Mass, Mobility, And The Red Army’s Road To Operational Art, 1918-1936
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Dr. Jacob W. Kipp
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Mass, Mobility, And The Red Army’s Road To Operational Art, 1918-1936 - Dr. Jacob W. Kipp
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Text originally published in 1987 under the same title.
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MASS, MOBILITY, AND THE RED ARMY’S ROAD TO OPERATIONAL ART, 1918-1936
by
Dr. Jacob W. Kipp
Soviet Army Studies Office U.S. Army Combined Arms Center Fort Leavenworth, Kansas
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS 4
MASS, MOBILITY. AND THE RED ARMY’S ROAD TO OPERATIONAL ART, 1918-1936 5
THE RUSSIAN ARMY AND THE INDUSTRIALIZATION OF WAR 7
THE RED ARMY AND THE SEARCH FOR A SOVIET MILITARY ART 12
THE DEVELOPMENT OF OPERATIONAL ART 21
THE MECHANIZATION OF DEEP OPERATIONS 27
REQUEST FROM THE PUBLISHER 33
MASS, MOBILITY. AND THE RED ARMY’S ROAD TO OPERATIONAL ART, 1918-1936
The first requirement for this paper is to deal with the problem of exactly what we mean by the three terms employed in the title. Mass in the Russian context has a double meaning. To some it unquestionably calls to mind the image of the Russian steamroller, which provided nightmares of Schlieffen and his planners in the decades before World War I. A simple process of extrapolation based upon the size of Russia’s standing army, the number of conscripts being inducted in any year under the universal military service statute, and the Empire’s total population provided a rough estimate of the total number of rifles and bayonets which the tsar could put into the field. The tsarist government’s adoption of the Grand Program for rearmament in 1912 thus threatened to change the military balance on the continent.{1} Those forces would mobilize slowly, but, like a steamroller, their momentum would carry all before them.
Given the predominance of a short-war paradigm among European general staffs, this threat was real but not immediately compelling. The Germans assumed it could be answered by a rapid victory over France before such numbers could make their weight felt. It led German officers to influence their Austro-Hungarian counterparts to undertake initial offensive actions to reduce pressure upon the German covering forces protecting East Prussia and Silesia. The major modernization and expansion of Russian forces for which the Great Program of 1912
provided did create a window of vulnerability which German officers assumed would open around 1917. This in its own way contributed to an enhanced sense of impending threat. At the same time, fears that Russian manpower would not affect German deployments against their own offensive led French generals and politicians to press for commitments to immediate offensive operations by the Russian Army, even before mobilization was completed. In this context the myth of the Russian steamroller played its own special role in shaping pre-war military policy and the maneuver phase of World War I.{2}
Ironically, the Russian steamroller embodied one of the central contradictions of military affairs in the decade prior to World War I, i. e. the confusion of mobilization and concentration with deployment and maneuver. Mobilization and concentration through the systematic exploitation of the national railway system had, since Moltke’s victories, been interpreted to be the key to strategic success. War plans, which became the domain of the various European general staffs, were a matter of defining the operational which would permit the most decisive concentration of troops against the enemy’s center of gravity during the initial phase of war. The location and capacity of the railroad net, when combined with a rational system for its rapid exploitation for the movement of standing and reserve formations, assumed paramount importance, while the maneuver of army groups was confined within the operational lines dictated by the mobilization process and the rail net. This has been described in some recent scholarship as the cult of the offensive
since it