The Red Fuhrer: Revolution

By Paul Hynes

The year is 1929 and the German republic, born out of the ashes of the First World War, looks to the future with optimism. After a turbulent beginning the republic has become the economic powerhouse of Europe once more with Berlin as the cultural centre of the continent. Many call it a golden age.

However, the ghosts of the republic?s formation refuse to be laid to rest. On the right, a jealous Prince awaits an opportunity to reign as Kaiser in a restored Empire, a Third Reich. On the left, a veteran whose views were forged in the conflict aims to fulfill the goals of the failed Communist revolutions at the end of the war. The devastation to the global economy wrought by an American stock market crash will give both men their opportunities.

In The Red Fuhrer: Revolution these ambitions collide in a civil war which will tear Germany apart and leave a distorted world in its wake. A world Adolf Hitler is ready to shape in his own image.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Sea Lion Press
• Release date: Nov 7, 2023
• ISBN: 9798223200901

Book preview

This book is a work of fiction. While 'real-world' characters may appear, the nature of the divergent story means any depictions herein are fictionalised and in no way an indication of real events. Above all, characterisations have been developed with the primary aim of telling a compelling story.

Published by Sea Lion Press, 2021. All rights reserved.

Prologue

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The ‘Golden Years’

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The so-called ‘Golden Years’ of the Weimar Republic, usually placed between 1924 and 1929, have been the subject of fond, if rather naïve, memories.

To many, it was a time when it seemed as if Germany had successfully negotiated a path between the extremes of left and right and had left the archaic days of the past behind. It is a time that many consider an era where Germany was working towards a glorious future in relative harmony, before international crises and homegrown forces of chaos and reaction conspired to tear down the promise of German democracy. This is a myth that has gained much attention from the dissidents that fled the German Workers’ Republic and praised the optimism and hope of the republic prior to the Great Depression. In doing so, this nostalgia completely overshadows the fact that the issues of economic and political strife that plagued the republic had not been overcome during this period; at best, they were merely seen to have been tempered.

There is no denying that Germany experienced some economic success between 1924 and 1929, but this was typically of benefit only to the white-collar workers who had always formed the aspirational, socially mobile backbone of the republic. By 1928 productivity had returned to pre-war levels and wages were on average 12% higher than they had been under the Kaiser. However, the number of hours in the working day had also increased for most urban workers as German industrialists attempted to mimic the success of vast American corporations such as Ford. In a time when the Communist Party was having to deal with the fact that German capitalism seemed to be working, Hitler famously commented American hours, but German working conditions and German wages. Although wages increased, they were nowhere near comparable to the pay packet an American worker could hope for. It seemed to many that those who controlled the means of production were trying to reap the benefits of American industrial strategy without having to invest in their workers.

Instead of higher wages, German companies attempted to raise their workers’ stake in their employer by organising recreational activities, company sports teams, picnics, and other pursuits designed to engender an image of family between the management and the workforce. However, these were largely petit-bourgeois pursuits and were alien to the average German worker, who found their working day becoming longer for insufficient compensation. In this regard, working class women were affected even more than working class men.

As the German economy grew, women were working in the largest numbers since the end of the First World War, but this was an achievement that also became a burden for many. Women being in the workforce was still frowned upon in many areas of German society, but it was an utter necessity for many German families. Nonetheless, women were still paid less than men for the same work and for the same hours while usually also being expected to do all the household work when they returned home. The husband, employed or otherwise, was not expected to contribute. Although many white-collar workers like to imagine an era of domestic bliss, there was nothing particularly golden for a woman who had to work eight hours a day only to return home to a further eight hours’ work. Government pronouncements of economic success were not much to be applauded when individuals did not have time to even read the newspaper before their day had to start again.

The economic success during the supposed ‘Golden Years’ must also be put under greater scrutiny. Although the German economy became a world leader in certain fields, particularly in chemicals, its overall economic growth did not match that of either France or Great Britain. Unemployment remained a serious problem, never going below 1.5 million people out of work. This was a figure that had begun to grow even before the autumn of 1929. The government attempted to alleviate the problems of unemployment or injury that families suffered from by increasing the rate of unemployment insurance and sickness benefit. However, these measures only added to the financial burden of a state that was spending on the basis that the economic growth would go on continuously, with little effort being made to ensure it would continue on a firm basis. The government was willing to support those out of work, but it was wary of paying them to work on improving infrastructure or other practical measures. The primary cause of the financial burden, however, was that the republic had driven itself into a great deal of debt to recover from the devastating hyperinflation of the early twenties. Germany had become reliant on American loans for much of its continued stability.

