bavaria, Situation, 2 - 25 September 463

    Central Europe, 1805 - French Strategic Envelopment, Situation, 26 September- 9 October 465

    Central Europe, 1805 - The Engagements Around Ulm, Situation, 7 - 9 October 466

    Central Europe, 1805 - The Engagements Around Ulm, Situation, 9 - 11 October 467

    Central Europe, 1805 - The Engagements Around Ulm, Situation, 11 - 14 October 468

    THE AUSTERLITZ CAMPAIGN 469

    Central Europe, 1805 - Pursuit to Vienna, Situation, 26 October - 1 November 469

    Central Europe, 1805 - General Situation, 25 November 471

    Europe, 1805 - Strategic Situation, 25 November 472

    The Battle of Austerlitz, 1805 - Situation, 1800 hours, 1 December 473

    The Battle of Austerlitz, 1805 - Situation, 0900 hours, 2 December 474

    The Battle of Austerlitz, 1805 - Situation, 1400 hours, 2 December 475

    THE EXPANSION OF THE EMPIRE 476

    Europe, 1806 - The Expansion of the Empire, September and Territorial Changes Since December 1805 476

    THE JENA CAMPAIGN 478

    Central Europe, 1806 - Situation, 6 October and Deployment of Opposing Armies 478

    Central Europe, 1806 - Situation, Noon 10 October and Movements Since 8 October 480

    Central Europe, 1806 - Situation, 1800 12 October and Movements Since 10 October 481

    Jena and Vicinity, 1806 Base Map with Contours 482

    Jena and Vicinity, 1806 - Battles of Jena and Auerstädt, Situation at Midnight, 13 October 483

    Jena and Vicinity, 1806 - Battles of Jena and Auerstädt, 1000 hours- 14 October 484

    Jena and Vicinity, 1806 - Battles of Jena and Auerstädt, 1400 hours- 14 October 485

    Central Europe, 1806 - Pursuit to the Oder, 15 - October - 1 November 486

    THE EYLAU AND FRIEDLAND CAMPAIGNS 487

    Europe, 1807 - East Prussia, The Eylau and Friedland Campaigns 487

    The Battle of Eylau, 1807 - Situation Early, 8 February 489

    The Battle of Eylau, 1807 - Situation About 1600, 8 February 490

    The Battle of Friedland, 1807 - Situation Shortly After 1700, 14 June 491

    The Battle of Friedland, 1807 - Situation About 1800, 14 June 492

    The Battle of Friedland, 1807 - Situation About 1900, 14 June 493

    THE TREATY OF TILSIT AND THE CONTINENTAL SYSTEM 494

    Europe, 1807 - The Treaty of Tilsit and the Continental System - Naval Ground Actions in 1807 494

    DEFENDING THE GRANDE EMPIRE 496

    Europe, 1808 - Defending the Grande Empire, Strategic Situation July and the Continental System 496

    THE CAMPAIGN IN SPAIN 498

    Iberian Peninsula, 1808 - June- 21 - August 1808 498

    Iberian Peninsula, 1808 - October 1808 - 20 January 1809 500

    DEFENDING THE GRANDE EMPIRE 501

    Europe, 1809 - Defending the Grande Empire, Strategic Situation 1 February 501

    THE DANUBE CAMPAIGN 503

    Central Europe, 1809 - Situation, 15 April and Deployment of Opposing Forces 503

    Ratisbon and Vicinity, 1809 - Situation Noon, 19 April and Movements Since 17 April 505

    Ratisbon and Vicinity, 1809 - Situation, Midnight 21 - 22 April and Movements Since 19 April 506

    Southern Germany, 1809 - Situation, 0800 22 May and Movements Since 22 April 507

    Southern Germany, 1809 - Situation, 1030 6 July and Movements Since 22 May 508

    Ratisbon, Battle of Abensberg, 1809 - Situation About 1000, 20 April 509

    Ratisbon, Situation About Midnight, 1809 21-22 April and Main Routes of Retreat 510

