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Donald J. Trump: Four Toxic Years at the White House
Donald J. Trump: Four Toxic Years at the White House
Donald J. Trump: Four Toxic Years at the White House
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Donald J. Trump: Four Toxic Years at the White House

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Former President Donald Trump leaves nobody indifferent. Although no longer president, He keeps hitting the headlines daily on subjects he fancies. Shortly after the midterm elections in November 2022, he declared his candidacy to succeed President Joe Biden in 2024 without surprise. 

  

With fifty years of closely obs

LanguageEnglish
Release dateOct 31, 2023
ISBN9789464940787
Donald J. Trump: Four Toxic Years at the White House

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    Donald J. Trump - Ron Ziegler

    Donald J. Trump

    Four Toxic Years at the White House

    Ron Ziegler

    Copyright © 2023 Ron Ziegler

    All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system without permission in writing from the publisher.

    European Free Press—Brussels, Belgium

    ISBN: 978-9-4647729-2-0

    eBook ISBN:

    978-9-4649407-8-7

    Title: Donald J. Trump: Four Toxic Years at the White House

    Author: Ron Ziegler

    Digital distribution | 2023

    Paperback | 2023

    Dedication

    For Mrs. Ghazala and Mr. Khizr Khan, American Muslims, a Gold Star family who lost their son, Humayun in the Iraq war, and Mr. Serge Kovaleski, who is disabled like me and a journalist at The New York Times

    Acknowledgements

    I

    n writing this book, I relied on my vivid interest in American politics since President Nixon’s departure and my almost four-decades-long diplomatic records accrued in countries such as DRC (Democratic Republic of Congo), Vietnam, Hong Kong and southern China, Turkey, Malaysia, Singapore, South Korea, UK, Nigeria, Benin, Togo, US, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Qatar.

    This book is the result of extensive research on former President Donald Trump. It contributes to understanding present-day American political history by shadowing the leading actor in his daily activities at the White House, on the stump, or when traveling abroad. 

    To undertake this challenge, few reliable sources on Trump’s day-to-day presidency exist other than a range of press reports and media tools pro or anti-Trump. These contributions were my constant companions over the last six years. 

    I am grateful for the regular input of a multitude of sources that assisted me in documenting and checking my narrative constantly. I thank all journalists, writers and media for their contributions and valuable insight. 

    My sources were the following: Wall Street Journal, Washington Post, Washington Times, New York Times, Politico, Huffington Post, Quora, Financial Times, Time, The Economist, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, De Telegraaf, The Guardian, BBC, Le Monde Diplomatique, El Pais, Foreign Affairs, Carnegie, The Atlantic, Al Jazeera, CNN, ABC, Breitbart News, Fox News, and shows like Fox and Friends, Sean Hannity, Rush Limbaugh, Tucker Carlson, Stephen Colbert, Seth Meyers, Bill Maher, Jimmy Kimmel, Trevor Noah, John Oliver and the podcast Rumble with Michael Moore

    The following books inspired me greatly.

    Michael Wolff: Fire and Fury

    Bob Woodward: Fear – Trump in the White House, and Rage

    Mary L. Trump: Too much and never Enough

    I address my special thanks to my wife, Arlette Brus, for her unwavering support, to my son Stefan, for his technical guidance, and to Ms. Sylvia Dymond and Mr. Alexander Schleber for their valuable assistance in editing this book.

    ****

    The book describes the events at the White House in chronological order month by month and year by year. By consulting the table of contents, readers will easily find their topics of interest preceding every chapter. Much reporting on home or foreign policies like comments on President Trump’s ‘State of the Union’ addresses, impeachment, the pandemic, elections, China, the Middle East, North Korea and others are recurrent themes that appear in various chapters at different time and storylines

    Table of Contents

    Time and storyline

    (Dates indicate chapters were completed)

    Prologue

    Introduction – How it began

    Chapter 1 – 26 January 2017

    Trump is in a rush – The US record in the world – Trump celebrates before a small crowd

    Chapter 2 – 2 February 2017  

    Trump’s Executive Order creates havoc – British PM Theresa May goes to Washington – Former President Obama sounds a warning

    Chapter 3 – 7 February 2017

    The court disrupts Trump’s agenda – Judge Gorsuch’s candidacy to the Supreme Court – Is Trump the most powerful leader in the world?

    Chapter 4 - 24 February 2017  

    The Fake News syndrome – General Flynn in hot waters – Fear and sloppiness

    Chapter 5 – 5 March 2017

    Trump’s narcissism gets a bashing in the press – In the meantime, in Europe – VP Pence represents Trump at the Munich Security Conference

    Chapter 6 – 10 March 2017

    Trump’s first one hundred lies – What about his policies?

    Chapter 7 – 17 March 2017

    Politics in Europe in the meantime – In defense of the State Department

    Chapter 8 – 25 March 2017  

    Chancellor Merkel visits Washington – The deep state – Trump fires dozens of alleged opposition attorneys

    Chapter 9 – 8 April 2017    

    Trump promotes coal in the Oval Office – Justice Gorsuch joins the Supreme Court – And the wall?

    Chapter 10 – 15 April 2017

    Trump’s first foreign adventure and its aftermath – The North Korean issue pops up – His second order to ban Muslims gets nowhere

    Chapter 11 – 24 April 2017  

    The North Korean conundrum described

    Chapter 12 – 9 May 2017  

    Trump’s first one hundred days in office

    Chapter 13 – 19 May 2017

    An effort to clarify Trump’s worldview

    Chapter 14 – 12 June 2017

    Trump’s first controversial foreign trip starts in Riyadh, ends in Italy

    Chapter 15 – 27 June 2017    

    Trump ditches COP21 – US much oversold Checks and Balances under siege

    Chapter 16 – 30 June 2017    

    Trump’s wrecking-ball policies at work in the Middle East after his trip to Saudi Arabia

    Chapter 17 – 13 July 2017  

    In defense of the mainstream media – Another Obamacare defeat in Congress – Trump’s battle with the Supreme Court

    Chapter 18 – 28 July 2017  

    Trump’s messages addressed to wrong audiences – The first leaks in the Russian investigation appear – Trump’s signature bill faces headwinds in the Supreme Court

    Chapter 19 – 10 August 2017    

    The White House gets a shake-up – Scaramucci, the new broom, lasts only ten days – General John Kelly is appointed new Chief of Staff – Russian sanctions pass Congress

    Chapter 20 – 1 September 2017    

    Charlottesville and all that – North Korea pops up again – The Middle East continues to fester – Will Trump invade Venezuela?