In this way the German government had tied itself to the success of the American economy. Like the inflationary consensus of the early twenties, it was a gamble that they had placed far too much faith in.

~ Annett Gerhardt, Kriegsphilosophie: Totalitarismus und Demokratie in der Deutschen Arbeiterrepublik

American Embassy, Berlin

September 1929

There would have been a time when a call from the state department would have thrown off Robert Oaks. Then again, there would have been a time when he would have shuddered at the title of Washington’s man in Berlin, but the city had grown on him after his long spell as advisor to the United States Ambassador.

When Robert had moved to the city, he had seen his appointment as some sort of cruel punishment for what he had hoped would be a promising diplomatic career. Germany had been stuck in the midst of the worst hyperinflation in human history and Berlin had appeared to be at the epicentre. The French had invaded the industrial Ruhr to take the reparations the Germans pleaded that they could ill afford to give, only worsening the economic crisis.

The streets had been full of the destitute and the hungry. The communist mobs whose numbers had swelled amidst the misery had been triumphant. The crisis had seemingly validated their anti-capitalist rhetoric. Their cause only grew in popularity as news had come out of a communist veteran of the Great War fighting the French occupation in the Ruhr. It had seemed that the country was headed for another communist revolution, one which – unlike the previous attempts – stood a strong chance of success.

Now the situation was entirely different. The economy was booming; the streets were no longer filled with beggars, but with the patrons of cafes and bars. The communist presence was relegated to the occasional poster and a handful of surly men and women selling newspapers. At the recent election, their number of seats in the Reichstag had almost halved, with the good economy causing voters to strengthen their trust in the parties supportive of the republic. Adolf Hitler, the man who had become a hero of the oppressed proletariat, appeared to be yesterday’s news as workers instead focused on climbing the social ladder – if not for themselves, then for their children. The party’s beige-covered thugs, the Red Front, were on the verge of being officially proscribed. The thoughts of revolution were increasingly expressed in fictional works; what had appeared to be a reality only a few years ago was now consigned to the picture house.

Robert was not a vain man, but he couldn’t help feeling satisfied with the role he had played in bringing this prosperity about. The financial assistance that the United States had granted to both the French and the Germans had been the key to resolving the crisis. Without it, both countries might have still been at each other's throats, if not plunged into revolution by a restless working-class sick of years of economic woe. Instead, the American-enabled agreement had not only gotten the French troops out of the Ruhr but had formed the basis for the Treaty of Locarno, which promised to help secure peace in Europe. The German Foreign Minister and former Chancellor, Gustav Stresemann, had been willing to recognise the post-war order determined by the Treaty of Versailles, at least on Germany’s western border.

Stresemann had dragged his government along with him. Germany had shown that it was willing to return to the world stage as a responsible and democratic power. Trade between France and Germany was now higher than at any point since before the First World War. Peace was working.

The calls from the new Labour government in the United Kingdom for a global move towards disarmament seemed to indicate that perhaps the idea of a world at peace was not so utopian after all. The moderate left seemed to be doing well in Germany also. In last year’s election he had been glad that his German colleague, Ernst, had returned to government with the Social Democrats. It seemed as if the governing coalition was even stronger with their presence; after all, their party had largely written the republic’s constitution. With the confidence that German democracy was finally finding its feet, it was increasingly a pleasure to read the newspaper with such hope on the horizon.

Robert had been reading his morning copy of Der Tag when the receptionist had informed him that there was an incoming call from the state department. The American news in the popular (albeit loudly nationalist) paper had been brief, a fluff piece on preparations for Halloween and a brief report about a minor investor loss on Wall Street that was causing some consternation. As he moved from his well-lit office to the cramped confines of the radio room, the main issue on his mind was whether or not it would be feasible to one day lay down a telephone line from America to Europe. It would save the hassle of having to drop everything when there was a call from Washington.

