Africa Is Not for Sale

By Quincy S. Jones

The African continent is for sale and on its way to being owned by the superpowers.
Quincy S Jones makes that bold assertion in this book, noting that those signing the sale contracts are dictators willing to kill anyone in return for fistfuls of money. The question is: Will the African people allow this to happen?
In calling attention to the stakes, the author seeks to answer questions such as:
• How have dictators come to power throughout Africa?
• What role does the military play in Africa?
• What can be done to stem rampant corruption?
• What role does populism play in Africa’s politics?
The author also examines the role that guns play in everyday life, the recent military coup in the West African state of Mali, and how various nations have responded to military coups.
Ultimately, the author concludes that the only way for Africans to control their destiny is to:
• Unite against their dictators.
• Build liberal democracies across the continent.
• Build an African Défense Alliance “A.D.A” & one currency for Africa to be named “Africa”.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Balboa Press AU
• Release date: Mar 22, 2022
• ISBN: 9781982294175

Quincy S. Jones

Quincy Jones is an author, politician, public policy analyst, and theology researcher. Jones believes liberal democracy and social enlightenment can solve problems and disputes of all kinds, and he also believes in divine oneness.

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Copyright © 2022 Quincy S Jones.

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The author of this book does not dispense medical advice or prescribe the use of any technique as a form of treatment for physical, emotional, or medical problems without the advice of a physician, either directly or indirectly. The intent of the author is only to offer information of a general nature to help you in your quest for emotional and spiritual well-being. In the event you use any of the information in this book for yourself, which is your constitutional right, the author and the publisher assume no responsibility for your actions.

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ISBN: 978-1-9822-9416-8 (sc)

ISBN: 978-1-9822-9417-5 (e)

Balboa Press rev. date: 03/14/2022

Contents

Introduction

1 Military Coups In Africa

2 African Political Leaders And Corruption

3 Populism In Africa

4 Machine Gun And Politics In Africa

5 Ethnics And Sect Politics

6 Veto And Dictatorship In Africa

7 China’s Political And Economic Dominance In Africa

Bibliography

I dedicate this book to:

• December’s revolution in Sudan and all Martyrs and their mothers and fathers.

• All raped, abused, burned villages, displacement camps’ victims in Darfur, Nubba Mountains’ children, and neglected children worldwide.

• My astonishing family [Fatima Hamza, Sam Yassin (Assahir), and Jenan Yassin (Assahira).

• My late parents.

Introduction

Africa, the virgin continent that God embraced by resources, and at the same time, He plagued it with the disobedience of its people.

• Dictatorship.

• Selfishness.

• Tribalism.

• Clannishness.

• Ignorance.

Bedevil is the supreme glorification of the backwardness of the African continent.

Premeditatedly and observantly, the Western countries contributed to its restraint and made it a source of raw materials, which fuelled the development of ‘The West.’ Lately, China and Russia have exponentially increased their efforts to get their portion of Africa’s resources.

For Africa to prosper is

• Political decision Independency without external influence

• Education.

• Transparency

• Liberal democracy

• Fair investment through legal channels.

1

MILITARY COUPS IN AFRICA

Military coupes are what African Armies are good at.

Dr. Aziz Suleiman

INTRODUCTION

In its post-colonial era, the African continent has witnessed several coups in various countries due to factors mainly reflecting the government’s incompetence. The presence of powerful militaries with splintered officer corps and ethnic antagonisms resulting from cultural pluralism and political rivalry as identified as fundamental causes of coups. There is little indication of a political overload due to increased mass engagement, although ideologically splintered governments are more prone to rebellions and coup attempts (Kposowa and Jenkins 1993).

The recent military coup in the West African State of Mali has raised an alarming situation as there has been an attempt by the armed forces to dethrone the existing government. After most African countries’ independence, military coups were very common in Africa during the 1960-1990 era. However, such attempts decreased since the public started opposing such unconstitutional changes in their country’s political and governmental structure. However, the military coup attempt made on the 18th August 2020 was successful, when Ibrahim Boubacar Keita, Malian President & Boubou Cisse, Prime Minster, were detained and were forced to resign from the government (BBC News 2021).