    Chapter 21 – 9 September 2017    

    The new US strategy in Afghanistan: a war lost some time ago – Trump beats mythic Greek hero Hercules convincingly

    Chapter 22 – 18 September 2017  

    Hurricanes Harvey, Irma, and DACA create chaos

    Chapter 23 – 8 October 2017      

    Trump’s speech at the UN – Impressions on Trump’s popularity

    Chapter 24 – 30 October 2017    

    What is special counsel Mueller up to? – Trump’s nine months in office – Impeachment and mental state – The Trump doctrine – Trump ditches UNESCO

    Chapter 25 – 27 November 2017    

    Special counsel Mueller’s first indictments – The ICIJ investigation – Trump’s working schedule – The President’s awkward condolences – Another mass shooting and an IS terrorist attack

    Chapter 26 – 3 December 2017        

    Trump’s red nuclear button – Human Rights issues – Trump’s Far Eastern trip to Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam, and the Philippines

    Chapter 27 – 19 December 2017      

    Times and the ‘Me Too’ movement – Trump’s tax bill – His unilateral move on the status of Jerusalem and its consequences

    Chapter 28 – 28 December 2017    

    UN’s universal condemnation on Trump’s unilateral recognition of Jerusalem – Will Trump visit London? – The President’s new NSS strategy – Is Trump turning America into a neo-fascist state? – Looking for a performant Foreign Service

    Chapter 29 – 19 January 2018      

    Ushering in the second year of Trump’s presidency with multiple bangs – Tillerson is nowhere – Congress accumulates a legislative delay – Trump’s vainglorious trip to Davos

    Chapter 30 – 27 February 2018    

    VP Pence on a mission to South Korea – Trump’s fanciful State of the Union address to Congress

    Chapter 31 – 14 April 2018        

    Secretary of State Tillerson is booted out – Is there hope for nuclear disarmament in North Korea? – Unsung heroes in Trump’s cabinet

    Chapter 32 – 20 April 2018        

    A mass shooting at Parkland school in Florida leaves Trump unconcerned –Denuclearization in North Korea is top at the Singapore summit– Trade wars with China and other countries begin – What about prospects of ending the war in Syria?

    Chapter 33 – 15 May 2018    

    Legislative slack is piling up in Congress – French President Macron goes to Washington – Follow-up trips by Chancellor Merkel and Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson are fruitless – Trump buries the JCPOA Iran deal – North Korea gets renewed attention

    Chapter 34 – 8 June 2018    

    Celebration of sorts in Jerusalem – The high cost of subscription drugs in the US – The President creates a stink – Imposing tariffs helter-skelter is gaining strength – The Singapore summit is looming

    Chapter 35 – 23 June 2018          

    A G7 meeting in Canada turns sour – A Barnumesque encounter with Kim Jong-un in Singapore – Cruel separation of migrant parents with children at the Mexican border – The US leaves the UN Human Rights Council

    Chapter 36 — 26 July 2018  

    Trump’s fight against opposition in Congress ends in his favor – A first Supreme Court victory over immigration for Trump – Are US courts impartial? – Trump is out of sync with NATO – A visit to London starts and ends badly – So does a trip to Helsinki to meet President Putin

    Chapter 37 – 27 August 2018    

    Trump continues carrying out his controversial agenda – He doubles tariffs on Turkey for not extraditing an American pastor – The origin of his ‘America First’ battle cry – Differences with the EU are papered over – Denuclearization with North Korea is not going away

    Chapter 38 – 22 September 2018  

    Special counsel Mueller’s investigation gains traction- High stakes in the fast-approaching midterm elections – Trump spreads fear and deflects criticism – Bob Woodward’s latest book Fear in the White House exposes Trump – A resistance cell in the White House claims to block Trump’s policies

    Chapter 39 – 22 October 2018    

    The case of Judge Kavanaugh’s nomination at the Supreme Court – Trump tries to steal the show at the US General Assembly – Is an agreement on NAFTA in the making?

    Chapter 40 – 29 November 2018    

    Democrats win the House in midterm elections – Trump’s terrible performance in France commemorating the end of WW1 – Insulting high-ranking military officers becomes Trump’s new habit – An unprecedented firestorm in California lands him in big trouble – A refugee caravan is underway to the US-Mexican border – A pipe bomber and a slaughter at a synagogue in Pittsburgh – Trump sides with Saudi’s heir to the throne over Jamal Khashoggi’s murder at a Saudi consulate in Istanbul

    Chapter 41 – 5 January 2019      

    The G20 meeting in Rio is no bland diplomatic event – The first meeting between Trump, Pelosi, and Schumer goes off the rails – The courts are not in lockstep with Trump – Secretary of Defense Mattis resigns

    Chapter 42 – 3 February 2019      

    Trump’s most protracted shutdown in US history and its aftermath – Special counsel Mueller’s report is on the way – Trump’s charitable foundation is liquidated

    Chapter 43 – 20 February 2019    

    A continuous leaking White House – Another meaningless State of the Union address in Congress

    Chapter 44 – 15 March 2019      

    Trump in Hanoi aborts talks with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un – Michael Cohen appears before the House Oversight Committee – Syria: repatriation of former IS-jihadists and family

    Chapter 45 – 6 April 2019    

    Trump, the FAA and Boeing’s 737 MAX problems – Unfilled vacancies in the Trump administration – The Huawei case – Preliminary remarks on Special counsel Mueller’s report

    Chapter 46 – 26 April 2019      

    Trump’s erratic behavior continues unopposed – A summary of Special counsel Mueller’s report

    Chapter 47 – 1 June 2019      

    Trump’s foreign policy, marred in conflict in several continents at once flounders – Trump stalls investigations in Mueller’s report

    Chapter 48 – 28 June 2019    

    EU election results and Trump policies are not in sync – Trump travels to Japan, the UK, and France to attend ceremonial events – Trump creates a diplomatic spat with Mexico that never happened

    Chapter 49 – 29 July 2019    

    Trump gets his 4th July military parade in Washington – The ill-defined question on American citizenship moves to the Supreme Court – The UK Ambassador in Washington packs his bags – The G20 summit in Osaka ends with Trump’s surprise visit to Kim Jong-un in Korea.

