Celtic Warfare: From the Fifth Century BC to the First Century AD

By Gioal Canestrelli

Warfare was a crucial aspect of Celtic society, deeply linked to the spreading of their culture through all Europe. Between the fifth century BC, when La Tène Culture Celts developed in Europe, and the first century AD, when they faced the complete subjugation or annihilation of most of their communities, their approach to warfare was subject to constant evolution, driven both by contact with Mediterranean cultures and different requirements closely related to social issues that were in constant flux. Gioal Canestrelli offers an interdisciplinary approach, combining archaeological and literary sources and examining Celtic warfare from both a practical perspective, linked to weapons structure and military tactics, and a social perspective, analysing the cultural implications of Celtic military development. Furthermore, the book analyses the different areas of the Keltiké, from Britain to Gaul, from Spain to the Alpine region, with more than 120 black & white drawings of the archaeological finds and a number of original color artworks of Celtic warriors.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Open Road Integrated Media
• Release date: Nov 4, 2022
• ISBN: 9781399070188

Book preview

Celtic Warfare

Celtic Warfare

From the Fifth Century BC to the First Century AD

Gioal Canestrelli

Artwork by Damiano Coppa

Colour Plates by Francesca Mattioli and Alice Bulgarelli

First published in Great Britain in 2022 by

Pen & Sword Military

An imprint of

Pen & Sword Books Ltd

Yorkshire – Philadelphia

Copyright © Gioal Canestrelli 2022

ISBN 978 1 39907 017 1

eISBN 978 1 39907 018 8

The right of Gioal Canestrelli to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

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‘War should not be studied as an end in itself…we must use war as an expression of civilization, being one of the most eloquent.’

Jacques Harmand

To my father, who gave me the passion for military history

Contents

Plates

Foreword

Chapter 1Aristocratic Warriors (La Tène A: approx. 480–400 BC)

Chapter 2Mercenaries (La Tène B1: approx. 400–320 BC)

Chapter 3A People’s Army (La Tène B2: approx. 320–260 BC; La Tène C1: approx. 260–180 BC)

Chapter 4Soldiers and Cavalrymen (La Tène C2: approx. 180–130 BC, La Tène D: approx. 130–10 BC)

Chapter 5Two Examples of Conservatism: Alpine and British Celts

Chapter 6The Celts of Iberia: A Particular Setting

Appendix: Stratagems and Poliorcetics (Siege War)

Dictionary

Notes

Bibliography

Plates

Plate 1. La Tène A, mid of the V century BC, Central Europe, Aristocratic warlords.

With the passage from Hallstatt to La Tène culture, Celtic warbands started to spread throughout Europe. These two noble combatants are an example of V century BC La Tène aristocracy.

The warrior on the left wears a tall Berru helmet in copper alloy and a tube and yoke armour with a peculiar gorget-like humeralia as seen from the statues of Glanum and Roquepertuse. His full-iron javelin, a gaesum or soliferrum, is both a weapon and a status-symbol, while the sword carried on the right side is inspired by the longest specimen of that time.

The structure of the shield is hardened by an iron bar running over the wooden umbo, with four bronze appliques as further reinforcements and decorative elements

The warrior on the right, inspired by the Glauberg stelae and the combatants of the Hallstatt scabbard, is wearing a simple Bockweiler helmet in iron and a tube and yoke armour made of crenellated segments. His small shield and relatively short sword with a deadly point are compatible with a dynamic combat style.

Plate 2. La Tène B1, mid of the IV century BC, border between Cisalpine Gaul and Ager Gallicus, Mercenary and chieftain.

The conquest of a huge portion of northern Italy strongly affected the equipment of Celtic warriors.

The figure on the left is a Senones mercenary, whose rich panoply may have been acquired thanks to the money earned fighting for the Greeks of Syracuse.

His helmet, an iron Celto-Italic with the typical three-lobed cheek-pieces, is inspired by the find from the Euryalus fortress in Syracuse, while the tube and yoke armour, and the richly embossed bronze scabbard are taken from the finds in the Senones necropolis of S. Paolina di Filottrano. The shield, with its iron bivalve umbo covering the wooden spina and reinforcing metal bar, is inspired by the depiction of a Gaulish shield on an Etruscan pottery from Volterra.