The following research chapter attempts to analyze the various military coups in the African continent, their reasons, the history that led to such coups, and the aftermath of the army intervention.

Here is the list of some African countries that attempted a major military coup.

ATTEMPTED COUPS

Zimbabwe

On 15th November 2017, the military forces of Zimbabwe charged towards the capital and took over the state broadcaster, and the army announced that they were taking charge of the nation. As a result, Robert Mugabe, the oldest President of the world, age 93 years, was placed under house arrest by the military, alongside his family. The military force ended 37-year rule and support of the protesters and all the looming impeachments at the parliament of Zimbabwe. The protests started when he shared his intentions of making his 51-year-old wife, Grace Mugabe, the next ruler of the nation, and the army highly opposed this idea. Although the Southern African countries highly appreciated the announcement of the resignation and the military coup, people have not witnessed economic development since the military takeover. The unemployment rate of Zimbabwe is still very high, the currency is still getting weak day by day, and several sanctions are still in place (Beardsworth, Cheeseman, and Tinhu 2019).

Sudan

Omar al-Bashir, former President of Sudan, was overthrown by the military and at the protestors’ request and brought a 30-year rule to an end. Sudan was taken over by the military council, announcing that the government would conduct a free and fair election within nine months. Sudan has reached an agreement to run a civilian-military transition government. Abdallah Hamdok governs Sudan until a free and impartial government is elected. There were several critical points to the deal between the military council and the civils. Civil stage governors would be appointed, and a parliament (Regulatory body) would establish. However, the terms of the agreement are yet to be fulfilled by the two parties, and as a result, protests demanding such reforms are still in place (Vhumbunu 2019).

Burkina Faso

Since the independence, the West African countries are yet to witness a peaceful and stable transition of political powers. Since independence, there have been ten military coups and attempts, and these figures are the highest in the continent. Captain Blaise Compaore organized a blood-shedding military coup on 15th October 1987 against the far-left President Captain Thomas Sankara. President Captain Tomas Sankara is among the prominent Pan-Africanism, and at times he has been referred to as Africa’s Che Guevara. The subsequent major military coup attempt was made by him on 16th September 2015, when the country’s transitional President. Mr. Michel Kafando, Mr. Isaac Ziada, Prime Minister of the country, and other government ministers detain by a controversial autonomous military group named Regiment of Presidential Security. In 2014, the ruling party formed a transitional government when the uprising protests overthrew President Compaore. However, once the junta overthrew the President, the military committee, which General Gilbert Diendere headed, faced protests and intense pressure from the international community. The pressure increased when the regular army criticized them for not restoring the transitional government (Anadolu Agency 2020).

Gabon

Some military officers seized power in the Central African country in July 2019 by some army officers. However, they pressured the military officers across the continent and immediately asked to abort their undemocratic and unconstitutional mission. Later, the coupe leaders arrested the military officer. Currently, Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari reminded Gabon coupists, The era of a coup is long gone (Anadolu Agency 2020).

Uganda

Uganda is a landlocked East African country, and since its independence from Britishers in 1962, there have been several attempts of a military coup. Since independence, there have been five successful military coups, and the last military coup took place in 1986. Since then, the current President, Mr. Yoweri Museveni, has been in power. Uganda is yet to witness a peaceful and stable political government transition (Anadolu Agency 2020).

South Africa

Due to the solid institutions and compliance of a democratic rule, South Africa has witnessed the least number of military coups compared to the other regions of Africa.

As discussed above, since independence, there have been countless military attempts in Africa, some attempts were successful in taking down the government, and some were not. Therefore, this chapter will discuss those military coups that hold great significance in the history of Africa, and those are; Egypt, Zimbabwe, Ghana, Uganda, Sudan, Malia, Nigerien, Libya, and Gabon.