    Chapter 50 – 24 August 2019    

    Special counsel Mueller testifies before Congress – Perpetual campaigner Trump launches his re-election – Are new tariffs with China in the making? – Another mass shooting in El Paso and Dayton

    Chapter 51 – 27 September 2019      

    John Bolton resigns – The G7 meeting in France under Macron’s presidency succeeds in restraining Trump

    Chapter 52 – 25 October 2019    

    Trump’s speech at the UN General Assembly was, unexpectedly, low-key – Thoughts on US defense missions worldwide – The Ukraine controversy

    Chapter 53 – 4 December 2019    

    Trump’s multiple tweets – The killing of self-proclaimed IS Caliph Abubakr al-Baghdadi – Trump’s tax files: will the Supreme Court release them to Congress? – Trump’s liquidates his charitable foundation – Ukrainegate keeps the House busy but not the Senate

    Chapter 54 – 4 January 2020      

    NATO celebrates its seventieth anniversary – USMCA (ex NAFTA) is approved in Congress – Crossfire Hurricane: investigators inspect investigators – Anonymous publishes a book – Trump’s impeachment in the House is about to move to the Senate

    Chapter 55 – 30 January 2020    

    The JCPOA, the killing of al-Quds Iranian General Soleimani and its consequences – Trump visits Davos

    Chapter 56 – 1 March 2020    

    Another fantasy presentation of the State of the Union in Congress – The unfolding of Ukraine-gate in the Senate – Trump is cleared, and retribution starts

    Chapter 57 – 26 March 2020        

    Trump visits India – Covid-19 invades the US by stealth – Trump’s unpreparedness and denial in the face of the pandemic

    Chapter 58 – 1 June 2020    

    Trump’s ineptitude in combating the pandemic is hair-raising

    Chapter 59 – 21 July 2020    

    George Floyd is killed execution-style in Minneapolis – The aftermath of Floyd’s death – A Trump meeting in Tulsa starts and ends in disaster – US 4th July celebration is another Trump event to forget – The US Checks and Balances are in peril – The Supreme Court is not in lockstep with Trump – The case of Roger Stone, implicated in the Russian 2016 election meddling

    Chapter 60 – 9 September 2020      

    Trump in search of an RNC location – Trump favors banning mail-in voting – A deficient US postal service during elections – Troubles in Portland – The DNC and RDC Conventions –Trump’s ultimate efforts to undermine democracy

    Chapter 61 – 30 October 2020    

    Is Bob Woodward’s new book Rage Trump’s nadir? – Three presidential debates in full pandemic – Kamala Harris gets her turn – Trump at Walter Reed with Covid–19 – Maneuvers by Trump to delegitimize the election - Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg dies – Wrapping up a toxic election campaign

    Chapter 62 – 20 January 2021    

    Winner, Joe Biden versus looser Donald Trump – Trump, disputes election result and uproots the transition – Sixty court cases to overturn the election end in failure – Trump refuses to sign major bills – Trump’s descends to the bottom of the abyss – The storming of the Capitol – Trump’s second impeachment – His inglorious exit of the White House

    EPILOGUE      

    Hillary Clinton’s stolen election

    Contents

    Donald J. Trump

    Dedication

    Acknowledgements

    Table of Contents

    Prologue

    Introduction

    Chapter 1

    Chapter 2

    Chapter 3

    Chapter 4

    Chapter 5

    Chapter 6

    Chapter 7

    Chapter 8

    Chapter 9

    Chapter 10

    Chapter 11

    Chapter 12

    Chapter 13

    Chapter 14

    Chapter 15

    Chapter 16

    Chapter 17

    Chapter 18

    Chapter 19

    Chapter 20

    Chapter 21

    Chapter 22

    Chapter 23

    Chapter 24

    Chapter 25

    Chapter 26

    Chapter 27

    Chapter 28

    Chapter 29

    Chapter 30

    Chapter 31

    Chapter 32

    Chapter 33

    Chapter 34

    Chapter 35

    Chapter 36

    Chapter 37

    Chapter 38

    Chapter 39

    Chapter 40

    Chapter 41

    Chapter 42

    Chapter 43

    Chapter 44

    Chapter 45

    Chapter 46

    Chapter 47

    Chapter 48

    Chapter 49

    Chapter 50

    Chapter 51

    Chapter 52

    Chapter 53

    Chapter 54

    Chapter 55

    Chapter 56

    Chapter 57

    Chapter 58

    Chapter 59

    Chapter 60

    Chapter 61

    Chapter 62

    Epilogue

    About the Author

    Footnotes

    Prologue

    I

    have developed a keen interest in American politics for many decades, starting with President Richard Nixon.

    When controversial property tycoon and billionaire Donald Trump decided to run for president, I needed little encouragement to write on the Primaries and the presidential election.

    I initially did not intend to write a book, just an article covering the 2016 campaign for a Belgian newspaper. However, I changed my mind when the Republican National Council (RNC) chosen candidate Donald Trump – unexpectedly – won the election and, on January 19th, 2017, was sworn in as the US 45th President.

    Two reasons drove my project of writing the present book after his inauguration.

    During the campaign, Donald Trump had frequently criticized NATO and the European Union (EU). According to him, NATO was outdated, its Member States paid far too little for their security, and he was ready to end the US’s generosity and stop paying the bills.

    He does not like the EU because working with a body consisting of twenty-eight countries is a non-starter. He prefers to negotiate with a single country like Germany instead of dealing with a union of which Germany is only one Member State, unable to act independently.

    Nevertheless, he tried repeatedly but unsuccessfully to isolate Germany from the other EU Member States when German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, visited him in Washington early in his presidency by offering a bilateral US-Germany trade deal. However, she refused, explaining that she was not only unable but unwilling to consider such a proposal.

    When Brexit became unavoidable in late 2020, Donald Trump was jubilant and promised a US-UK trade deal in the nick of time. But, unfortunately for him, London failed to be enthused and preferred not to respond.

    Both typical Trump ideas, never given up during his presidency, made alarm bells ring. What if he meant to undermine two post-war institutions headquartered in Brussels (Belgium), bedrocks of Western collective security, cooperation, peace, and prosperity built in the 1950s? Several European heads of state wasted no time showing up in Washington in search of answers. They received none. I was deeply concerned.

    During his presidency, his controversial behavior failed to offer assurances that he had buried both topics forever.