The radio operator was hunched over the radiophone in an attempt to avoid losing the signal, the atmosphere stuffy. Robert felt a great deal of sympathy for the man, spending all day by himself with a machine, before suddenly facing the stress of diplomatic events. As ever, he simply nodded to Robert and handed him the microphone before leaving. Robert decided he would try and keep whoever it was on the line for as long as possible; having a leisurely chat would allow the man some time to go out and grab a coffee and a cigarette.

Mr Oaks?

Good afternoon from Berlin, Mr Secretary.

It was the croaky, uncharacteristically sombre voice of Henry L. Stimson. It was unusual for the Secretary of State to be calling him personally, but it wasn’t particularly strange. Since being called out of the blue by President Harding six years beforehand, there was little that could surprise Robert.

It’s morning in Washington. What time is it over there?

It’s almost four o’clock, sir. I was actually planning to leave work early; Berlin is surprisingly vibrant on a Thursday evening.

I’m afraid you may have to cancel your plans.

The secretary continued to go on, occasionally interrupted by static interference from the radio set. In Robert’s quivering hands he began to grasp the microphone tighter and tighter. The reason as to why Stimson was so downbeat became so abundantly clear all of a sudden. Robert knew his plans for October 24th 1929 were now inevitably cancelled.

In the badly-lit room Robert could already see everything he had worked for disappearing before his eyes, while the news of what had happened at Wall Street continued to emanate from the radiophone.

Crash

The Theory and Practice of ‘German Ideology’

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German Ideology, officially known as Marxism-Leninism-Hitlerism and occasionally referred to as Adolf Hitler Thought, is the unofficial ideology of the Communist Party of Germany and the German Workers’ Republic under the leadership of Adolf Hitler. In this regard, it has achieved a great deal of notoriety from critics of Hitler and his regime on both the left and right of the political spectrum. The goals of German ideology itself have been prone to misinterpretation, not only because the outcomes of Hitler’s rule did not always match the stated aims of the ideology but also because much of its basis is taken from prior philosophies that often have little in common with the Marxist principles the theory claims to develop on. There has been frequent debate as to whether this was a strength or a weakness for the ideology, not only amongst its detractors but also many of its adherents.

The term ‘German Ideology’ was initially used by Marx and was not overtly used to describe Adolf Hitler Thought until a speech by the propagandist Joseph Goebbels in 1930:

The Communist Party will sweep away the old age and deliver the new society. We offer the creed of the new era, and a policy more than that. For we represent the German ideology that will propel our nation to glory!

German Ideology emphasises the German nation as an entity that is of its time, one that was misled by militarists who led it into a destructive war and was then taken over by international financiers who ran the country into ruin. The German essence of the belief equates more to the Communists positioning themselves as the only truly German party. The fact that Marx and Engels were both Germans was given extra emphasis in this regard.

This is not to say that German Ideology is overtly anti-internationalist; when prompted, most adherents will argue that Germany was the foremost example of the international capitalist control that most industrialised countries suffer under. German Ideology, they would argue, is not only applicable to non-German countries but necessary to their development, and there is more than lip service paid to this idea. Time and time again in European countries ‘liberated’ by the Comintern, it is stressed that they must follow a similar path to Germany if they are to truly throw off the shackles of capitalist control. One fault in the ideology that even adherents will usually admit to is its Eurocentrism as a philosophy. German Ideology does not have much to say about imperialism other than that it hinders the development of socialist nation states both in the coloniser country and in the colonised. Imperialism, it argues, is a deliberate function of the international capitalist, to export the surplus of labour as far away from the worker as possible, leaving them at the point of starvation while the international financiers develop new means of recreation and resource exploitation in the developing world. There is no distinction made between the urban labourer in Berlin and the field worker in Matabeleland; both have the same enemy and, as such, the urban labourer, being as a more advanced state of consciousness, must take the lead in the fight.