    Ratisbon, 1809 = Battle of Eggmuhl, Situation About 1500, 22 April 511

    Ratisbon To Wagram, 1809 - Situation 13 May and Movements of Opposing Forces 512

    The Battle of Aspern-Essling (1st Day), 1809 - Situation About 1500, 21 May 513

    The Battle of Aspern-Essling (2nd Day), 1809 - Situation About 0730, 22 May 514

    Wagram, 1809 - Situation Late 4 July 515

    The Battle of Wagram (1st Day). 1809 - Situation About 1400, 5 July. Crossing of the Danube 516

    The Battle of Wagram (2nd Day, 1809 - Situation About 1030, 6 July 517

    The Battle of Wagram (2nd Day), 1809 - Situation About 1300, 6 July 518

    THE WAR IN THE PENINSULA 519

    Iberian Peninsula, 1809 -1814 - Strategic Overview To Include Major Actions and Defensive Works 519

    THE NAPOLEON FAMILY SYSTEM 520

    Europe, 1810, Napoleon's Family System 520

    DEFENDING THE GRANDE EMPIRE 522

    Europe, 1812, Defending the Grand Empire 522

    THE RUSSIAN CAMPAIGN 524

    Eastern Europe, 1812 - Situation, 1 July and Movements Since 1 June 524

    Eastern Europe, 1812 - Situation, 24 July and Movements Since 1 July 526

    Eastern Europe, 1812 - Situation, 14 August and Movements Since 24 July 527

    Eastern Europe, 1812 - Situation, 27 August 1812 528

    The Battle of Borodino, 1812 - Situation 0630, 7 September 529

    The Battle of Borodino, 1812 - Situation 0930, 7 September 530

    The Battle of Borodino, 1812 - Situation 1600, 7 September 531

    Eastern Europe, 1812 - Situation, 4 October 532

    Eastern Europe, Situation, 18 October - 5 December 1812 533

    Germany, 1813 - Situation, The Defense of the Elbe, 1813 534

    THE LEIPZIG CAMPAIGN 535

    Europe, 1813 - Situation 17 March 535

    Germany, 1813 - Napoleon's Spring Counteroffensive 537

    Germany, 1813 - Situation At The End of the Armistice, 16 August 538

    Germany, 1813 - Situation, 26 August and Movements Since the Armistice 539

    Germany, 1813 - Situation, 6 September and Movements Since 26 August 540

    Germany, 1813 - Situation, 2 October and Major Movements Since 26 September 541

    Germany, 1813 - Situation, 9 October and Movements Since 2 October 542

    Germany, 1813 - Situation, 13 October and Movements Since 9 October 543

    THE CAMPAIGN IN FRANCE 544

    Western Europe, 1814 - Situation 1 January and 10 February 544

    THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN 546

    Northwestern Europe, 1815 - Situation 1 June and Deployment of Opposing Forces 546

    Brussels and Vicinity, 1815 - Situation, 0700 16 June 1 and Movements Since 1 June 548

    Quatre-Bras and Ligny, 1815 - The Battles of Ligny and Quatre-Bras, Situation at Noon on 16 June 549

    Quatre-Bras and Ligny, 1815 - Situation at 2000 on 16 June 550

    Brussels and Vicinity, 1815 - Situation, Midnight 17-18 June and Movements Since 16 June 551

    Waterloo and Vicinity, 1815 - The Battle of Waterloo, Situation 1000 Hours, 18 June 552

    Brussels and Vicinity, 1815 - Situation, 1000 hours 18 June 553

    Waterloo Battlefield, 1815 - Situation, 1600 hours 18 June 554

    Waterloo Battlefield, 1815 - Situation, 1930 hours 18 June 555

    EUROPE 1810 - 1815 556

    Europe, 1810 - Under Napoleon 556

    Europe, 1815 - Under the Monarchs 558

    PLATES IN VOL. X.