SUCCESSFUL MILITARY COUPS

SUDAN

If Al-Bashir, who ascended into power through the 1989 military coup, was not removed in 2019 and has still been in power, there would have been a greater magnitude of violence and would have also deteriorated the nation’s economy beyond recovery. The dark history of military dictatorship and political polarization would still be in action, and ultimately there would have no end to the dark history of Sudan. Sudan once used to be Africa’s largest nation, and under the dictatorship of Al-Bashir, Sudan’s image in international media was all negative. During 1990-2000, Sudan used to be known for all wrong reasons (Hassan and Kodouda 2019).

Sudan has a horrible history of protracted civil wars, mainly between the Sudanese governments and SPLA in South Sudan. Western media introduced the conflict as a religious conflict which is not valid. The situation went south when Sudan was under dictatorship rule. Hosted the most wanted terrorist Osama bin Laden in his early years of jihadi movement and the creation of al-Qaida (Moss 2019); this gave a considerable dent to the image of Sudan among the international media and the United States of America declared Sudan for backing terrorism.

In the early 2000s, Sudan was known for all the brutal repression accumulating in the western region of Darfur. This period cost countless lives, and the pro-government militants called Janjaweed (Ssenyonjo 2010). This pro-government militant group, along with al-Bashir himself, was responsible for the atrocities. The International Criminal Court alleged genocide and war crimes, and even warrants were issued against them. However, the alleged crimes were denied by al-Bashir (Barnes 2010).

This misery burst into protests on multiple occasions, which al-Bashir put down each time. He has attempted to do the same in the most recent disturbance, which began on December 19 and was spurred by severe price increases and shortages. Hundreds of people have been slain, and al-Bashir has detained opposition leaders, imposed emergency rules and curfews in several towns and halted courses in schools and universities (De Waal and Stanton 2009).

History of Sudan

Sudan has swung back and forth between volatile party politics and military administration since gaining independence in 1956, all while attempting to keep north and south united under British colonization. The first civil war was started when southern rebels took up weapons a year before independence. In 1958, the Military seized the power of Sudan, and it was in control for six years until the year 1964, when a series of riots and strikes took place in Sudan. It is not like that in Sudan; no elections took place. The election took place, and established even the Government was established; however, no one was able to bring peace or conclusion to the ever-lasting war (Vhumbunu 2019).

In 1969, a military coup was led by army commander Jaafar al-Nimeiri. He disbanded parliament and abolished political parties, ushering in a 16-year dictatorship. By Jaafar al-Nimeiri, three military coup attempts were made. Communists attempted one in 1971, the adherents made the second of Imam al-Mahdi, and the last was made in the late-nineteenth-century messianic religious figure. He achieved a peace agreement with the South in 1972, bringing the war to an end (Assefa 2019).

When al-Nimeiri introduced Islamic law, the South relaunched their insurgency eleven years later, and in addition to that, recruited the rank of guerilla soldiers was in abundance. With the support of the popular uprising, uprooted military dominance of al-Nimeiri was in the year 1985. Handed over the whole territory under the region of al-Nimeiri was to the newly elected Government. However, the freshly dysfunctional administration could only last for a few years. Later, it replaces by a military coup, led by a career army officer named al-Bashir, who had an alliance with Islamist hardliners (Woodward 2020).

Reason Behind the Military Coup

In the modern history of Sudan, it can remember ruling twenty-nine years of tenure of al-Bashir to be the most oppressive tenure. Once he gained the rule, with the help of his Military, he started by crushing the rebellion of southern Sudan. However, this implicit did not go as he expected. He was born to a low-income family in Sudan. From the beginning, his method of the ruling was based on an Islamist military alliance. They portrayed himself as the leader of the wave of political Islam, which took place in 1990, and during that time, he focused on building ties with the violent jihadis. Al-Bashir developed loyalist militias to preserve his reign and formed a political machine of businesspeople and politicians who had a stranglehold on power and collected colossal wealth in the developing country, using Islamist doctrine as a rallying rally cry (Hurewitz 2019). His reintroduction of Islamic law alienated many people and shattered the social fabric with a diverse religious and ethnic makeup. He became an international pariah for using Islamic militias in Darfur. He signed the peace treaty with the South to save his reputation.