Who is this enemy? German Ideology is vague in proving an international plot against the international proletariat and against Germany in particular, but remains repeatedly adamant that it does exist. Unlike the old feudal monarchies, Hitler and Goebbels have argued, the international financier does not have one concentrated power base but instead has a web of power and control across the globe from which it governs, in a non-linear fashion, the entire capitalist world. This overt description of capitalist conspiracy is one of the clearest ways in which German Ideology differs from the original Marxist-Leninist line, which is open about its belief that the state in capitalist society is an agent of capital, but does not dwell on the idea that all capitalist states are under the control of the same group. It is thus perhaps not surprising that German Ideology also differs from Marxism-Leninism, and indeed almost all forms of Marxist thought, in its proposed solution to the problem of international capitalism.

Rather than merely press for and support worldwide revolution, German Ideology argues that military might is an absolute necessity for the destruction of the capitalist world. Whilst acknowledging that peacefully undermining the capitalist world until the workers in capitalist countries rise up is the preferred strategy for ending world capitalism, German Ideology maintains that a large and modern military is not only required for the survival of socialist states but also must be maintained as an option for offensive action against the worldwide capitalist enemy. Having used the existing nation-states to destroy global capitalism, German Ideology seeks to create the ‘New Society’ envisaged by Hitler, a global community of socialist states that will work together towards a communist utopia. How this will work in practice is left open to interpretation. Instead of the future, German Ideology is focused on the present and existing conflict with international capital.

Although German Ideology is not interested in implementing communism fully in the present, that is not to say it does not aim to take radical steps to ‘free’ industrialised society from capitalist control. Hitler’s words, conveyed relentlessly by Goebbels and Lang, feature a strong focus on collective leadership but emphasis on the individual battle to maintain the community and to fight off other evils, thereby providing an example to others. It appears that this outlook, which some have described as Collective-Vanguardism, had been based on the philosophy of French anarchist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who argued that mankind had only one, unalterable, collectivist nature. This collectivist instinct could be easily broken away from, but it would require a greater understanding to then return to it. In this sense, German Ideology argues that the vanguard is the collective, and vice versa. The economic and social implications of this outlook on German society will be discussed further in regard to practice later on in this work.

Although critics of German Ideology have pointed to Hitler’s mix of Proudhon and Lenin as a deliberate blurring of the line between democracy and dictatorship with the aim of justifying the latter, it would seem that Hitler did not much care about the distinction between the two modes of government or lack thereof. The position of VolksFührer (People’s Leader) to which he was appointed amidst the Communist seizure of power was a title that was already informally used within the KPD to describe Hitler as General Secretary. German Ideology does not seem to emphasise the need for a leading figure, only a state apparatus to facilitate the worker’s control of the economy and the military. However, it would appear that Hitler’s functionalist mindset has led him to believe that there is a need for a leader figure to better realise the immediate aims of the state as outlined above.

Functionalism as a theme permeates throughout the known works of German ideology, the reasons for which appear to be twofold. The first refers to the need for the socialist state to be ready as quickly as possible to face the capitalist foe; the second is a deeper belief that Germany is the natural home of socialism and as such there can be no excuses as to half-measures or compromises that have been seen in the case of Russia, where the Soviets’ Marxist intent has often had to compromise with the reality of a feudal state industrialising into a feudal economy. The role of women in German Ideology would seem to highlight this. While not explicitly a feminist text, the adherents of Hitler Thought maintain that women must be ‘liberated’, not only for the betterment of themselves but also for the collective. Patriarchy is not viewed as a conflict in itself but as an archaic hangover from feudal society. There is no reason for mechanised society to keep gender roles when gender equality can lead to greater advancement and prosperity, and while it does not flaunt its feminist beliefs in the same way as Marxism-Leninism, adherents of German-Ideology do insist that their abolition of the patriarchy is evidence of their innate supremacy over what they view as an outdated capitalist world.

The framing of traditional Marxist aims and ideals as necessary steps in the name of human advancement can perhaps be seen as having been carried over from Hitler’s time as an enthusiast of futurism, an ideology based around the symbiotic relationship between human society and the industrial economy. Many futurists became cynical about the prospects for technology after the First World War, which seemed to indicate that technological advancement had only led to destruction, but it seems that, while Hitler was jaded by the experience of the war, he retained some of the artistic movement’s sentiments. The notion that society must in some way exist to serve the needs of the economy around it has remained. In his semi-autobiographical, semi-philosophical work, Unser Kampf, he asserts that:

The workers’ state is innately superior to the capitalist model, not only because it harnesses the collective energy of society into one aim for which all can share the benefits but also its allowance for the brilliant work of individual genius to be brought forward into the foreground without the unnecessary constraints of the capitalist caste system that restricts the arena of advancing society to the privileged few.