    PRINCESS PAULINE BORGHESE

    CAULAINCOURT

    LOUIS XVIII

    HISTORY OF THE CONSULATE AND THE EMPIRE OF FRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON.

    BOOK LIII.—FIRST ABDICATION.

    Internal state of Paris during Napoleon’s late military operations—Secret party intrigues—Position of M. de Talleyrand—His views—Mission of M. de Vitrolles to the allied camp—Conference of Lusigny —Instructions given to M. de Flahaut relative to the conditions of the armistice—Efforts on our part to prejudice the question of the frontiers by tracing the line of separation of the armies—Retreat of the Prince de Schwarzenberg to Langres—Grand council of the allies—The war party wishes that Wintzingerode and Bülow’s corps should be united to Blücher’s army, in order to put the latter in a position to march on Paris—The difficulty of withdrawing these corps from Bernadotte removed in an extraordinary manner by Lord Castlereagh—The latter profits of this opportunity to propose the treaty of Chaumont, which binds the coalition for twenty years, and thus becomes the basis of the Holy Alliance—Joy of Blücher and his party—His march to join Bülow and Wintzingerode—Peril of Marshal Mortier, who was sent beyond the Marne; and of Marmont, who was left between the Aube and the Marne—These two marshals succeed in combining their forces, and giving a check to Blücher, whilst Napoleon hastens to their aid—Rapid march of Napoleon on Meaux—Difficulty of crossing the Marne—Blücher, protected by the Marne, tries to overpower the two marshals, who have taken up a position behind the Ourcq—Napoleon crosses the Marne, joins the two marshals, and sets out in pursuit of Blücher, who is obliged to retire on the Aisne—The almost desperate position of Blücher, now threatened to be pushed into the Aisne by Napoleon—The reduction of Soissons, which gives the allies the command of the bridge of the Aisne, saves Blücher from certain destruction, and procures him a reinforcement of 50,000 men by the union of Wintzingerode and Blücher—Critical situation of Napoleon, and his impassable firmness on this sudden change of fortune—His first impulse, to march upon the fortresses, collect the garrisons, and fall with 100,000 men on the enemy’s rear—It is necessary first to face Blücher and give him battle—Napoleon captures the bridge of Berry-au-Bac, and crosses the Aisne with 50,000 men in sight of Blücher’s 100,000—Perils of a battle to be fought with 50,000 men against 100,000—Reasons that decide Napoleon to capture the plateau of Craonne, in order to advance to Laon by the Soissons route—Bloody battle of Craonne, fought on the 7th March, in which Napoleon carries the formidable positions of the enemy —After having seized the Soissons route, Napoleon wishes to penetrate into the plain of Laon, to complete the defeat of Blücher—New and more sanguinary battle of Laon, fought on the 9th and 10th March, and the issue undecided, through Marmont’s fault, who allowed himself to be surprised—Napoleon is obliged to retreat on Soissons—His indomitable energies in an almost desperate position —St. Priest’s corps having approached, he charges, cuts the corps in pieces in the neighbourhood of Reims, after having killed the general—Napoleon finding himself in danger of being enclosed between the armies of Schwarzenberg and Blücher, resolves to execute his great project of marching on the fortresses, rally the garrisons, and fall on the rear of the allies—His directions for the defence of Paris during his absence—Consternation of the capital—The council of regency, being consulted, wishes that the propositions of the Congress of Châtillon should be accepted—Indignation of Napoleon, who threatens to shut up in Vincennes, Joseph and all those who speak of submitting to the conditions of the enemy—Events that have taken place in the south, the battle of Orthez, after which Marshal Soult advanced on Toulouse, leaving Bordeaux unprotected —Entrance of the English into Bordeaux, and the Bourbons proclaimed in that city on the 12th March—Vexatious effect produced by these events at Paris—Napoleon seeing the alarm of the capital, towards which Prince Schwarzenberg has advanced considerably, determines, before