At the time of independence of Sudan, the South took the occupancy of three-quarters of the oil reserves of Sudan, and the north left with no resource which generated wealth from them. Since the independence, al-Bashir was trying to maintain and exercise his rule, intending to restore the fallen economy. In addition to that, al-Bashir had made several international alliances and shifted his alliance for short-term benefits from time to time. He is also known for pitting regional nations against one another for receiving financial assistance and benefits (Tesfa 2013).

Al-Bashir formed a strong relationship with Egypt, the mighty neighbor to North Sudan. This formulated relationship with Egypt was among the best strategic moves al-Bashir took. Later on, when a dispute took place between Egypt and Ethiopia, al-Bashir gave the support of Sudan to Ethiopia and sided with the country. The conflict was over an Ethiopian dam built on the Nile River. This Dam was seen as a threat by Cairo. In response to this, al-Bashir shattered all the bonds with Egypt and withdrew the support of Sudan. However, stand taken in impulse, and due to the deteriorating economic conditions of Sudan worsened the valuation of the currency. Due to this, al-Bashir was forced to mind his relations with Egypt. Due to his rule, al-Bashir has also established links with the oil-rich Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. Saudi Arabia and the United Aram Emirates have provided Sudan with extensive financial aid on several occasions. They did this in return for Sudan’s support while fighting against the Shiite Houthi rebels. However, his wooing of their adversaries, Qatar, Turkey, and Iran, has harmed their trust, as well as Egypt’s (Hurewitz 2019).

At the beginning of the protest against al-Bashir, the domestic alliances showed an extraordinary stand against the protestors. However, they started showing signs of crumbling in the face of the protestors. Slowly and slowly, al-Bashir lost the support of the Military and Police, and the political groups (including the Islamists), the National Congress Party, which used to support him, joined the street and started protesting against him al-Bashir. These defections jeopardize al-shaky Bashir’s response to the crisis, which he has attempted to portray as a fight against secularists backed by Western schemes to destabilize Sudan’s Islamist experiment (Shay 2017). Al-Basheer has used religious rhetoric to justify shooting protestors, reassuring a struggling population that God will provide and invoking Quran verses to security officials. He had an option of political survival; however, it was at the price of reducing his powers. He formed an investigation committee to adjudicate lethal force against the protestors. The main agenda of the committee was to provide a cover to al-Bashir by prosecuting some of the accused who were behind the exercising of lethal force against the protestors and those involved in indicting business people and politicians and manipulating the market for personal gains. He also had a chance to form a conclusive government with all of his rivals. However, he never had a chance and was overthrown by the Military (El-Gizouli 2019).

Overthrown of Omar al-Bashir by Military of Sudan under the revolution pressure, The country has been in the midst of among the most significant political crises of all time. In addition, the overthrown of al-Bashir, the pro-democracy movement, and the Military have been in a constant battle for power. The said battle or tussle had led to several protests and mass killings. The security forces have been using brute force on the protestors for the generals. The application of brutality by the security forces was not the worse part. There have been instances where dozens of protestors were killed at the capital in June 2019, and as a result, several bodies were found from the Nile River. However, such killings failed to scratch the spirit of the protestors. Right after the protest of Khartoum, ten thousand men gathered, which resulted in the biggest demonstration of all time since the overthrown of al-Bashir. This protest placed the junta under a lot of pressure, and they were forced to resume their discussion on a power-sharing government, which also assisted in reaching the agreement (Nyadera 2018).