Hence, while German Ideology is without a doubt a socialist ideology in theory, it maintains that technological development is still the solution to the problems afflicting mankind, but that socialism conveniently allows the best means to achieve this. No distinction is made as to whether peaceful advancement or the violent destruction of the capitalist system would be the most superior position in the long-term but, as outlined above, German Ideology is far less apprehensive about the idea of another global conflict as it believes one already exists.

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~ George F. Kennan, The Theory and Practice of German Ideology

The Red House

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Karl Liebknecht Haus, Berlin

April 1930

The dust had been shaken off the offices within Karl Liebknecht Haus. For the first time since the underwhelming election campaign of 1928, the activists and staff of the Communist Party of Germany were alive with revolutionary zeal. Their warnings about the American loans and the global financial system, dismissed for so long as apocalyptic, deranged, and even humorous, had been proved to be disturbingly accurate.

Instead of warnings, there was now a flurry of activity that went by in a blur of red banners and posters throughout the large but spartan offices. Today a large banner would be unveiled in the Bülowplatz square that the party offices looked out upon. It was also home to the increasingly large soup kitchen run by the party, which the banner now hung over:

BREAD AND WORK WITH THE KPD – REMOVE THE CORRUPT AND RICH – WORKERS STATE NOW!

The party had been vindicated, and now the people were clamouring for answers on what to do.

Gerda found herself wondering the same thing. She had always felt that Hitler’s speaking style was alienating people away from the party; his proclamations of doom reminded her more of her daughter’s tantrums. Rosa only occasionally got upset, but Adolf Hitler seemed to lack the same emotional depth of the ten-year-old. Now the party had a unique chance to rally the German people to their cause, she hoped more than ever that the party and the Comintern might take action and replace their effective but petulant General Secretary. If there was anyone who could achieve that, it was Ernst Thalmann, who looked far more like the leader to take the party into the future. She knew such hopes shouldn’t be taken too seriously.

Hitler had not been the founder behind the idea of opposing capitalist loans back in 1924 – that had been self-evident from a Communist standpoint – but he had been the face of the opposition, and as such he had reaped the rewards of having the foresight to condemn them. Furthermore, the alliance between Hitler and Thalmann was as strong as it had ever been.

Hitler’s stature in the party had been shaken by the disappointing results of the 1928 election, but his alliance with Thalmann had remained intact and ever since the two had worked together to remove Heinrich Brandler as General Secretary. The image of the veteran and the worker that Goebbels presented as an image of the two men seemed satisfactory to both, with Hitler being able to inspire resentment in the crowd due to the way Germany had been treated by the foreign powers and how the German worker was treated by international financiers while Thalmann emphasised the class solidarity of the German proletariat in the face of the enemies Hitler spoke of. The reverses the party faced as the economy had improved and people began to forget about the hyperinflation and French occupation hadn’t caused either man to turn on each other, and it was unlikely their resolve would change now. Gerda resigned herself to the fact that she would have to muddle on regardless.

Six years working for the party part-time had not led to her role changing, even as Germany changed around her. Gerda still took the minutes of politburo meetings, along with a factotum of other small jobs as the women of Berlin began to enjoy the new combination of social freedom and economic prosperity that had been alien to them beforehand. She was a single mother working for a party that seemed to be going nowhere, and she had feared that she was watching her life go by in pursuit of a cause that she would never see borne out. Now the crisis had come, and she couldn’t abandon the opportunity to help advance the revolution she had been dreaming of for more than a decade, regardless of the leadership or her role within the party.

