26-year Post veteran reflects on career as a journalist, reporting on China, and why he wants to return to Hong Kong

As I sit down to write this column to reflect on my career as a journalist, my mind keeps drifting to A Good Life, the title of the autobiography of US journalist Ben Bradlee, one of the greatest newspapermen in modern times and for whom I have the utmost respect.

I cannot think of a more fitting description to summarise my life's work as I have decided to move on from the hustle and bustle of reporting and writing for 33 years. I am leaving the South China Morning Post, a newspaper I have worked at and loved for more than 26 years.

When I landed in Hong Kong in 1993 after a study-work stint in London, I was in awe of almost everything about the freewheeling city and its can-do spirit, but unsure of my footing as a fledgling reporter.

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I found my calling in 1996 when I joined the Post, where I started as a China business reporter. In 2000, I took over as China Editor, driving the Post's China-related coverage, one of its most important sections. At the time, Beijing was on the cusp of joining the World Trade Organization, and its membership in 2001 paved the way for the country's economic lift-off in the next two decades.

In 2012, I became the Post's Editor-In-Chief and held the position until the end of 2015, when I relocated to Beijing to be closer to my family and remained as an editorial adviser.

As a senior editor over the past two decades, I have been privileged to lead the expansion of our China coverage in breadth and depth. More importantly, I have pushed for the Post to find a unique voice and carve out a distinct position as Asia's leading media platform, where readers can find authoritative, insightful and independent news and commentaries on Hong Kong and the Chinese mainland.

That means the Post must cover China from an insider's perspective. Its understanding and reporting of China comes from the fact that it is part of the country, but does not report to Beijing.

Based in Hong Kong and benefiting from the concept of "one country, two systems", the Post has been able to examine China-related issues critically and independently. I have been heartily encouraged by the Post's extensive and insightful coverage on China-related issues on a daily basis. Its top-notch exclusive reports and perceptive commentaries on China's norm-busting leadership shake-up this month, and the implications for the rest of the world, is the latest example of the paper's ambition.

Social media and digital platforms have transformed journalism. From day one as Editor-in-Chief, I set about reforming and revamping newsroom operations to lay the foundation to transform the Post from a traditional print-centred publisher to a thriving digital media platform with a global reach.

When I first took over the newsroom, more than 80 per cent of online traffic came from print subscribers in Hong Kong. Now, that number has flipped the other way, with a majority of online traffic coming from overseas, while our subscriber base in Hong Kong has also grown substantially.

It would be remiss if I did not mention my long-term relationship with the family of Malaysian magnate Robert Kuok, who owned the Post from 1993 to 2016. I would not have made it this far without their generous support and confidence. Not once did Kuok or his relatives call to interfere in my editorial decisions throughout my 26 years at the Post, particularly during my time as the Editor-In-Chief.

During meetings with Kuok, I learned and benefited from his wisdom. An avid reader of the Post from cover to cover, Kuok once told me that the way one certain story was written ruined his appetite for breakfast, but when pressed for details he just smiled and declined to say more.

I was preparing to step aside as the top editor when Jack Ma's Alibaba Group was in the process of acquiring the Post. Since the acquisition in early 2016, I have observed that Joe Tsai, the Post's new chairman, has respected editorial independence and invested more resources to expand the Post's digital footprint.

Still, as a news junkie, nothing gives me more thrill and excitement than chasing story leads, breaking stories, and producing impactful commentaries.

Working for the Post has over the years afforded me a front-row seat to chronicle and comment on the tremendous changes China has undergone, the good, the bad, and the ugly.

After more than 40 years of reform and opening up, which led China's economy to become the world's second largest, China is again at a crossroads.

Since coming to power in late 2012, China's President Xi Jinping has completely changed how the country is governed and has consolidated power solely in his own hands. His grip on power has become even tighter after he succeeded in shredding norms and unwritten rules during the country's twice-a-decade leadership congress, by instilling groundbreaking changes and packing the new power structure with his allies.

The ease with which he has secured an unprecedented third term as party leader makes it certain that he intends to rule the country at least for the next 10 years.

In his keynote speech to the 20th congress, he doubled down on his grand vision to build China into a modern country and promised to further tighten the Communist Party's controls over society and economy.

He mentioned the word "security" far more times than the word "economy" as China was faced with the worst international environment in decades amid rising confrontation with the United States.

He issued dark warnings of looming threats including external attempts to suppress and contain China, without explicitly mentioning the US or the West.

While stressing self-reliance and self-sufficiency, Xi promised to continue China's high-level opening up to foreign investment and foreign input.

But investors remain unconvinced, triggering a brutal sell-off in stock markets in Shanghai and Hong Kong as well as China-related shares in New York on Monday, the day after the leadership changes were unveiled to the world.

As Xi strengthens authoritarian controls and emphasises loyalty and confidentiality, China's politics and policymaking process, opaque in nature, have become even more impenetrable.

Paradoxically, this should give the Post more growth opportunities. At a time like this, demand for credible, authoritative and insightful information on China - one of the greatest stories in modern times - has never been more critical.

When I was based in Hong Kong where information flow was unimpeded, I always appreciated and valued the vantage point the city could offer a journalist. After six years in Beijing where media is muzzled, dissent is silenced, and officials invariably start their speeches by praising Xi first, my appreciation of Hong Kong's unique advantages has grown much deeper.

The city is certainly going through a difficult patch following the turmoil in 2019 and the subsequent imposition of the National Security Law by Beijing.

Droves of people have decamped amid prevailing pessimism that Hong Kong's role and standing will most likely fade further, and that it will become "just another Chinese city".

I disagree. Hong Kong has stumbled for sure but it will bounce back as before. At a time when China is turning distinctly inward, Hong Kong's role as the bridge through which the outside world engages with the Chinese mainland is getting bigger.

For the moment, people focus too much on the negatives and not enough on the positives. Hong Kong's rule of law, its capitalist way of life, its clean governance, free flow of information, and its high quality professional services do matter. All these advantages have not changed, which makes it distinctly different from the mainland Chinese cities.

That is why I have decided to return to Hong Kong to pursue a new chapter of the good life. I am ready to try the next good thing I love - journalism education.

Wang Xiangwei is a former editor-in-chief of the South China Morning Post.

This article originally appeared on the South China Morning Post (SCMP).

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