The warrior on the right is a Boii chieftain and wears a bronze Montefortino helmet surmounted with a pair of metal foil horns as seen in several finds from northern Italy. The model depicted is specifically inspired by the specimen found in grave 132 of the Boii necropolis of Monte Tamburino di Monte Bibele. Furthermore, his sword comes from grave 94 of the same necropolis, and is an excellent weapon with a strong and sharp blade and a scabbard with a large pierced chape.

The shield’s metal elements and the pilum javelin are also inspired by the findings from Monte Bibele, precisely the materials from Monterenzio Vecchio grave 3, while the shield decoration pattern is taken from the depiction on an Etruscan pottery from the Leipzig Museum.

His tube and yoke armour is a linothorax, inspired by a passage of Silius Italicus’ Punica about the linen cuirass of the Boii chieftain Crixus, while the shape of the crossed humeralia is taken from a bronze figurine from Glauberg.

Plate 3. La Tène B2, 279 BC, Northern Greece, The Great Expedition.

After testing the power of Macedon with some minor expeditions in the Balkans between the last years of the IV century BC and the first years of the III century BC, the Pannonian Celts launched a large-scale attack against Greece thanks to the efforts of both the newly established Celtic communities of the Carpathian Basin and the fierce Volcae warbands from Bohemia and Moravia.

The combatant on the left is a Pannonian levy infantryman from one of the communities settled in the Carpathian basin and was not originally a member of the warrior class.

His helmet is a bronze Celto-Italic of the Eastern sub-type directly inspired by a specific finding that went through various modifications and repairs, such as the addition of a neck-guard and anatomic cheek-pieces in substitutions to the original three-lobed ones. As a main weapon he carries a long thrusting spear, the celtic lankia, inspired by the Greek dory, while his secondary weapon is a simple butcher knife, used as a weapon by the Eastern Celts as reported by Diodorus (XVI, 94, 3). The shape and decoration pattern of his shield are both taken from a Hellenistic clay figurine resembling a Celtic warrior kept in the British Museum.

The second combatant is a professional from the Volcae Tectosages warbands equipped with a sword and a spear useful both as a throwing weapon and in close combat.

His iron Eastern Celto-Italic helmet is attested by both actual findings and iconography, and both his shield and armour, an iron mail shirt, are inspired from the Celtic weapons depicted on the reliefs in the sanctuary of Athena Nikephoros in Pergamon.

Plate 4. La Tène C, 225 BC, Etruria, Battle of Telamon.

After the Romans conquered the Ager Gallicus, massacred the Senones Gauls and founded the colony of Ariminum, the Celtic peoples of Cisalpine Gaul became weary of the Roman expansionism. A mighty alliance was therefore forged between the Insubres, the Boii and the Taurini, and many Gaesatae mercenaries were recruited from the Rhône Valley.

A huge Celtic army marched south and defeated the Romans in Etruria, but was confronted and soundly defeated by two consular armies at Cape Telamon while trying to return home with a rich booty.

The first warrior on the left is one of the Insubres, the strong Celtic confederation whose capital city was Mesiolano, known today as Milan. He is not a noble, but a rich merchant or craftsman, which makes his equipment of fine but not best quality. His sword is a long slashing weapon, not too sharp, whose blade may be low-quality, prone to bend.

The shield, rectangular in shape, is inspired by the Gaulish shields represented on Roman coins and Etruscan urns, while its decorative pattern is taken from Etruscan art.

His helmet is an iron Celto-Italic as from many finds in Insubres’ territory, while the armour is a hypothetical tube and yoke in quilted felted wool, inspired by the quote of Polybius about the ‘protective clothing’ of the Insubres and Boii at Telamon.