The party was growing again, and unlike in the last period of crisis the leadership seemed less likely to sit on its hands and wait for the workers to come to them. The day had mainly been taken up with the preparation of a large march for May Day, bigger than any the Social Democrats had planned, in concert with several trade unions that had finally come round to Communist attempts to build relationships in the wake of the collapse of Müller’s government and the policies of the reactionary who had taken his place. Even after Heinrich Brandler had been formally put out to pasture by Hitler and Thalmann, they had worked to maintain the former leader’s aim of building links with the trade unions rather than dismissing those that weren’t entirely behind their platform. It had been a frustrating experience for many within the party, and even now it appeared to be working there were those in the Comintern who were criticising the KPD’s reluctance to take full control of the unions they had aligned themselves with. Gerda might have been apprehensive about Hitler’s leadership, but she also knew that Moscow could be completely out of touch. Several leading members of the AGDB, the Federation of German Trade Unions, had begun to openly favour the KPD over the lacklustre Social Democrat response to the economic crisis. It seemed Hitler was trying to force what was already happening naturally, though Gerda feared that Hitler was too erratic to see this.

The speech Hitler was making today was apparently intended to be a historic one, so much so that most party members had been left out of the loop, even as the podium was being assembled across the square from their offices. Goebbels, who seemingly fancied himself as a theatre director, was attempting to direct the construction from on top of the podium.

Gerda cursed as she noticed the propagandist hopping down from the stage on his good leg before walking in her direction. He would likely want to add even more tasks to her already packed diary, or worse – he would attempt small talk. He nodded to her and raised his left fist in salute. Gerda lit a cigarette in the hope it would drive him off.

Good afternoon, comrade! What do you think of our little presentation? His face was impishly delighted, like a small child who had been told that they had done something that was very clever but also very bad. To think that you gave me my membership before Hitler was even a leader in our movement and now he’s the main event!

Gerda still regretted that she had ever let the devious man into the party, no matter how successful he might have proven himself. His almost fatuous desire to talk about his beloved Hitler was almost as tiresome as his attempts at flirting with women in the party.

Adolf Hitler is certainly an excellent speaker, comrade, but I hope you remember the cause he speaks for. His effectiveness lies in promoting the hopes and aspirations of the workers as a whole; we aren’t just here to provide a stage for him. The smile disappeared from Goebbels’ face as he stared at his shoes. The little creep could talk about great men all day to her, but he was hopeless when it came to ideology. Not for the first time, Gerda wondered, if pressed enough, whether he could be made to admit that, without the propaganda sustaining his role in the party, he wouldn’t even be a communist. In the unfolding crisis he would have to prove himself, and Hitler too. These were no longer ultra-patriotic hysterics rejoicing in blowing up French workers in the Ruhr; the collapsing German economy represented true class struggle.

You are right, comrade, Goebbels finally admitted, with the announcement today I have gotten somewhat carried away. And after all, it is the man’s birthday. The impish look had returned to his face as he turned around and went back to his stage assembly.

Gerda had forgotten it was Hitler’s birthday, and that she would likely have to endure praising him for the rest of the day, regardless of what he said. Chancellor Bruning was being forced to pass legislation by decree without the support of the Social Democrats; elections couldn’t be far off. This speech would likely be kicking off the beginning of a long Reichstag campaign. She could understand assembling a large crowd for an impromptu speech if that was the case, but, regardless of what the ‘announcement’ was, Gerda didn’t think that sort of thing should be kept secret from the wider party. The crowd in the square began to assemble until it was a vast cauldron of workers and the unemployed.

And there he was, the usual grey, vaguely militaristic suit, the red armband carefully knotted around his left arm to look as if it had been tied effortlessly, the facade that he was merely another worker despite his privileged position that made him stand out even above Thalmann. In front of the microphone he appeared to grow larger, even more encompassing than his face on the posters that she had helped to spread all around Berlin. Gerda couldn’t help but feel intoxicated, but also ill.

If the assembled crowd sympathised with her view, they did not show it; a cheer rose as the General Secretary of the Communist Party, vindicated, determined, ready for anything, prepared to unveil a renewed party ready to lead the workers towards victory. He limply raised his fist in response to the far more energetic gestures in the audience, as if he was above such gestures of loyalty to the cause.

Fellow comrades, I can only congratulate you on your sacrifices these last few months. In spreading help for the destitute and sick where the state has abandoned them, in fighting the powers of international capital and their lackeys in the German bourgeoisie wherever they have attempted to persecute the German worker, for spreading the message of the Communist Party to the German worker. Your efforts have left our movement, and our party, stronger than ever!