marching on the fortresses, to present himself suddenly in the rear of Schwarzenberg, and divert his course from Paris to attack him—Movement from the Marne to the Seine, and passage of the Seine at Méry—Napoleon finds himself unexpectedly facing the army of Bohemia—Battle of Arcis-sur-Aube, fought on the 22nd March, on which occasion 20,000 French opposed during an entire day 90,000 Russians and Austrians—Napoleon at length resolves to recross the Aube, and protect himself by this river—He advances on St. Dizier, in the hope of drawing the army of Bohemia after him—His project for advancing as far as Nancy, to rally there 40,000 or 50,000 men from the different garrisons—En route, he is joined by M. de Caulaincourt, who has been obliged to leave the Congress of Châtillon, in consequence of his refusal to accept the propositions of the allies—Termination of the Congress of Châtillon and the conferences of Lusigny—Napoleon does not regret what he has done, and does not yet despair of success—During this time the armies of Silesia and Bohemia, between which he had ceased to manoeuvre, have combined their forces in the plains of Châlons, and deliberate on what course to adopt—Grand council of the allies—Military reasons show the importance of pursuing Napoleon, whilst political reasons tend to an opposite course, that of marching on Paris, and trying to effect a revolution in the capital—Intercepted letters of the empress and the ministers determine the allies to march on Paris—influence of Count Pozzo di Borgo in producing this determination—Movement of the allies towards the capital—Marmont and Mortier being cut off from Napoleon, encounter the entire allied army—Disastrous day of Fère-Champenoise—Retreat of the two marshals—Sudden appearance of the allied army before the walls of Paris—Incapacity of the war minister, and neglect of Joseph, who have made no preparation for the defence of the capital —Council of regency, where it is resolved that the government and court should retreat to Blois—Instead of organising a popular defence of Paris, they conceive the foolish idea of fighting a battle outside the walls—Battle of Paris, fought on the 30th March, by 25,000 French against 70,000 of the allied soldiers—Bravery of Mortier and Marmont—Forced capitulation of Paris—M. de Talleyrand wishes to remain at Paris and obtain a mastery over the mind of Marmont—Entrance of the allies into the capital—Their pre-cautions—Their conduct with regard to the different classes of the population—Polite attentions of the crowned heads to M. de Talleyrand, whom they make, in some sense, arbiter of the destinies of France—Events that take place in the army during the march of the allies on Paris—Brilliant combat of St. Dizier—Fortuitous circumstance that undeceives Napoleon, and shows him at last that he is not followed by the allies—The evident danger of the capital and the voice of the army make him determine to retrace his steps—His hasty return—Napoleon, in order to arrive sooner, separates from his troops, and arrives at Fromenteau between eleven o’clock and midnight, at the very moment when the capitulation of Paris was signed—His despair, his irritation—He quickly recovers himself —He suddenly conceives the project of throwing himself on the allies dispersed in the capital, and scattered on the two banks of the Seine; but as his army has not yet joined him, he hopes to gain, by opening negotiations, the three or four days that must elapse before they can join him—He commissions M. de Caulaincourt to go to Paris to engage Alexander in negotiations, and he retires to Fontainebleau with the intention of concentrating his army there—M. de Caulaincourt accepts the mission confided to him, but with the secret resolve to sign a peace on any conditions—Reception given by the Emperor Alexander to M. de Caulaincourt—This prince, disarmed by success, becomes the most generous of conquerors—However, he promises nothing, except a becoming personal treatment for Napoleon—The allied sovereigns, with the exception of the Emperor Francis, retire to Dijon, and hold a council at M. de Talleyrand’s to decide on the form of government suitable to France —Legitimate principles