    Threats like these should not be taken lightly, given a series of unfriendly actions that followed soon. He could start dismantling NATO at any moment and fight the EU. I live in Brussels. The NATO and EU headquarters are just a stone’s throw away from my place.

    Soon enough, NATO’s survival became a regular on-off and on-again issue, and he introduced punitive tariffs on steel and aluminum against EU exports to the US. Much later, European countries raised digital servicing taxes, and the WTO (World Trade Organization) file on Boeing-Airbus suspended Airbus subsidies. US countermeasures were taxing French wines and Scottish whisky. These hurt Americans. Not all abstain from alcohol like Donald Trump.

    These Trump threats were the launch path of my book. It engagingly investigates, analyses, and narrates the four Trump years in the White House from start to finish in sixty-two chapters and an epilogue. It covers the far too few good and many bad or ugly sides of his policies.

    In addition to describing his domestic and foreign policies, the book narrates and comments on his travels abroad, the countries he visited, the leaders he met, and the subjects he raised. It also includes references to many crucial political topics that happened simultaneously in Europe and in the world under Trump’s presidency.

    The leading subject of this book is far and foremost President Trump.

    The book will at times introduce comments on his enablers without whom he could not have commenced carrying out his agenda: his family, Russian President Putin, Julian Assange, founder of WikiLeaks, his voters, the ever-changing staff at the White House and in government, the majority Republican Party in both chambers in Congress until the 2018 midterm election, after which Democrats reconquered the House. Democrats in both chambers of Congress tried to make life difficult for him, including a first impeachment procedure but failed to topple him until the November 3rd, 2020 presidential election.

    The book also highlights the shift in the behavior of American society and the actions or inaction of its institution under President Donald Trump.

    The aftermath of this election is the only time in almost two hundred and sixty years of US history that a president, after losing, not only refuses to concede and congratulate his successor. Instead, for months on end, he calls the election fraudulent without ever advancing proof, hindering and delaying a peaceful transition at the White House. Then, he plots an insurrection and encourages his followers to storm the Capitol, a symbol of America’s democracy, to disrupt procedures the very day President Biden’s election win was certified in the Senate by a comfortable number of electoral votes. Today, he repeats this grievance at will and promotes the same Big Lie, believed by millions of Americans. Yet he is still a free man unhindered by the consequences of his treason and misdeeds.

    This book aims to prevent a repeat of the Trump years at the White House that resulted in broken American institutions, delicate social and racial fabric torn, and electoral trust at its lowest level ever to be replaced by a massive injection of amnesia. Then, a spell of denial obscuring the dark side America has gone through would follow. Finally, the countless misrepresentations, conspiracies, twisted facts, lies, contradictions, or obstructions months after the election, still promoted in high places by many loyal activists in Congress and elsewhere, would be airbrushed and forgotten.

    The Republican Party in Congress, still under the thumb of the former president, keeps backing him and is only too eager to exploit divergences.

    For example: endlessly recounting votes in Arizona in search of non-existing fraudulent ballots and vote suppression state laws in almost all Republican states, accompanied by partisan election administration laws favoring Republicans, show growing insecurity by the GOP. Instead of promoting democracy and making the process easy for all eligible voters, Republicans try to render it as cumbersome as possible to flip the next elections in their favor.

    Further, note the Republican refusal to envisage the creation of a bipartisan commission in the Senate on the events leading up to the January 6th, 2021 insurrection that led to the storming of the Capitol, despite a majority of fifty-four Senators in favor, including four Republicans. Mitch McConnell, minority leader, did not wish to entertain the proposal by invoking an anti-democratic but completely legal technique, known as the filibuster, which needs sixty Senatorial votes to pass instead of the regular majority vote of fifty-one.

    The other important objective is that I hope all Americans, left and right of the political spectrum, will use their common sense never to allow presidential hopefuls akin to Donald Trump to ever run for the highest office again.

    Introduction

    How It Began

    P

    residential elections in the United States are always a matter of great global passion and excitement, from the Primaries to the party conventions nominating the candidates until the election in question on November 8th, 2016.

    This campaign stands out in more than one way.

    Recent studies illustrate how these campaigns are gradually becoming more abusive and degenerate in low-level verbal contests. Concerning the use of ever-stronger language, the current campaign deserves an Oscar. It shows increasing political polarization between the two traditional parties and highlights a sharp disagreement about specific candidates at both party conventions.

    WikiLeaks has divulged thousands of emails hijacked from the Democratic Party top during its Convention in Philadelphia in July 2016, clearly showing it vehemently disapproved of Bernie Sanders’ continuing campaign to win the nomination. However, Senator Sanders had scored more than honorably against his nemesis Hillary Clinton until very late in the day, before throwing in the towel and offer his support to Hillary Clinton. When the rift became public knowledge, Debbie Wasserman, presiding over the Democratic National Committee (DNC), resigned.

    The Republican Party did not fare better: before and during its Convention in Cleveland, it became apparent the party top very much had wished to nominate someone else but Donald Trump. The lack of trust between Trump and the party top was palpable and impossible to hide. Paul Ryan, Speaker of the House of Representatives, where Republicans enjoy a comfortable majority, withheld his support for Trump until the very last moment. Finally, he relented, not out of conviction, but to avoid the implosion of the Convention. Trump reciprocated Ryan’s antipathy after the event when he withheld his support for Ryan. This move led to nothing thanks to the intervention of Mike Pence, Trump’s choice of candidate VP.

    How will the campaign during the remaining time play out until the vote on November 8th, 2016? Who of the two contenders will become the 45th president of the United States?

    The Primaries

    Donald Trump, initially considered an outsider, did not waste time and fared well in the Primaries. Almost at its inception, he stole the show, took America and the world by surprise, and beat, without great difficulty, seasoned politicians such as Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz, considered party heavyweights until their fall from grace. How? Thanks to his reality TV-star status. He has swagger, a high dose of adrenaline, and appeals to much of TV-watching America, who have known him for years. His no-nonsense style, strong language, his vicious attacks on everything to do with Hillary Clinton and the Democratic Party, his often-repeated one-liners on making America great, his crude remarks on lopsided commercial relations with China, and his nasty comments on security issues such as putting NATO in question, made him the darling of many Americans. His polls shot into the stratosphere. His repeated insulting remarks on women, Muslims, Latinos, immigrants, and minorities seem to be part of the entertainment, not sanctioned by his fans. The party top was less enthused.