The above-mentioned political instability can be traced back to December 2018, when the Government of President Bashir imposed emergency austerity measures to recover from the economic crisis. The Government made several cuts in the subsidies on bread and fuels, which highjacked the cost of living in Sudan, which ultimately led to protests at the capital Khartoum. The ultimate demand of the rally was to protect Sudan from the rule of al-Bashir, for which demanded the removal of 30 years of Government was. The protest led by the people of Sudan reached its climate when all the protestors gathered at the military headquarters. They demanded the military force al-Bashir to leave the presidency. After five days of this event, the protestors’ efforts paid off, and the Military announced that president al-Bashir had been overthrown (De Waal 2017).

April 11, 2019, a council of generals was gathered, which assumed the power of Sudan. However, they have been struggling to bring normality and peace. The seven-member committee of generals, which thought control, is known as the Transitional Military Council (T.M.C.), and Lt-Gen Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman Burhan leads the council. T.M.C. started bringing peace, order, and security required by the commission to stay in charge. However, the most significant loophole to this council is that the Army of Sudan is not the unified force in Sudan, and there is a lot of involvement of the Islamist militants.

Moreover, the Military received constant criticism from international media and bodied for using lethal force on the protestor, which took place in June 2019. The United Kingdom had stated that the military council should take full responsibility for it. In response to which the Transitional Military Council (T.M.C.) expressed their sorrow for the loss of lives, they stated that the attack was targeted only on the trouble makers and the petty criminals.

The whole of Sudan was suffering from the backlash of the economic crises, which ultimately forced them to come over the streets and protest against such conditions. However, the demonstration organization that was protesting against such conditions was taken over by the Sudanese Professionals Association (S.P.A.). This organization collaborates with several esteemed professionals, such as doctors, lawyers, and health workers. The protestors belonged to every age group. However, most of them were at a young age, reflecting the demographic structure of the company, and at every protest and demonstration, women used to be at the forefront. There has been a highly circulated video on social media in which a young woman was seen at the topic of the car leading the chants. Once al-Bashir was thrown out from power, and the Military assumed the rule of Sudan, thousands of protestors gathered around the military headquarters and demanded the Military to transfer the power and authority of Sudan to the civilian administration. Several rounds of discussions were conducted between the ruling generals and protest organizers, who later formed an umbrella group of forces of Freedom and Change. These new formations showed little progress and later agreed (Fadl and Abdelgalil 2019).

The Military, led by the general counsel and the organizers of the protestors, has reached several agreements by fleshing out all the suspicions and ambiguities. The deal has led to creating the power-sharing arrangement and developing a working relationship. August 4, 2019, was when the constitutional declaration was signed by both parties, which acted as a foundation to a transitional government.

The Transitional Military Council (T.M.C.) and the organizers of the protestors had come to the following agreement (B.B.C. News 2019):

• The tenure for the power-sharing agreement will be for 39 months from the date of enforcement;

• Will share the 39 months of the tenure of the power-sharing agreement between both parties to the agreement. For the first 21 months, a general from the Army will be heading the council, and a civilian will be leading the council for the remaining 18 months;

• Election for the Government will take place once the tenure of the agreement is exhausted;

• With an intent of bringing peace to Sudan, a sovereign council, Cabinet, and legislative body will be formed and will take care of all the operations of Sudan;

• The sovereign council will consist of 11 members, five will be nominated from the civilians, five will be nominated from the Military, and one will be nominated from mutual consensus;

• The newly formulated Cabinet will be led by the Prime Minister, which the pro-democracy movement will nominate;

• The Military will be responsible for appointing the ministers of defense and interiors;

• The candidates of the pro-democracy movement will take the remaining positions in the Cabinet;

• The newly appointed members of the Cabinet and the sovereign council will be barred from running for the election.