happily expressed and strongly supported by M. de Talleyrand—Declaration of the crowned heads that they will not enter into further negotiations with Napoleon—Convocation of the Senate—Formation of a provisionary government, at the head of which is M. de Talleyrand—Joy of the royalists—Their efforts to get the Bourbons immediately proclaimed—Journey of M. de Vitrolles in search of the Count d’Artois—M. de Talleyrand, and some enlightened men by whom he is surrounded, moderate the movement of the royalists, and wish that a form of constitution should be drawn up which should be the express condition of the return of the Bourbons— Eagerness with which Alexander enters into these views —Napoleon’s dethronement pronounced on the 3rd April, and a form of constitution drawn up by the Senate, at once monarchical and liberal—Fruitless efforts of M. de Caulaincourt in favour of Napoleon both with Alexander and Prince Schwarzenberg—He is sent to Fontainebleau to persuade Napoleon to abdicate—Meanwhile the allies endeavour to seduce the heads of the army—In compliance with the advice of M. de Talleyrand, the principal attempts at seduction are practised on Marshal Marmont, who, at Essonne, forms the head of the colonne de l’armée—What takes place at Fontainebleau during the proceedings at Paris—Great projects of Napoleon—His conviction that, if seconded, he can overwhelm the allies in Paris—His military arrangements, and his extreme confidence in Marmont, whom he has stationed on the Essonne—Evasive replies that he makes to M. de Caulaincourt, and his secret resolves for the morrow—Next day, the 4th April, he assembles the army and announces his determination to march on Paris—Enthusiasm of the soldiers and officers, lately so dejected—Consternation of the marshals—The latter, assuming the representation of the wearied ones, remonstrate with Napoleon—Napoleon asks them if they wish to live under the Bourbons—On their unanimous reply that they wish to live under the King of Rome, he conceives the idea of sending them to Paris with M. de Caulaincourt, to obtain the transmission of the crown to his son—Whilst he feigns to carry on this transaction, he is still resolved on a great battle in Paris, and makes every preparation for that object—Departure of the Marshals Ney and Macdonald with M. de Caulaincourt, to negotiate the regency of Marie Louise, and the abdication of Napoleon—Their meeting with Marmont at Essonne —Embarrassment of the latter, who acknowledges to them that he has secretly negotiated with Prince Schwarzenberg, and promised to join the provisional government with his corps d’armée—On their remarks he withdraws the promise made to Prince Schwarzenberg, and orders his generals, whom he has taken into his confidence, to suspend their movements—He accompanies to Paris the deputation commissioned to negotiate for the King of Rome—Interview of the marshals with the Emperor Alexander—This prince, staggered for a moment, defers his decision to the following day—During this time Napoleon having sent Marmont to Fontainebleau to prepare his great military operation, the generals of the 6th corps think they are discovered, quit the Essonne, and execute Marmont’s suspended project—This intelligence decides the allied sovereigns, and the cause of the King of Rome is indefinitely abandoned—M. de Caulaincourt is sent to Napoleon to obtain his abdication pure et simple —Napoleon, deprived of Marmont’s corps, and no longer able to attempt any serious movement, resolves upon abdicating—Return of M. de Caulaincourt to Paris, and his efforts to obtain a suitable treatment for Napoleon and the imperial family—Generosity of Alexander—M. de Caulaincourt obtains the isle of Elba for Napoleon, the Grand Duchy of Parma for Marie Louise and the King of Rome, and pensions for all the princes of the imperial family—His return to Fontainebleau—Napoleon attempts to commit suicide—His resignation—Loftiness of his sentiments and his language—Constitution of the Senate, and entrance of the Count d’Artois into Paris on the 12th April—Enthusiasm and hopes of the Parisians—Departure of Napoleon for the isle of Elba—General view of the greatness and errors of the imperial reign.