    His followers are primarily middle-aged white Americans, belonging to a broad section of civil society: blue- and white-collar jobs, students, members of academia, independents, bankers, and businesses. They represent a shrinking lot when adding Latinos, Muslims, and other minorities to the electoral mix. Therefore, it is untrue that only American voters living on the fringes of society, hoping to realize their unfulfilled dreams, are his leading election platform. Even representatives of certain minorities, frequently attacked by Trump and always in the storm’s eye, confirm still willing to vote for him.

    Trump gets a bashing.

    After the Republican Convention, things started to go wrong for Trump, and his popularity began to wane. His main shortcomings are: he is a showman, no politician, and he and his public thrive on sensation, real or made-up. Trump is impulsive and cannot control himself. He says whatever comes first to his mind, without giving it any critical thought, such as his remarks commending some despots and autocrats, openly hostile to the United States. Trump also has thin skin for a businessman turned politician. He always projects an image of irritation either with his democratic opponent or, yet not reasonably explained, with the media, which he will need in the campaign. Remarkably, his fans seem to cherish his outlandish language and wild outbursts and consider them part of the show and not of reality. It does not seem to dawn on Trump that winning a presidential election is an entirely different game than winning Primaries.

    The turning point arrived quicker than anybody could guess: Mr. Khan, a long-time American who immigrated from Pakistan, standing by his wife, having lost a son during the US-Iraq war back in 2004, was invited to speak at the Democratic Convention, and criticized Trump for amongst other things, not having sacrificed anything. Trump responded in an insulting condescending way, especially attacking Mr. Khan’s spouse, not once, but twice. The US military is a respected institution in the United States, even more so when a soldier gives his life for his adoptive country. So commenting the way Trump did on this occasion is not done and is outrageous.

    Withholding his tax declaration will not do him any good either. Submitting it is no legal requirement in this campaign. But every presidential candidate has since decennia offered it voluntarily in the past. To keep on avoiding doing so amplifies the impression the candidate has something to hide and – worse – will, when produced, show he pays little tax, working the tax-break system or hide anything else unpleasant.

    Trump’s outspoken appreciation for Russian President Putin and his appeal to Russia to continue hacking in on Hillary Clinton’s emails has alienated many Republican voters. Add shady deals with people in business close to the Kremlin a decade ago, and the investigation against his ex-campaign manager Paul Manafort in Ukraine about a multimillion-dollar payment, and one wonders how a character with such a dubious past and credentials was allowed to enter the race.

    Another low point in his campaign was his insinuation, later retracted, that the use of specific methods could deny Hillary Clinton entry to the White House. He was referring to the Second Amendment regarding the acquisition of arms. His hapless VP-designated candidate, Mike Pence, again explained to the media Trump did not mean physically eliminating Clinton. Too late: it did the damage.

    His continuous remarks against women, Latinos, Muslims, and minorities, regarded by his fans as part of the show, were wearing thin and may have acted as a boomerang as the campaign proceeded. Add to this the lapses of Trump’s spouse, Melania Trump, a Slovene ex-fashion model, on the occasion of her speech at the Republican Convention plagiarizing in part Michelle Obama’s speech of 2008. In addition, she had not been forthcoming on her academic qualifications and created a media buzz regarding the documentation she presented upon her entering the United States.

    Trump reluctantly keeps to a scripted text – only when pushed hard – and does not convince. On the contrary.

    His economic program, presented in Detroit, covers essentially only two items: build walls around the United States (and not only the Mexican version) and lower taxes in a spectacular (and unrealistic) manner. So spectacular one wonders how, as a result, he will finance the resulting exploding deficit. No matter: he and his billionaire buddies will be first to harvest the benefits of the new bill if passed. Even the least skilled blue-collar worker in Detroit knows who will eventually pick up the tab.

    Trump’s candidate VP or spokesman frequently needed to send rectifications to the media on what Trump meant to say (but said differently to his fans). It tarnishes his image and shows how he lacks sound judgement.

    Finally, there is the increasing nervousness and despair among the party top, the comments of several Republican politicians, including both ex-presidents Bush, declaring they will not vote for him come November. Some Republicans go even further, offering their vote to Hillary Clinton.

    Hillary Clinton is not without serious shortcomings either.

    The uproar over the thousands of emails she sent from or received on her unsecured laptop when Secretary of State under Obama will continue to haunt her until long after the campaign, thanks in part to unrelenting attacks by Donald Trump. Nonetheless, the FBI had cleared her of committing a criminal act in the matter while strongly stressing her negligence. If charged, she would have been compelled to say goodbye to her presidential dream.

    Her leftist Democratic opponent, Bernie Sanders, had often sharply criticized her for receiving huge fees offered by leading US banks while on conference tours, pointing out her links with the much hated establishment. But, of course, for most US citizens, these conference fees are a daily practice and, therefore, no matter of concern. But it matters to those struggling to put bread on the table for their families or pay rent on time.

    The lack of financial transparency regarding the Clinton Foundation is another subject of concern. Unfortunately, Hillary has so far not offered a satisfactory explanation.

    She is not a good speaker. She lacks empathy, is considered dishonest, and has difficulty connecting to her audience during her rallies. She could vastly improve her score by showing a more human face. And, yes, keep Bill at home. It is her battle, not his. Bill’s speech praising his wife to the skies at the Convention was carefully drafted; it was well-received but lacked conviction.

    Trump, more than anyone, lacks essential human qualities. But at least he has lots of bravado, and he has an excellent connection with his fans even though his vocabulary is quite limited.

    Being nourished in the serial for over forty years, Hillary Clinton has repeatedly proved to be a remarkable politician, studying her files and knowing the facts. Her political experience goes back to an era when Trump was busy building his business empire. By comparison, Trump is a redneck in politics, and he has little time left to catch up.

    A mistake in the campaign was selecting her candidate VP, Tim Kaine, Senator of Virginia. Tim speaks fluent Spanish, and he will attract more Latinos, so despised by Trump, to vote for Hillary. But choosing Bernie Sanders as candidate VP would have enhanced her chances considerably as every Sanders fan would have made sure to cast their vote in person for Hillary come November 8th. Of course, her program would have to swing slightly to the left by selecting Sanders, but this is a matter of opinion and negotiation to be relegated to the months ahead. In the present circumstances, Hillary did not dare, did not feel strong enough, or did not even wish to oppose the outspoken opposition of the Democratic Party top against Sanders, made abundantly clear by WikiLeaks. The party made more than a mistake by not recognizing the importance of Sanders’s huge, primarily young following and overestimating Hillary’s capacities to attract them into her camp. As a result, she will have to fight harder to achieve her goal as many Sanders fans will feel de-franchised and thus less encouraged to vote.