The warrior in the middle is a Boii levy spearman, a farmer conscripted in his chieftain’s army. His head is protected by a bronze Montefortino helmet, while the huge shield with the butterfly boss, perfect for tight combat formations together with a long thrusting spear, is inspired by the finding of Ceretolo. His secondary weapon is a long broad-bladed knife which may have been a multi-purpose tool in times of peace, similar to various specimen found in Cisalpine Gaul. In this picture the huge knife is suspended on the right side like a sword, but it is likely that this kind of opportunity weapons were carried according to the personal choice of the combatant. The fur jacket is inspired by the depiction of a Gaul garment on the relief on the Civitalba pediment.

Finally on the right is one of the dreaded Gaesatae, inspired by the descriptions by Classical authors and the silhouettes on the Arieti grave frescoes. Naked except for his weapons and jewels, his hair soaked in lime, the Gaesata runs toward the enemy, ready to throw his all-iron javelin, the gaesum from which his brotherhood takes its name, and then charges in the thickest part of the formation, swinging his sword in deadly arches.

Plate 5. La Tène D1, end of the II century BC, Northern Transalpine Gaul, Heavy horseman.

During the II century BC horsemanship became an increasingly important part of Celtic warfare, and the invention of the horned saddle provided a more stable stance to the Celtic riders.

The horseman represented is clearly a member of the nobility or at least the Soldurios (sworn bodyguard) of a noble. His equipment, with a conical iron helmet but especially the iron mail armour, is extremely expensive. While a statue from Entremont provided the shape of the humeralia on the armour, the helmet is inspired by various findings in northern France, such as those from Rouvray and Louvieres. The sword, with a very long blade without midrib, has an almost rounded point, and is clearly a slashing weapon.

On the right side, fastened to the horse’s harness, there is a quiver for javelins. The Gauls widely practiced javelin throwing from horseback, and transmitted their techniques to the Roman cavalry in the Imperial age.

Plate 6. La Tène D2, 52 a.C, Transalpine Gaul, Siege of Alesia.

The siege of the Gaulish fortress of Alesia was a pivotal point for Caesar’s campaign in Transalpine Gaul. After successfully using a scorched earth strategy and hit-and-run tactics, Vercingetorix, leader of the Gallic revolt, was eventually beaten in open field by Caesar’s Germanic cavalry and retreated to barricade within the city fortress of Alesia. While all Gaul sent reinforcements to help Vercingetorix, Caesar encircled Alesia with impressive siege works, and an endurance race begun.

The warrior in front is a professional fighter equipped with the best offensive and defensive weapons available in I BC Transalpine Gaul. His mail armour is fine work of artisanship that combines riveted and closed iron rings, while his helmet, an iron Port, will be the inspiration for the Roman Imperial-Gallic. The shield, with an iron butterfly boss reinforcing the wooden spina, is entirely rimmed with iron to offer formidable defence against chopping blows.

His sword, long and with a slightly rounded tip, is fundamentally a slashing weapon like most of the Celtic blades of this time.

The warrior on the left is an Ambactos, a militiaman committed to a noble.

He is equipped in a similar manner of the levy spearmen of the previous centuries, with a long pike with biconvex point as main weapon and a knife.

His helmet is a simple bronze Coolus, while as body protection he wears a long padded jacket strongly resembling a medieval gambeson, as depicted on Roman coinage celebrating Caesar’s victories. The rounded shield without the wooden spina, lighter than the typical Celtic models, may be of Germanic origin.

Both the professional warrior and the Ambactos wear their sagum, or mantle, leaving one shoulder bare. Caesar reported that the Gauls sided with the Romans used to wear the sagum leaving their right shoulder bare in order to be recognizable in the heat of the battle, so one might speculate that the Gauls normally wore their mantle in the opposite way as depicted here.

The figure on the right, a hunter coming from one of the poorest and outlying villages, is an archer equipped with a simple self bow.

Caesar reports that archers, normally an uncommon sight among the Celtic warriors, were mass-recruited by Vercingetorix in an effort to confront the professional Cretans skirmishers employed as auxiliary by the Roman army.

He is wearing the characteristic Celtic hooded mantle named bardocucullus.

Plate 7. Latest Iron Age, 43 AD, Kent, Chieftain and champion waiting for the Romans on the banks of river Medway.