The protracted transition period was considered a victory for the pro-democracy movement, as the generals had vowed to call a snap election following the June 3 crackdown. Demonstrators said that Mr. Bashir’s dictatorship was so established that dismantling its political network and allowing for free and fair elections would take time (B.B.C. 2019).

MALIA COUP

Introduction

A mutiny was beginning by the elements of the Malian Armed forces on August 18, 2020. The Malian Armed Forces stormed to the military base of Sundiata, situated in the town of Kati, on their armed pick-up trucks. Before arresting the senior officials, several gunshots were exchanged. The army tanks and military-grade armed vehicles were reportedly camping and gathering on the town’s streets, and the military trucks were seen charging towards the capital, Bamako. It has also been reported that Several government officials, including President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita, were detained by the officials of the Army and were forced to resign from his presidency and dissolve the Government. The Government’s takedown by the Army has been the second military coup since 2012. It did not even take ten years before the second military Coup (Arieff 2020).

History and the Timeline

On the morning of the same day, soldiers were seen firing bullets into the air at the military base of Kati. Kati is a town situated 15-kilo meters from the capital of Malia, Bamako. Once the Military charged onto the money of Mail, several ministers of the Government were captured by them, and the ministers who the Government arrested were as follows (Sputnik News Agency 2021);

• The Minister of Finance: Abdoulaye Daffe

• The Chief of Staff of the National Guard: Mahamane Toure

• The Speaker of the National Assembly: Moussa Timbine

Once the mutineers arrested the ministers as mentioned above, it was urged by Boubou Cisse, the Prime Minister, to discuss with them and the Prime Minister also acknowledged the action taken by the mutineers as a legitimate frustration. Later, it was claimed by one of the mutiny leaders that the Army arrested President Keita and Prime Minster Cisse at their former residence, which was situated at the capital. It was also confirmed by the Chairman of the African Union Commission, Moussa Faki, that the mutiny has arrested the President, the Prime Minister, and other government officials, and their release has been demanded (Arieff 2020). The arrest made by the mutiny was applauded and welcomed by the M-5 RPF, which is an opposition collision, and they also stated that the step taken was the need of the situation.

The uprising began at the military camp of Kati, where took the government officials. The news of the mutiny took no time to spread, and the general information gathered hundreds of protestors at the Bamako’s Independence Monument. The protestors demanded the resignation of the President. Moreover, one of the buildings belonging to the Ministry of Justice was set on fire by the protestors. At the beginning of the coup, it was uncertain how many soldiers had participated, by whom initiated coup was, and by whom would take charge (Adetuyi 2021).

The aftermath of the coup

While stating that he wanted no blood spilled for keeping him into power, the presidency was designed by President Keita, and the Government was dissolved at midnight. On the very next, a broadcasted group of five colonels, headed by Colonel Assimi Gojta, was on national television. They called themselves the National Committee for the Salvation of the People. It was disclosed by Elhadj Djimé Kanté, one of the spokespersons of the hospital union, that the dead bodies of four people who were killed at the gunfire were brought along with other fifteen wounded people at the hospital. In response to that, it was claimed by the coup leaders that the coup had killed no one, and the Military fired only gunshots at the air and did that too to cheer up the crowd (A.B.C. News 2019).

August 19, 2020, closure of borders crossing was ordered by Military leaders, and in addition to that, a night curfew was also imposed. The closure of air and land borders was done util the further notice of the Military (Birikorang and Salihu 2020). It was addressed by Col-Major Ismael Wague, who is the Deputy Chief of Staff of the Malian Airforce, that the newly imposed night curfew will be from 21:00 to 5:00 am, and did the said announcement was on a television broadcast (Alternative Africa 2020). Moreover, conducted a meeting between the mutiny soldiers and other opposition leaders. As a result, several opposition leaders, including Mahmoud Dicko, announced their retirement from politics. The Coup leaders stated that new elections would be held within a reasonable time. However, no reasoning was given by the leaders for the said statement (Matei 2021).

