The Prince: Complete and Original Signature Edition
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About this ebook
Since its posthumous publication in 1532, Machiavelli’s treatise on claiming and holding power has been synonymous with deception, ruthlessness, and even brutality. History generally regards the author of The Prince as a one-note schemer and callous plotter. Some contemporary critics even call him a satirist.
In this newly introduced and annotated edition of Machiavelli’s most enduring work, scholar of esotericism Mitch Horowitz elucidates the greater spectrum of the pragmatic philosopher’s ideas to reveal a figure concerned not just with amoral cunning but possessed of standards and ideals rarely appreciated in modern assessments.
“A fresh look,” Mitch writes in his introduction, “often reveals the unexpected. Machiavelli imbued The Prince with a greater sense of purpose and ethics than is commonly understood…I believe that some who encounter The Prince today will recognize subtleties missing from the value-free rationalism prominent in some precincts of our culture.”
Mitch’s new assessment and chapter notes highlight practical lessons that give The Prince its immortality. Not all of Machiavelli’s advice remains pertinent or possible in today’s world; nor would most readers wish to act on all of it. But, as Mitch explores, the political philosopher’s overarching principles warrant careful scrutiny and evaluation.
This unabridged edition of The Prince is drawn from N.H. Thomson’s 1910 translation, published as volume 36 of The Harvard Classics. Antiquated spellings and grammar are updated. Appendices reproduce aphorisms from both The Prince and Machiavelli’s seminally important Discourses on Livy (1531). Pull quotes emphasize key points and Mitch summarizes takeaways following each chapter.
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The Prince - Niccolò Machiavelli
Chapter I
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Of the Various Kinds of Princedom, and of the Ways in Which They Are Acquired
All the States and Governments by which men are or ever have been ruled, have been and are either Republics or Princedoms. Princedoms are either hereditary, in which the sovereignty is derived through an ancient line of ancestors, or they are new. New Princedoms are either wholly new, as that of Milan to Francesco Sforza; or they are like limbs joined onto the hereditary possessions of the Prince who acquires them, as the Kingdom of Naples to the dominions of the King of Spain. The States thus acquired have either been used to live under a Prince or have been free; and he who acquires them does so either by his own arms or by the arms of others, and either by good fortune or by merit.
… he who acquires them does so either by his own arms or by the arms of others, and either by good fortune or by merit.
Force, fortune, merit—or some combination—determine rulership.
—MH
Chapter II
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Of Hereditary Princedoms
Of Republics I shall not now speak, having elsewhere spoken of them at length. Here I shall treat exclusively of Princedoms, and, filling in the outline above traced out, shall proceed to examine how such States are to be governed and maintained.
I say, then, that hereditary States, accustomed to the family of their Prince, are maintained with far less difficulty than new States, since all that is required is that the Prince shall not depart from the usages of his ancestors, trusting for the rest to deal with events as they arise. So that if an hereditary Prince be of average address, he will always maintain himself in his Princedom, unless deprived of it by some extraordinary and irresistible force; and even if so deprived will recover it, should any, even the least, mishap overtake the usurper. We have in Italy an example of this in the Duke of Ferrara, who never could have withstood the attacks of the Venetians in 1484, nor those of Pope Julius in 1510, had not his authority in that State been consolidated by time. For since a Prince by birth has fewer occasions and less need to give offense, he ought to be better loved, and will naturally be popular with his subjects unless outrageous vices make him odious. Moreover, the very antiquity and continuance of his rule will efface the memories and causes which lead to innovation. For one change always leaves a dovetail into which another will fit.
I say, then, that hereditary States, accustomed to the family of their Prince, are maintained with far less difficulty than new States …
Unless grossly aggrieved, most people cling to familiarity, inertia, and habit. Hence, Machiavelli views orderly hereditary rule as the most stable kind of leadership, if not always the best or most ensuring of public happiness.
—MH
Chapter III
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Of Mixed Princedoms
But in new Princedoms difficulties abound. And, first, if the Princedom be not wholly new, but joined onto the ancient dominions of the Prince, so as to form with them what may be termed a mixed Princedom, changes will come from a cause common to all new States, namely, that men, thinking to better their condition, are always ready to change masters, and in this expectation will take up arms against any ruler; wherein they deceive themselves, and find afterwards by experience that they are worse off than before. This again results naturally and necessarily from the circumstance that the Prince cannot avoid giving offense to his new subjects, either in respect of the troops he quarters on them, or of some other of the numberless vexations attendant on a new acquisition. And in this way you may find that you have enemies in all those whom you have injured in seizing the Princedom, yet cannot keep the friendship of those who helped you to gain it; since you can neither reward them as they expect, nor yet, being under obligations to them, use violent remedies against them. For however strong you may be in respect of your army, it is essential that in entering a new Province you should have the good will of its inhabitants.
… in new Princedoms difficulties abound … men, thinking to better their condition, are always ready to change masters.
Hence it happened that Louis XII of France, speedily gaining possession of Milan, as speedily lost it; and that on the occasion of its first capture, Lodovico Sforza was able with his own forces only to take it from him. For the very people who had opened the gates to the French King, when they found themselves deceived in their expectations and hopes of future benefits, could not put up with the insolence of their new ruler. True it is that when a State rebels and is again got under, it will not afterwards be lost so easily. For the Prince, using the rebellion as a pretext, will not scruple to secure himself by punishing the guilty, bringing the suspected to trial, and otherwise strengthening his position in the points where it was weak. So that if to recover Milan from the French it was enough on the first occasion that a Duke Lodovico should raise alarms on the frontiers to wrest it from them a second time the whole world had to be ranged against them, and their armies destroyed and driven out of Italy. And this for the reasons above assigned. And yet, for a second time, Milan was lost to the King. The general causes of its first loss have been shown. It remains to note the causes of the second, and to point out the remedies which the French King had, or which might have been used by another in like circumstances to maintain his conquest more successfully than he