    The clock is ticking.

    So, who will the voter favor becoming the next US president come November 8th: the showman-cum-businessman turned politician, Donald Trump, or the seasoned politician, Hillary Clinton?

    Both contenders will be judged on content, presentation, and perception by their fans and the public in the coming rallies. As to knowledge and experience, Hillary Clinton will beat her opponent by a large margin on all matters of policy and economy, provided she presents her views in an understandable, attractive, and convincing manner. It is not one of her strong points. Trump will lead regarding perception, buzz, noise, half-truths, or plain lies and showman expertise. His use of distractions and ever-stronger language makes him a greater liability to a growing number of Republicans at the party top but not to his fans. Polls across the board favoring Clinton seem to become a trend, endangering Trump’s position. He is not the kind of contender who likes being put into a straitjacket for long. Even though the party would prefer him to keep to scripted speeches only: the real Trump will always emerge, like it or not. He has an imposing personality and beats Hillary in this respect. Still, besides his repeating one-liner policies, he is at a loss when filling in the dots and expanding his ideas. Does this bother his fans? Not by far.

    As to the three presidential debates before November 8th: we can expect him to be trounced by Hillary on each occasion. Then the voter will pronounce his verdict.

    The ballot proved almost everybody wrong, even the winner.

    Chapter 1

    January 26th 2017

    It takes a bully to counter a bully (position declared vacant).

    T

    rump promised to issue a series of Executive Orders immediately after his inauguration on January 19th. But there was no need to do so: he had the majority of both Houses in Congress backing him because Republicans control the House and the Senate. So, he can let everything be handled quickly in Congress before taking action he intends to. It would show at least a perception of democracy at work. Or will he, on the contrary, rule America by Executive Order and move Congress to the sidelines? And govern the country as if America = Trump Inc.? Will this become his non-declared objective? Is the ability to utilize Checks and Balances no longer sacrosanct in American politics, and will Congress be reduced to being just a Trump mouthpiece? Why this haste if not to settle scores (first with Obama’s heritage) and broaden his, by any standard immense, presidential powers with the help of a conservative Congress?

    In a not-so-distant past, a German Chancellor democratically won elections, just like Trump (who is German through his grandfather). That was years before the former became a reviled dictator best known for starting WW2 and the Shoah. With Trump at the helm, nasty trade wars (if not worse) are distinctly possible, and illegal Mexican immigrants and Muslims might replace the Jews and Gypsies on that WW2 era. In more general terms, a similar statement was made on January 21st by the Pope without reference to the war, the Shoah, and my comment on Mexicans and Muslims. Nevertheless, the Pontiff’s message did not lack clarity.

    Trump’s preferred strategy: his bold and outlandish statements are soon afterwards always explained, watered down, and softened either by him, his Republican friends, staff, or even members of his family, now hired to assist him. These continuous rectifications create confusion: OK, this sounds more reasonable than his first, crude tweet, and he may not be such a nasty person or president after all. It is a great way to put everyone asleep. But make no mistake: he means what he says and will continue to criticize everyone as it pleases him. Trump will not stop before reaching his objectives and, therefore, he is dangerous to America and the world.

    His inauguration speech was a Trump vintage election speech, destined mainly to a domestic audience and, in fact, only to his supporters: move the power out of Washington etc. And give it back to the people; America first, buy and produce American; eradicate Islam terrorism, Make America Great Again, and re-import jobs stolen by outsiders, no matter what.

    But America had already lost much of its political and military clout under two previous presidents (George Bush and Obama). In the meantime, this waning influence went to countries like China (belittled by Trump, who does not realize the increased weight of China, a player on all global matters) and Russia. It encourages both: they very much would like to see a weakened USA to oppose. Countries like Israel (under President Obama), Turkey, and Iran also increasingly refuse to be pushed by the US in one direction or another. Other countries may follow suit. Unfortunately, Europe is almost useless for political and military leverage due to a looming Brexit that may or may not happen. Add to the disarray and inaction of EU-member states the fact that elections are expected in France, Germany, the Netherlands, and others with right-wing solid political parties later this year. Consider an always complicated, tortuous way to decide among the twenty-eight EU-Member States (the UK is still a member since Article 50 invoking the separation has yet not been triggered). But the EU (and especially NATO) will have to find some common ground quickly to respond to an aggressive America under Trump, not to mention a threatening Russia. Economically speaking, Trump’s case is weak and unworkable: the umbilical cord established between traditional industrialized countries and newcomers since the end of WW2 due to globalization will be impossible to disentangle by one single player, even if this player is the almighty President Trump. All other players represent ninety-five per cent of the world’s population and eighty-five per cent of its richness. So, the importance of America’s economy, even including its technological advantage, is exaggerated. By isolating the country and preventing the outside world from trading with America as in the pre-Trump era, America will stifle the two-way street on which the world’s prosperity relies. It will hurt America as well as any other country. In other words: Trump’s new policy will spell disaster for the US while lowering growth prospects for all other players. As a result, the US clout will diminish and be taken up by other countries.

    Conclusion: two previous US presidents have sapped the USA’s perceived political and military strengths before Trump’s inauguration. Suppose President Trump implements his bluntly declared policies on trade and economy. In that case, Trump will lose a third, final trump card, and America will then gradually become a lesser power with less influence on the world stage.

    According to American sources, the public attendance at Trump’s inauguration ceremony at the National Mall was estimated at around 300,000 participants, a far cry from the 1,800,000 participants at Obama’s inauguration in 2009. Nonetheless, Trump’s spokesman Sean Spicer, meeting the press the next day but not taking questions, said the attendance was the biggest ever at any presidential inauguration ceremony. Trump’s recipe? To achieve the only right answer, the answer Trump wishes to shove down anyone’s throat, even on the most trivial matters, is known as a post- or alternative truth (equal to President Putin’s practices). It works as follows: one has only to turn the verifiable, objective, and pre-alternative fact on its head, declare the rest fake, fabricated, or plain lies… et voilà! A cheap and not-so-subtle trick, but who cares? Indeed, not the millions of Trump supporters for whom every word Trump or his entourage utters in his name is a godsend. The American press will undoubtedly face a hard time under this president!