    NAPOLEON wished to afford some comfort to the Parisians, who had of late been so terribly alarmed; he wished to make them enjoy his triumphs, and he wished, above all, to raise their spirits, which would be a serious advantage with regard to the organisation of his forces, for little public aid can be obtained from a dispirited people. Influenced by these considerations, he had commanded a military and religious ceremony, for the reception of the standards, and the entrance into Paris of the 25,000 prisoners captured from the enemy. He wished that these prisoners, crossing Paris from east to west, should traverse the entire extent of the boulevards, in order that the Parisians might be visually assured of the reality of the wonders performed by their emperor. The difficulties of Napoleon’s position must serve as an excuse for this ostentatious display.

    When the approach of these prisoners was announced, all the population of Paris thronged to the boulevards, to see defile before them Prussians, Austrians, and Russians, marching disarmed, headed by their officers and generals. The prisoners, indeed, displayed no arrogance in their demeanour, neither did they seem utterly dejected; it was easy to discern in their faces a very different expression from that formerly manifested by the captives taken at Austerlitz and Jena. There was a certain look of confidence and real pride at having been captured so close to our capital.

    Though the people of Paris were tired of the imperial rule, and perfectly well aware of the bad effects of a despotism, which, after having formerly carried war even to the gates of the Kremlin, now brought it back to the foot of Montmartre, still the mass of the people, yielding to the impression of the moment, could not help applauding Napoleon’s late successes, and experienced an intense satisfaction in beholding defile before them these foreign soldiers conquered and captive, whom they had feared to see enter Paris as conquerors and destroyers. As to the rest, with a delicacy natural to the French people, they offered no offence to the prisoners. Their thoughtlessness, alas! had been too great. After the first emotion of triumph, the French lookers-on experienced a movement of pity, and more than one kind and compassionate creature offered an alms that was received with sincere gratitude.

    At court, affairs assumed a calmer aspect. Numerous visitors flocked round the empress and the King of Rome, and amongst them were conspicuous those high functionaries who, having believed the imperial throne to be in danger, had, by removing to a distance, hoped to escape being crushed in the ruins. They reappeared in high spirits, though some seemed rather anxious about the reception they should receive, but all lauding the glorious campaign whose rashness they had condemned some days before; and they who, within the forty-eight hours, had declared that the emperor was mad not to accept the frontiers of 1790, now exclaimed against so dishonouring a peace, and protested aloud that the Frankfurt bases ought to be the absolute condition of the future peace. Marie Louise was too little acquainted with our country to understand and judge these men; besides, she was now almost as much agitated by joy as she had before been by fear, but she gave all her visitors a kindly reception, and began to flatter herself that she should soon see a return of those glorious days that inaugurated her arrival in France.{1}

    This joy, the thoughtlessness it induces and excuses, was by no means discernible amongst the adverse parties. Though these parties were distinct—the old revolutionists and the royalists—still both agreed in regretting the success of Napoleon, though the revolutionists experienced an emotion something like joy, so much did they dread the foreign powers and detest the Bourbons. The royalists, after having for a moment hoped the return of their beloved princes, asked themselves now with vexation, whether they must suddenly abandon this hope. They sought an excuse for their secret wishes in the misfortunes that Napoleon had brought on France, and said within themselves that any hand, even that of a foreigner, ought to be welcome, if it delivered them from so odious a despotism. Still they contented themselves with forming wishes, and remained completely inactive. Whispered conversations between members of the ancient nobility and the clergy, malevolent reports, in which our reverses were exaggerated and our triumphs disputed, with an inert resistance to the measures of the administration, these constituted their entire efforts against the imperial government. The emigrants, who since the Revolution had lived abroad with the Bourbon princes, had almost lost the habit of corresponding with their friends in the interior of France. They made an effort to resume their connections now, but met no encouragement, and indeed, in the provinces threatened with invasion no one would have dared to aid them in proclaiming the Bourbons: A few royalists scarcely dared to venture a manifestation in the cities, already securely occupied by the allied armies. At Troyes, two old chevaliers of St. Louis had presented a petition to Alexander; praying the re-establishment of the Bourbons. This was an act of imprudence for which these unfortunate men paid dearly. At Paris, two members of the old nobility were talked of—the Messrs. de Polignac—who, having been transferred from a jail to a madhouse, had escaped, and gone at every risk to offer to the Count d’Artois their faithful services.