In September 2019, the former President of Mali, Keita, left the United Arab Emirates for his medical treatment. Disclosed that before he departed from the country, he was already admitted to the central hospital of the capital (Morgan 2020). It was proposed by the experts chosen by Mali’s military chieftains that a president chosen by them shall run a two-year interim government (Aljazeera 2021). However, this was proposed although several election calls that the neighboring parties submitted. In addition, it suggested that the soldiers who were behind the coup would nominate the interim President and Vice President, and the chosen President would nominate the acting Prime Minister. According to the draft submitted by the Military. It was proposed that the interim President from the Military or civil sectors. The age of the nominated President shall be between 35 to 75 years. And at the end of the transition government, the nominated interim President shall not be allowed to run for the new elections (Aljazeera 2021). Moreover, it was promised by the leaders of the military coup that they would be reinstating a civilian government and would hold elections within a reasonable short period.

The National Committee for the Salvation of the People, on September 12, 2020, agreed to an 18 months political transition the civil rule. On September 21, 2020, by seventeen electors, Bad Ndaw was appointed interim President, and Gojta was appointed interim vice president (The Guardian 2020). The said Government is supposed to be functional for a temporary period of 18 months and has to be replaced by a newly elected government. The nominations of the President and the vice president were praised and applauded by a spokesperson for a political-religious leader, Mahmoud Dicko (The Guardian 2020). Moreover, a token of support for the nominations was also given by the leaders of the M5-RPF, who have been active since the 2020 Malian protests. After long-lasting struggles, the interim Government was inaugurated on September 25, 2020, and the said transitional Government announced that the CNSP had been disbanded. However, the CNSP junta will be dissolved from the day of enforcement of the transitional Government. However, that has yet to occur (Chafer, Cumming, and Van Der Velde 2020).

The reaction by the International Community

The coup was condemned and disapproved by the representatives of several countries. A few of them were the representatives of the African Union, the representatives of the European Union, and the representatives of the United Nations. Emmanuel Macron, the President of France (Tangara 2020). France is a country that has been known their involvement in fighting an Islamist insurgency since 2013 in its former colony. In addition to that, he Took the military aid the United States of America gave on August 21, 2020.

A resolution condemning the coup was unanimously approved by the United Nations Security Council, calling all the soldiers participating in the coup to return to their barracks and release all the detained ministers and the government officials. Amnesty International also demanded the same, and they also demanded the release of the detainees. A harsher step was taken by the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS). They imposed a sanction on Mali and requested all the neighboring nations to close their land and air borders (Aljazeera 2020). In addition to that, the Organization International de la Francophonie disbanded Mali as its member and called for the former President’s immediate release. Lastly, on September 7, 2020, a summit was held by the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS) with Niamey, Niger, where a request was given to the Malia military, demanding an appointment of a new civilian President and Prime Minister.

Several factors resulted in the formation of the movement, which took place on June 5, and the overthrown of the President. Since the 2018 Malian presidential elections, tensions and several irregularities have been witnessed. The situation got out of control by the ongoing Mali War in the region, which the Tuareg is controlling. Moreover, the Human Rights Report issued by the Human Rights Watch (H.R.W.) has indicated army brutality on the civilians at the central Mopti and Segou regions where dozens of attacks took place in the year 2019, and those attacks resulted in 456 civilian death and hundreds of injured men and women. In April 2019, additional deaths of twelve people were recorded due to the heresy of Fulani in the Mopti attacks. Moreover, the public was not happy and satisfied with the Government’s measures in the fight with the COVI-19. The first case of COVID-19 was reported on March 25, 2020, and within 60 days, there were 1265 cases and 80 deaths due to the virus.

NIGERIEN COUP 2010

Introduction

On February 18, 2010, a successful military coup took place in Niger. The soldiers attacked the presidential palace in Niamey. With the application of firearms and forces, the President Mr. Mamadou Tandja was captured at midday while meeting with the other government officials. Later, the same day, the formation of the Supreme Council for the Restoration of Democracy (CSRD) was announced by the rebels, headed by Chef D’escadron Salou Djibo on national television (Graham IV 2010).