    It has finally dawned on many Democrat party officials that Bernie Sanders would have made a far better VP bet than Tim Kaine. His grassroots appeal would have received a far bigger resonance among voters. Unfortunately, the publication of a trove of emails by WikiLeaks prevented it. It showed that the Democrat Party top obstructed his candidacy before its Convention in June 2016, favoring Hillary Clinton. Voters consider that Clinton represents the hated establishment and is, therefore, untrustworthy. In the eyes of Republicans, she kept confidential emails on her private server. This mantra was successfully repeated over and over again by Donald Trump. The latter equally represents the hated establishment, but this was strangely never held against him. Yes, Bernie would – as Hillary did – have received a lot of unwelcome attention from Russia. Still, he was not involved in email controversies that dogged Hillary throughout her campaign, literally until two days before the election.

    Chapter 2

    2 February 2017

    A good man can be a lousy president, but a lousy hombre without a moral compass is the worst: expect utter chaos and a total disaster (anonymous).

    A

    fter promulgating an avalanche of ill-conceived Executive Orders, President Trump has engendered massive disillusionment, nervousness, and protests inside and outside the US.

    I thank friends for having responded to my previous chapter with suggestions and guidance. I take every comment to heart. One correspondent asked me why I was writing a column like this. I answered that I wished to mark a protest against an unfit man to occupy the highest position in the land, as documented repeatedly by his speeches during countless election rallies. His policies are clear and present danger to America and the world. That concerns us all: you, me, and everybody else living in Washington, Paris, Seoul, Mexico City, Brussels, or Canberra. That such a person was elected president is the mother of all paradoxes. There is no rational explanation.

    I hope many more voices will join and create what should become a noisy, robust, and continuous opposition to the complete and sudden rupture of a world order that has existed since 1945 after one of the most devastating wars the world has ever witnessed. With President Trump at the helm, a real threat to world peace is no longer a fantasy, let alone the real possibility of trade wars between the US and third countries. A more proactive and assertive input by world leaders, official bodies such as the UN, the EU, and international organisations should be forthcoming without delay. Civil society is always a few steps ahead of reality while officialdom keeps on dithering.

    I understand Trump may relent a little over the following days and weeks not to let protests get out of hand or endanger his position. However, there is no guarantee he will act in this way.

    Days after finishing my previous chapter, I received a courteous, slightly critical comment from an American correspondent, questioning my qualifications regarding my comments on President Trump: do I know American history (yes), am I versed in writing on American politics (yes), have I read this, that or the other (not this, nor that but the other, yes). However, the question that followed was relevant: have I lived in the US? Yes, I have lived for over four years in the US, traveling extensively in the country (still do). But my critic had a point, namely the idea that not having the experience of living in and visiting the country often, it would never have crossed my mind to write about the US and Trump.

    For a brief moment, I thought Donald Trump appeared to have learned a lesson after an awful first week in office. When receiving Theresa May, UK’s prime minister, he looked and acted presidential during the press conference in late January, even during the Q&A session. When questioned by hard-nosed American and BBC journalists, he delivered polished answers. So what a disappointment to see him, the day after, act in his usual bullying way by signing an Executive Order that banned, with immediate effect, Muslims from seven countries from entering the US despite having proper papers. Even passengers in mid-flight were, upon arrival, prohibited from entering the country or were detained. The backlash was predictable: a federal judge ordered the temporary suspension of the presidential order.

    Nevertheless, nationwide protests at international airports followed.

    Why is Trump signing Executive Orders on the spur without rational thinking? The answer to this question is threefold:

    1. He takes the nation and everyone by stealth, as he always does.

    2. By not seeking expert legal advice to block legal loopholes in his draft text and not coordinating his intended action with relevant agencies that carry them out, he creates a vacuum, upsetting everyone. There is no better platform to promote his ideology.

    3. He thinks that having won the election, he can do whatever pleases him.

    So, chaos ensued, resulting in further negative publicity for his presidency and America; thousands of travelers stranded in airports worldwide (90,000 according to one source), and several new foreign enemies emerged on his watch[1]. Remember the comment I made in my previous chapter? He thrives on controversy, chaos, and speed no matter what, as he goes to whatever lengths it takes to reach his goals. If that makes him enemies in the process, so be it! He does not care. It is a serious enough matter to promote isolationism going solo by a country like the US. Still, it is another matter to achieve this objective by offending other sovereign nations in the process.

    That brings me to the deafening silence of the majority of Republican Party leaders in both Houses on the issue of who qualifies to enter the US in the aftermath of Trump’s Executive Order. All affected passengers were visa or even Green Card holders. Before the election campaign was in full swing, Donald Trump acted like he had joined the wrong campaign race. But he outperformed sixteen other competitors such as Marco Rubio or Ted Cruz, the leading contenders. Paul Ryan, the House’s majority leader, openly fell out with Trump on several well-documented occasions before and after his confirmation as the Republican presidential candidate at the party’s convention in July 2016. Then Trump’s ratings started to wobble before going south, and everyone thought he would meet his nemesis in Hillary Clinton. It did not happen.

    On the contrary, nothing prevented him from leading an even more outrageous and robust campaign repeating ad nauseam the same brash and outlandish policies he promoted on the campaign trail and was now implementing as president.

    To the point that leading newspapers throughout the nation – even Republican newspapers – openly declared not to support his candidacy. That is unique in the history of the press. His election victory on 8 November 2016 must have surprised him like everyone else. He won handsomely. If not, he would have contested the election result. Opposition in the Republican camp to Trump’s disturbing policies has since reduced to a trickle. Is Paul Ryan eating out of Trump’s hand? Has Congress just been demoted to a mere tool in the president’s service? A sharper difference in the mood of both men, not even a year ago, is hardly imaginable. So much for the defense of American values Republican-style!