When emperor Claudius launched a full-scale invasion against Britain in 43 AD he was opposed by the two princes of the Catuvellauni, Caratacus and Togodumnus, that rallied to their side many different tribes from the southern region of the island. After a few skirmishes, the first proper confrontation between the Roman legions and the army of the Britons took place on the banks of Medway.

The figure on the left is a rich chieftain, wearing a costly mail armour inspired by the find of Kirkburn and a horned and embossed bronze helmet resembling the specimen found in the Thames near Waterloo Bridge. His sword is inspired by the hilt found in Worton, Lancashire, while the bronze scabbard has been fashioned after the find from Isleham, Cambridgeshire. Lastly, the peculiar animal hide-shaped shield is inspired by a miniature find from the Thames.

The warrior on the right, depicted with a chest naked, is the chieftain’s champion. He proudly shows his ritual tattoos resembling wild animals as described by Latin author Herodian (3.14.7). His helmet is an elaborate and embossed Coolus like the one found in Meyrick, Northumbria, while his shield, also inspired by a miniature find from the Thames, displays a red square decoration like the one on the Enderby shield.

The sword, with a simple wooden hilt similar to the findings of Must Farm, Cambridgeshire, is suspended on his back in a peculiar Briton fashion and sheated in a bronze scabbard like the specimens found in Embleton, Cotterdale and Asby Scar.

Plate 8. 218 BC, Cartagena, Hannibal’s mercenaries preparing for the march.

After besieging Saguntum, Hannibal assembled a powerful army at Carthago Nova (modern Cartagena) before marching towards Italy. Even if Hannibal’s army mostly consisted of African troops and contingents provided by his Iberian allies and subjects, some of his soldiers were mercenaries, and part of them were Celtiberian.

The standing warrior is a Celtiberian chieftain freshly arrived from the Meseta in his traditional attire: bracae of Celtic fashion as reported by Lucilius (quoted by Nonius, 227.33), a dark cloak of rough wool, and fur greaves as reported by Diodorus (V, 33). His helmet is an elaborate bronze Hispano-Chalcidic surmounted with copper alloy wings and a red horsehair crest, while his armor is a leather cardiophylax. He fights as a Caetratus, and hence carries a light round shield and an iron soliferrum with a barbed point as throwing weapon. As a primary hand-to-hand weapon he wields an arcobriga, a short subtype of espada de antenas atrofiadas with an incredibly sharp and deadly point. His secondary weapon is a biglobular dagger, ancestor of the Roman pugio.

The sitting warrior is a veteran of the Carthaginian army and wears a white tunic rimmed in red. This item of clothing, of probable Iberian origin, was quite common among Hannibal’s Spaniard troops. His helmet is a simple Montefortino without cheek pieces, the most popular subtype in Spain, possibly introduced by the Carthaginians, while the sword is one of the earliest prototypes of gladius hispaniensis, with a strong blade with a solid midrib. He fights as a Scutatus and is therefore equipped with a tall Celtic shield bearing a characteristic bivalve iron umbo common in South-Eastern Spain. While usage of this type of shield was common among the Celts north of the Pyrenees and the Iberians of Catalunya, in Southern and Center Spain its spread can be mainly attributed to Carthaginian influence. In this picture, the Punic symbols are a hint that the shield may have been provided to the warrior by the Carthaginians themselves.

Foreword

The image of the Celtic warrior has always held a significant position in our collective imagination.

In contrast to the image of meticulous and efficient Roman warfare, our image of the Celtic warrior evokes in our minds the idea of frenzied hordes of tall, long-haired barbarians, eager to destroy and pillage; of Brennus blatantly tossing his sword onto the scales shouting out that famous, rage-filled barbarian cry: ‘Vae victis!’.¹ It is easy to understand how this cliché was born by reviewing some of the most well-known Classical records guilty of creating this over-worn depiction of the fierce and untamed Celt. For example, Livy wrote ‘What are you doing, o soldiers? … we are not going to fight Latins or Sabines, who, after overcome by weapons, we can turn from foes to allies, we must wield our iron against wild beasts: if we’ll not have their blood, they will have ours…’²

Two things, subsequent to the earlier classical accounts, laid the foundation of this feral and bestial image: an ancient terror, undoubtedly resulting from such dramatic events as the Sack of Rome and Sack of Delphi, and an even more ancestral loathing for something that was perceived – at least at the first stage of interaction between the two cultures – as utterly alien.