    It was evident that nothing serious could be attempted by these men, who, during twenty-five years, had been too much estranged from French affairs to possess any influence in the country. It would be necessary that members of the actual government, some of whom were discontented with Napoleon, who had ill-treated them, and others who were desirous of securing a position for themselves under the new régime, should stretch forth a hand to the royalists if a plot of any importance were to be framed, every precaution being taken to conceal the movement. Something of the kind was actually attempted, but with profound secrecy and fear.

    Of all the malcontents whom the imperial régime had created, the most conspicuous—he who most occupied the minds of the friends of the Bourbons, as well as the friends of the Bonapartes —was M. de Talleyrand. He was the object of the hopes of the one party, and of the fear of the other, and though he was in a position to play a great part, and on the eve of doing so, both parties greatly exaggerated what he could or what he would dare to do. Were the decisive moment come, Napoleon completely conquered, and the enemy in possession of Paris, it was incontestable that M. de Talleyrand was the only man capable of constructing a new government on the ruins of the overthrown dynasty; but to believe that he had either the ability or the will to take the initiative in a revolution whilst the drapeau tricolor still floated on the Tuileries was a groundless terror on the part of the imperial police, and a pleasing illusion cherished in the royalist coteries. M. de Talleyrand’s ill-will towards the emperor was undoubtedly as strong as it could be, but neither the means at his disposal nor his personal courage were commensurate with his inclination. By refusing the portfolio of foreign affairs two months previously, because he would not be allowed at the same time to keep his rank of grand dignitary, he had almost broken off his connection with the imperial house, and as we have seen, Napoleon had, on the very eve of his departure for the army, treated him in a manner calculated to awaken his most lively fears. He had learned from hints thrown out by persons connected with the Bourbons —what indeed, he knew before—that the aid of a married bishop would be favourably received by those pious princes, for there is no difficulty that cannot be overcome when there is a question of services—not services already rendered, but which are to be rendered. go-me persons have a very pliant memory —they forget or remember according to the interests of the hour. M. de Talleyrand, with his profound knowledge of men and things, had nothing to learn in his quality of politician; having finished with the Bonapartes, it was easy to recommence with the Bourbons. But he well knew the Duke of Rovigo—easy-mannered, familiar, even friendly with the persons upon whom he was acting as a spy, but capable, upon any serious suspicion, or at the first order from Napoleon, of laying his coarse soldier-hand on the flowing mantle of a grand dignitary. Influenced by these considerations, M. de Talleyrand was extremely circumspect.

    At his mansion in the Rue St. Florentin, which has since become celebrated, M. de Talleyrand received, amongst other persons, the Duke de Dalberg, the Abbé de Pradt, and the Baron Louis.

    M. de Dalberg was descended from the illustrious Dalbergs of Germany, and nephew to the prince-primate. He was first an enemy, afterwards a friend, to the imperial dynasty. During the time when Church property was being secularised, he came in for a large share; but he afterwards quarrelled with Napoleon because the latter had transferred the lands of the prince-primate to Prince Eugène. The Duke de Dalberg was short of stature; in manner, a mixture of the French and German; his countenance was animated, his temper lively, his opinions were frankly liberal, and his intellect strong and subtle. He had often given vent to his discontent at M. de Talleyrand’s with a freedom that had brought his young wife into disgrace at court. He was annoyed at this, and did not conceal his vexation. The Abbé de Pradt had been banished to his diocese since his unfortunate embassy to Warsaw, an affair difficult in itself, and rendered still more so by the defects of the abbé’s temper. He had returned to Paris since our late reverses, and mingled his observations with those of the Duke de Dalberg in a tone that could not fail to attract the attention of the police, even had they been far less observant than they really were. Baron Louis had formerly taken minor orders, but afterwards abandoned the idea of entering the Church, and devoted himself to the study of political economy. He was endowed with a true genius for finance, and a spirit at once active and persevering. He was an advocate of that legitimate liberty which sound policy sanctions; he detested the imperial régime from motives dictated by an enlightened reason, and was always happy to associate with men of high intellect whose opinions corresponded with his own.

    These personages and some others met frequently at M. de

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