There was the usual cheer; as the speech went on, more platitudes followed, to more acclaim. Gerda couldn’t help but observe that the General Secretary was more measured in his tone than the usual bluster. His characteristically slow and measured tone that always began his speeches had continued, whereas it usually would have become a ranting crescendo by now about the party storming to victory and stringing up the enemies of the German people. Instead, there was a great deal of reference to the ‘movement’ and its importance.

Gerda had already began to join up the dots by the time it became clear that this was not one of Hitler’s ordinary speeches.

Comrades, the workers movement is broad and is comprised of many different faiths. If we are to topple those who oppose us, we must not reject fellow workers with petty labels cooked up by spineless bohemians. The time has come to declare, loudly and unapologetically: ‘We must not allow capital to divide us!’

WE MUST NOT ALLOW CAPITAL TO DIVIDE US! Hitler’s sycophants shouted, somewhat half-heartedly, but Hitler repeated the chant louder and this time the audience responded with full volume.

Satisfied, Hitler made a small motion with his hand, and to the gasp of the crowd he was joined on stage by a small bald man, one with sad eyes and a humble face betrayed somewhat by a crafty expression. It was the face of Paul Levi.

Paul Levi, the Social Democratic deputy.

Paul Levi, the former Communist.

Paul Levi, the survivor of the Freikorps slaughter of the Spartacists in Berlin.

Paul Levi, the Social Fascist.

As the two men clasped hands together and held them aloft triumphantly in the air, the crowd cheered with full volume once again, engulfing Gerda’s silent scream.

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Limone, Lake Garda

Around the same time

The mist hung close to the surface of Lake Garda before seeping into the quiet town of Limone until the narrow streets and alleyways were almost impossible to navigate without a local guide. Tourist season wouldn’t be upon the townspeople for another several weeks, the main fruit harvest was even further away, and in the streets, shrouded in dim light and silence, one could be assured of privacy. If you had something to hide, however, that often isn’t enough – and pretenders often have much to hide.

Wilhelm, His Imperial and Royal Majesty the German Emperor, King of Prussia (in pretense), had seen a woman looking straight at him from a balcony chair through the fog and had immediately presumed that she had been looking out for him. If he had inquired, it is possible that someone would have told him she had been looking in that direction for thirteen years, north towards the mountains that two sons and a husband had never returned from. In the mist he couldn’t see that her ageing face was shaking, nor her anxious whispers that they would all be back home soon. The would-be Kaiser only tried to conceal his face as a plainclothes guard escorted him to a restaurant on the shorefront, where his Italian contact was waiting for him in a private room.

Galeazzo Ciano had a pudgy, aristocratic face with an expression that exuded too much innocence for his tough, bulky frame. He was young, and it seemed he had a bright future ahead of him, but Wilhelm could still see the street-fighting teenager in the man, even if he was the son of a Count and about to become the Duce’s son-in-law. He had feared a rebuff when he was offered a meeting with an attaché rather than the Italian foreign minister or the Duce himself, but some digging on the young man made it clear that Ciano and Mussolini shared a close bond, one which would make this meeting far more important than it might seem to those who the Duce and the pretender Emperor would prefer left in the dark about their dealings. The young diplomat dismissed Wilhelm’s escort and ordered him to stand guard outside the room before he had even stood up to greet his guest.

I hope you will accept my apologies for the poor quality of my German, Your Majesty. It is a fault I am working hard to improve upon. Wilhelm smiled at the young man’s impish modesty; his German was flawless.

Your German is a pleasure to listen to, my friend, Wilhelm insisted, and I’m sure you meeting here today will lead to having far more of a chance to use it. Ciano smirked at that before offering Wilhelm a seat.

I must admit that the – well, the ‘change of power’ that your contacts had mentioned would be a development that would take up much of the Duce’s time, and likely my own as well. Of course, if it was advantageous to the Kingdom of Italy then it would be a price I would be happy to pay.