Completely dissimilar in outward appearance, in their culture and lifestyle, the first Celts looked to Greeks and Latins more like beasts than human beings. Understandably, then, their modes of warfare could not be seen to represent civilized society’s bellum gerere,³ but rather the tumultus- something chaotic, blundering and loud.

Although, through a subsequent broadening of Romans’ attitudes – and a multifaceted cultural exchange – the sub-human features of this image gradually faded from the historical record. Nevertheless, this depiction of the Celts endured as tòpos in Classic culture, and contributed to establishing a formulaic depiction of the brutal and muddled savage, which was consistent with the broader representation of Celtic classic culture.

In reality, in contrast to Mediterranean societies, Celts somehow appear to have managed to develop and bring to fruition both unrestrained warrior rage and a surprisingly high degree of personal initiative on the battlefield. So, despite these peculiar and distinctive features, Celtic warfare cannot be reduced just to hordes of frenzied brutes.

Between the fifth century BC, when La Tène Culture Celts developed in Europe, and the first century AD, when they faced the complete subjugation or annihilation of most of their communities, their approach to warfare was subject to constant evolution, driven both by contact with Mediterranean cultures and different requirements closely related to social issues that were in constant flux.

To fully understand Celtic military development, in addition to an accurate analysis of cultural interchange and social evolution, a systematic examination of the archaeological finds is required. The design and structure of a weapon can shed light on its mode of use and its application. This can then be used as an indicator of tactics used on the battlefield.

Iconography and numismatic evidence can be culled from other sources, but it is imperative to carefully select those records and review them, being fully aware of the bias and artistic dissimilarities which are often likely to have created an idealized representation rather than an accurate one.

Last but not least, the exegesis of literary sources combined with the analysis of other evidence allows the production of a reliable characterization of Celtic warfare and society.

Concerning literary sources, one of the greatest issues to contend with relates to chronological and regional variations. It is often quite hard to establish to which timeframe classical sources refer because many Greek and Roman authors relied on earlier works without explicitly referring to them. Therefore, the picture presented by these records, with its selectivity and bias, requires a thorough and systematic analysis in order to allow the archaeological data and the historical account to correctly complement each other.

Nonetheless, it is imperative to remember that Celtic culture remains highly complex in every aspect.

Due to its vast geographical extent, polycentric political structure (more scattered and warlike, lacking ruling unity or centralized government typical of Rome and the hellenistic kingdoms), Celtic society has a very different appearance to its neighboring cultures. Any innovation or development would have travelled slowly, gradually radiating from a core zone and reaching the furthest areas only after a long time, or even halting when geographic or socio-cultural boundaries proved impassable.

Through the next chapters we will critically examine concurrent but substantially dissimilar Celtic military contexts. Once again, chronological and geographical variation seems to hinder our research. Occasionally, some technical and tactical advancements occurred precociously while others remained undeveloped – or at least far from being established – and models of warfare, already outdated elsewhere, remained in use.

So, would it be possible to look at Celtic military history using a linear approach?

The answer is undoubtedly ‘yes’ and shows this linearity to lie along the fil rouge connecting the Cisalpine Gaul warrior to his Transalpine counterpart and on to the Brittonic and Caledonian fighter.

The parameters set in order to reconstruct the milieu of Celtic warfare must always look to its complexity as well as geographic dissimilarities and chronological variations. Some military developments might look divergent, but they very likely belonged to more isolated regions where outdated warfare was retained due to social, economic, and geographical factors.

Before going into an extensive analysis of the Celtic warrior and his evolution through the ages we must move past not just the conventional representation of the wild barbarian (resulting from classical imagery and literature) but also the romantic depiction created by French culture in nineteenth century.

Due to a slight stratigraphic oversight during the first stage