    Many must have scratched their head, wondering why Trump could not muster a greater public interest during his inauguration ceremony. His predecessor, Obama, attracted an audience estimated to be five to six times bigger. But Obama has a much warmer personality, can distinguish between campaign and official speeches, and is humble. He listens a lot to people he meets and to his advisers. And he was, of course, the first black president. His weakest point: not persistent enough when vital, urgent matters were brought to his attention (ask Putin on Syria). The difference between Obama and Trump cannot be starker. Trump always looks cross, with or without a smirk on his face. His speeches are constant rehearsals of his election campaign stuff (and therefore boring). He has no patience, listens only to himself, has an ego at least as high as the Trump Tower in Manhattan, and always takes rash decisions without proper consultation, let alone guidance by experts (he is smart!). One of his claimed early successes: the stock market, for weeks, veered up right after his election, taking six per cent and touching the magical figure of 20,000 before retreating and tanking.

    ****

    It took former President Obama only ten days after Trump’s inauguration to intervene in a more volatile and explosive situation. I do not think he relished the occasion or expected it to happen so soon. Before leaving the White House, he had promised to let his voice be heard if his successor would threaten core American values. Nevertheless, he is taking a significant burden on his shoulders, and he will have to tread a fine line in an ever more polarized, volatile, and divided country; he faces the risk of a severe backlash. Why? Because the so much heralded used and misused invocation of American values – a banner behind which most Americans think they can rally quickly – shows serious cracks. Just look at the tens of millions of American citizens who, eyes and ears wide open, listened with relish to the endlessly repeated invective of Trump’s rally speeches that promoted precisely the opposite. This man occupies the highest office in the land, and he shows no signs of abating, not in word nor action.

    Is it possible that core American values have another meaning to Republicans than to Democrats? I don’t think so, and I can find no reference for such a U-turn in the policies of previous Republican administrations. However, multiple signs of erosion of values are comparable to the simmering lava streams in a dormant volcano that only awaits a trigger to erupt violently and destroy everything in their path. That trigger is called Donald Trump. And in a short time in office, one can see what wreckage it has already caused. Once genius Trump is out of the bottle, it will need superhuman strength to put him back in.

    Chapter 3

    7 February 2017

    Governing by condemning, threatening, or sending poisonous comments by tweet in the US is the so-called new normal order, an exclusive Trump presidential trademark.

    A

    ll newly elected leaders enjoy a hundred days’ grace period when taking up office. Not Donald Trump. He hates grace in any form or shape. Immediately from day one in office, he chooses to pick a series of fights against well-known professionals or institutions (journalists, universities, judges) by issuing sloppily prepared Executive Orders, always followed by controversial, threatening, if not insulting tweets. Therefore, in his view, a grace period is contrary to the new normal order, a brand he wishes to promote, and grace serves no purpose.

    If one were to ask the president what comes first: well-honed policies based on stability or legal actions in the public interest or respect for the rule of law and international treaties, he would frown and respond: Any of those standing in my way?

    It characterizes the man: why respect power-sharing with others if almost all powers rest in the hands of only one person, namely President Donald Trump (and his immediate entourage)? He certainly feels encouraged to continue going down this path since the much-lauded Checks and Balances principle in US politics, especially in Congress dominated by his fellow Republicans in standing up to Trump’s excesses, does not (yet?) work.

    It was only a little over three weeks ago that Trump was sworn in. Since then, not a day goes by without protest marches in the US and the world against his policies or Executive Orders. However, the good news is that he is not unstoppable: the judiciary caught up with him by reversing his Executive Order to ban entry in the US by travelers of seven Muslim countries. I bet more legal issues against Trump will follow soon, both in his official presidential and private citizen capacities.

    ****

    Nobody is above the law, not even the US president.

    Let me recapitulate. Immediately after releasing the Executive Order to ban entry into the US of citizens of seven Muslim countries the weekend of 28 January last, an acting attorney-general (Democrat) opposed the instruction. Trump dismissed her and replaced her with another acting attorney-general (Republican). The order stayed until it was rescinded one week later by a judge (Republican) in Washington state, lifting the ban nationwide. Trump filed an appeal immediately. But the lifting was upheld by an appellate court that requested further legal arguments. Most initially banned passengers took advantage of the reversal and entered the US in a rush, mostly without hindrance. Then the unanimous Appellate Court’s decision by three judges (one Republican, two Democrats) that upheld the lifting of the ban is a victory for justice. Trump’s Executive Order did not demonstrate beyond doubt the US security impact against seven countries cited in the order. It further highlighted that the president’s powers are not beyond judicial control. Trump responded by sending one of his poisonous tweets.

    I spotted a poll showing 49% of participants favoring Trump’s executive order against 41% against, and 10% undecided throughout this legal melodrama. It is another signal explaining how explosive Muslim immigration in the US has become and how irrational fear willfully promoted by narrow-minded politicians like Trump propels US society nowadays.

    That brings me to the much-hyped and controversial candidature of Neil Gorsuch, Trump’s judge designated to the Supreme Court. If one were only to rely on US mainstream press comments, this nomination would be another nail in the coffin of democracy as Republican nominated judges would then constitute the majority in the Court.

    Let me try to debunk this reasoning.

    First, there is only one US Constitution, so Republicans or Democrats are always on the same page. Second, any appointed judge is a highly respected professional who will apply the law and only the law. Third, Supreme Court Justices pay allegiance to the Constitution, not to a sitting President. Fourth, there are nine sitting Justices in the Court. There are currently only eight, evenly divided between Republicans and Democrats. Finally, Judge Gorsuch’s candidacy, filling this vacancy, still needs to be approved by Congress, which is a matter of days or weeks. So the chance that any Supreme Court judgement underwritten by the complete Court favors or goes against a given political party is one out of two, reflecting the US political landscape today. But what counts is the application of the law based on the Constitution and nothing else.

    If judges were supposed to follow the whims of a sitting president only, how to explain the decision of a judge (Republican) in Seattle to lift the ban prohibiting travelers of seven Muslim countries from entering the US, a decision unanimously confirmed by a Federal Appellate Court consisting of three judges (one Republican and two Democrats)? Not to mention Republican judge Gorsuch’s comment qualifying Trump’s tweet that judges should be politically motivated as disheartening and demotivating".

    ****

    Another candidacy much spoken about is Ted Malloch, the favored candidate to become US Ambassador to the European Union (EU). It is the prerogative of the EU and any state or international organization to accept or refuse the candidacy of an envoy. A refusal is exceptional, and its diplomatic language is tortuous. Nonetheless, both interested parties will have a clear understanding of the reasons behind such a move. For example, the refusal a few years ago of the candidacy of a French Ambassador-designate to the

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