But of course it would be! If— Wilhelm noticed that the Italian’s look of surprise at the amount of enthusiasm in his response and calmed himself. If Germany were to fall into chaos – or worse, Bolshevism – all of Europe would suffer, but I feel that myself and like-minded patriots have come to an understanding about a potential solution, one that will allow Germany to follow the path that the Duce has shown to work so successfully.

Wilhelm thought back to the meetings he had held in the Netherlands not so long ago, bringing together the disparate elements of the German right. They ranged from those conservatives who had never gotten used to the idea of the republic to the militants who wanted to repeat Mussolini’s march on Rome in Berlin. All had been united under the banner of the Volkisch Bund, thanks to his promise of a renewed Germany and his leadership.

It was a group that had originally been gathered around ageing General Ludendorff, but it had become clear that the man had no talent for politics. Wilhelm had been in touch with them ever since their failure to capitalise on the hyperinflation crisis. Ludendorff had been eager to use his support for his own uses, but the Crown Prince had waited for the next crisis. The Wall Street Crash had made it clear that the time had come to show his hand to the German people, and to announce to Ludendorff that he had to fall in line behind his monarch.

Wilhelm was confident of his appeal, but he had lived long enough to know he would need allies both at home and abroad if he were to succeed.

Ciano, at the very least, seemed receptive to his pitch.

I have no doubt that Germany could achieve a great deal if it were to follow the path of fascism, but the Duce is unsure as to whether such a radical shift would not trigger greater chaos accidentally.

Wilhelm shook his head reassuringly. I simply cannot sit back in comfort and watch my country fall apart in the face of this ‘depression’. What I like most about your Duce is his patriotism, and how he allows himself to act only in the name of his nation. He has provided an example for all true patriots everywhere, that they must unite their nations in times of great strife. There are enough men, good men, within the current regime who will respond to the call when asked. There will be no need to worry about chaos, not even temporarily, if we have your support.

Ciano smiled in silence for a moment, before seeming to remember his line of inquiry.

I agree entirely in regard to patriotism, Your Majesty, although we both understand that our patriotisms may conflict on certain issues. Your movement is not quiet in calling for the reversal of much of the settlement that followed a conflict in which our nations were enemies. Would it not be naive in helping to enable such action?

Wilhelm tried to match the young man’s smile.

The arrogant little shit.

It is true that we were enemies in that conflict, and of course I could reassure you that it is now water under the bridge, and you wouldn’t believe me for a second— Ciano merely shrugged, —and you would be right not to. The way the war ended has had a greater impact on the German people than any other event since unification. What I would say is, regardless of which side our nations were on, did we not both end up in the same situation after the war ended?

Italy was betrayed by incompetent politicians who failed to secure a proper peace settlement for our sacrifice, and the Duce has taken steps to resolve this injustice ever since. Ciano replied in a monotone, as if he were reading a prepared statement from a card. Wilhelm’s smile was genuine now.

Both of our nations were left damaged and debt ridden, at the mercy of the Bolsheviks, and open for exploitation at the hands of the British and the French. It was only your movement that saved Italy from the further humiliation Germany has had to endure over the years, but you are unable to progress. Why? Because your interests will never be the same as those of the British and the French. Italy, like Germany, is a young nation, a threat to the established order of things, so they fear you, but they know as well as you do that you’re alone. Help me to do for Germany what the Duce has done for Italy, and we will just hold back chaos and Bolshevism. Together, we will be in a position to rewrite the European balance of power – and this time we shall make sure it is on our terms.

Ciano had lost his smile, becoming more businesslike as he called for the guard who had been stationed outside to fetch a telephone. His next question made the Crown Prince smile a great deal.

How much did you say you needed?

The Devil Knows

––––––––

Lindenstraße, Berlin

May 1930

Lindenstraße had once been part of Berlin’s newspaper quarter; while it now housed the vast ten-storey complex that made it the beating heart of the Social Democratic Party, you could still see the large Mousse publishing factory as well as editorial offices if one where to walk down from the street that made up the SPD’s headquarters, publisher, newspaper office, and official party school.

Ernst wondered if the party’s days in the street would be remembered when they were gone. It seemed possible now that such an event was going to come sooner rather than later. The banners outside continued to encourage workers to join, but the place was already beginning to feel like a fortress.