EVILNESS CAHOOT: Understanding the survival of the dictatorship in VenezuelA
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The analysis of the five scourges used by the regime clinging to power in Venezuela to subdue and humiliate 80% of Venezuelan citizens who oppose the dictatorship, Desolating Persecution, Social Precarization, Structured Violence, Criminal Integration, and Unrestrained Expatriation, leaves no doubt of the existence of a widespread and systematic attack against the population, reaffirming the commission of crimes against humanity.
A book that contains the necessary elements to unequivocally point out the main person responsible for the criminal conspiracy against the Venezuelan nation.
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EVILNESS CAHOOT - JOSÉ GABRIEL CARRASCO RAMÍREZ
EVILNESS CAHOOT
Understanding the survival of the dictatorship in Venezuela
Copyright © 2022 by José Gabriel Carrasco Ramírez
EVILNESS CAHOOT
Understanding the survival of the dictatorship in Venezuela
JOSÉ GABRIEL CARRASCO RAMÍREZ
Copyright © 2022 by José Gabriel Carrasco Ramírez
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, scanned,
or distributed in any printed or electronic form without permission.
First Edition: July 2022.
Printed in the United States of America
ISBN: 9781387758203
One day, while I was going home, passing by the Santa Fé Distributor, in Caracas, young protesters had written on the pavement of the highway the names of all those victims cruelly murdered by the dictatorship of Nicolas Maduro.
Perhaps, by the time elapsed, the names will have been erased.
But all Venezuelans have the moral need to keep their sacrifice in force, with names and surnames, for the historical memory of their heroic deed in the search for freedom.
In their memory.
vi
Table of Contents
CLARITY 9
SITUATION UNDER REVIEW 1
DICTATORSHIP AB INITIO 3
WAR ROOM 11
DESOLATING PERSECUTION 15
SOCIAL PRECARIZATION 25
STRUCTURED VIOLENCE 37
CRIMINAL INTEGRATION 63
UNRESTRAINED EXPATRIATION 75
COMMUNICATION HEGEMONY 87
A PROCESS THAT FACILITATES UNDERSTANDING. 95
References 103
viii
CLARITY
It was after 10 p.m. on May 6, 2014.
Since January of that year, a new cycle of protests against the Nicolás Maduro regime kept me in permanent tension, especially because my daughter Viviana Paola, a university student, had resolutely joined the youth wave that cried out for a future in freedom, in the face of the onslaught of the dictatorship for curtailing citizen rights.
I had spent several weeks carefully observing the contents of the speeches of the usurper who had betrayed Hugo Chávez. They were long megalomaniac rants in which the dictator babbled hate, resentment, and cynicism. Nevertheless, some common elements that seemed to be interwoven caught my attention.
When I turned off the television, an idea had become clear to me: Nicolás Maduro had given the order to attack the students who were peacefully taking over some public spaces in Caracas as a sign of protest, including the camp that was in front of the HP tower, in Altamira, where the headquarters of the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) used to be.
The young people who gathered there raised the need for the United Nations Organization (UN) to send a Commission to Venezuela that could verify the very serious affront that the dictatorship of Nicolás Maduro was carrying out against human rights. My daughter, who was studying International Studies, was a promoter committed to that idea.
Every morning Viviana Paola, with two other friends, visited the young people who camped in front of the UNDP, almost all students, some of them university classmates. They brought them food and water that the neighbors collected and prepared the night before to support them.
The girls then went to the university, since they studied in the afternoon shift. I constantly monitored Viviana Paola, breathing calmly when she finally returned to the apartment where we lived.
The next morning, May 7, I sat in the living room early to talk to Viviana Paola before she left. I explained to her that Nicolás Maduro had ordered an attack on the camp that the young people had set up in front of the UNDP, so she should not go there that day. I asked her to call his companions so that they would be aware and manage to escape from the trap.
At 6 pm, when my daughter came back from university, she told me that I was wrong because nothing had happened in the camp during the day. With a confident smile, she explained to me that a few days before the Vatican's Apostolic Nuncio in Venezuela, Monsignor Aldo Giordano, had paid a visit to the young people who were in the camp, so it was very likely that there was some kind of implicit protection and the regime wouldn't do anything harmful against the kids.
At 4 in the morning the next day, May 8, my daughter entered the room in dismay. Nocturnal, 3 AM, a mob of soldiers and police officers violently attacked the camp that was stationed in front of the UNDP, taking all the young people who were spending the night there. The same thing happened with 3 other camps installed in other nearby places.
I remember the moment when Viviana Paola arrived with a list of colleagues, 11 in total, telling me that they had been arrested, that they would surely need lawyers, and that they had to be released.
It was already dawn. I called two valued people, a Major General and a Vice Admiral, both active. I asked them to help me get the kids out of the bind they were in, I told them that if a guarantor was required to take responsibility for them there was a group of people willing, including me. By the end of the afternoon, seven of the youths had already been released without any incrimination. The other 4 had been detained by police officers, and although they later regained their freedom, they would do so in a conditional manner because they were judicially charged.
There were 243 young people detained by the regime that morning. They did not possess weapons, they never engaged in aggressive or violent behavior.
The regime of Nicolás Maduro accused the young people of preparing for terrorist acts. The version used to justify the arrest and judicial processing of all the detainees was that drugs, weapons, explosives, mortars, and tear gas grenades were found, which the demonstrators used daily to confront the security forces.
A few days earlier, on April 24, the Constitutional Room of the Supreme Court of Justice had issued a ruling authorizing the police forces to indiscriminately disperse, granting