History

The coup in 2010 resulted from the 200-2010 Nigerien Constitutional Crisis, where the President Mr. Mamadou Tandja placed an effort to extend the presidential tenure, which initially was supposed to be concluded in December 2009 (Baudais and Chauzal 2011). The President submitted that the extension of his term was in response to the requests made by the citizens. In May 2009, the country’s National Assembly was dissolved by the President Mr. Mamadou Tandja, and in addition to that, a new Constitutional Court was appointed by him. Assigning the same enables him to forward with a constitutional referendum in August 2009, which ultimately extended his mandate for an additional tenure of three years. The most significant impact of the referendum was on the country’s constitutional structure, where the semi-presidential system was scrapped, enabling more power to the presidential system.

The opposition had a furious reaction to the efforts made by the President Mr. Mamadou Tandja, and as a result, they denounced them as a dictator. Several international communities, organizations, and bodies also reacted negatively to the President Mr. Mamadou Tandja (Mueller 2013). The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) revoked the membership of Niger, and several aids which used to come from the western countries were also kept on halt. President Mr. Mamadou Tandja was receiving negative criticism. In response, he stated that since several projects with high stake economic values are in process, the presidential office requires his presence. However, the international media had a different opinion. According to the global media, Niger was an economically developing country, and it was not in a situation to handle any degree of isolation. This opinion was backed by the former minister’s statement, Mr. Mariama Gamatie, pointing out the prevailing hunger problem. He also submitted that the country’s economic condition is too weak to afford damages for his ego (Baudais 2021).

However, President Mr. Mamadou Tandja conducted a meeting with the opposition, and the said meeting was mediated by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). During the said meeting, President Mr. Mamadou Tandja was alleged for lack of progress in the nation. The opposition also stated that many protests had taken place under his rule, and the opposition specifically pointed out the demonstration of February 14, where more than 10,000 protestors were gathered. Moreover, the agenda of the meeting was expected to be met by the end of February 2010 (Oxford Analytica 2011).

President Mr. Mamadou Tandja is among the nation’s most enduring and influential politicians; he began his career as a participant in the 1947 military coup, where Seyni Kountche was bought into power with his assistance. Under the tenure of Seyni Kountche, he held several high-ranking posts. In addition to that, the National Movement for the Society of Development (MNSD) was headed by him during the 1990s as an opposition leader. President Mr. Mamadou Tandja was elected President from the 1999 military coup, which assured a free and fair election (Tankel 2020).

Initial Violence in Niger

The initial violence began when a group of soldiers belonging to the barracks of Tondibia, a city situated near Niamey, allegedly charged the town with their armed vehicles on February 18, 2010, and made several rounds of open fire were at the presidential palace. This was conducted while a meeting was being conducted by the President, Mr. Mamadou Tandja. It is reported that several explosions were heard open fire shooting continuously for thirty minutes. A French news agency, the Agency France Presse, was informed by a senior French reporter that a military coup is underway and President Mr. Mamadou Tandja can be dethroned anytime. The said attack at the presidential palace resulted in President Mr. Mamadou Tandja (Tankel 2020).

In the given incident, there were several casualties and loss of lives, which consisted of soldiers and civilians. The French Government asked the French nationals living in Niamey to stay indoors and comply with all such methods required for ensuring their safety. As a result of the violence, the streets started becoming disserted, and the civils sought protection from such violent events. The national radio station broadcasted the said violent event, Voix du Sahel. However, it was interrupted for 15 minutes. In addition, Voix du Sahel failed to report the violence that afternoon, and instead of reporting, the radio station played traditional music (Elischer 2021).

Subsequent Events of the Coup

After a couple of hours passed away from the initial violence, several reports emerged citing