Understanding the Volatile and Dangerous Middle East: A Comprehensive Analysis

By Steven Carol

The Middle East can be bewildering, which is why we need to connect the dots that pull together the political, economic, diplomatic, military, cultural, and religious pieces of the puzzle.

Professor Steven Carol slashes through the confusion with a topical approach, focusing on key issues such as the geographic features of the Middle East, demographics of the region, the influence of Islam, political processes, shifting alliances, war in the region, and the need for security.

He also takes a careful look at perpetual negotiations, attempts to secure peace, and the role that the media play in how we view the region. His goal: to clarify the confusing nature of Middle East affairs and to combat the mistaken beliefs, misrepresentations, and outright fabrications about the region.

In a bid to reclaim the truth, he shares basic principles, relying on factual supporting evidence to prove
their validity. Seventy-eight maps and numerous tables make understanding complex topics easier.

Whether you’re a student, educator, bureaucrat or politician, you’ll find insights based on facts in Understanding the Volatile and Dangerous Middle East.

• Language: English
• Publisher: iUniverse
• Release date: Sep 26, 2019
• ISBN: 9781532084119

Steven Carol

Steven Carol has a Ph.D. in history and is an author, public speaker, and radio personality. His specialties are the Middle East, U.S. history, U.S. government, the World Wars of the Twentieth century, and the Cold War. He has travelled to the region numerous times. He has also appeared on radio across the United States and in the Middle East.

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Copyright © 2019 Steven Carol.

Cover photo courtesy of NASA

Cover design and layout by Steven Carol

All maps were drawn, produced and copyrighted by Steven Carol and converted to black and white by Kurt Sweeney

Author photo by Mrs. Hadara Carol

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced by any means, graphic, electronic, or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, taping or by any information storage retrieval system without the written permission of the author except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews.

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ISBN: 978-1-5320-8412-6 (sc)

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To Hadara, for her encouragement, support, and love.

To Shelli and David, with love for them and their posterity.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List Of Maps (in conjunction with the applicable text)

List Of Tables

List Of Basic Principles

About The Author

Acknowledgements

Note On Calendars

Foreword

Introduction

Ever Shifting Alliances

Aspects Of War

Perpetual Negotiations

Attempts At Security

Role Of The Media

Conclusion

Glossary

Endnotes

Bibliography Volume I And II

LIST OF MAPS

Please note that the maps in this book are placed in context with the accompanying applicable text, rather than in chronological order.

Nasser’s Ambitions–Hegemony in the Arab World

Western Intervention Saves Moderate Regimes, 1958

Causes of the Sinai-Suez War

The 1958 Crisis, Iraqi Revolution

Demography of Cyprus prior to 1974

The Jordanian Civil War, 1970–71

Six-Day War Ceasefire Lines–Israeli Administered Territories

The Yom Kippur War Ceasefire Lines, 1973

The Golan Heights

Israel–Insecure Borders–Fedayeen Attacks and Israeli Reprisals

Disengagement, 1974

Disengagement, 1975

The Yemen Civil War–Use of Poison Gas and Placement of UNYOM

UN Partition Plan, November 29, 1947

Arab Attack on Israel, as of June 1, 1948

The Yom Kippur War, October 6–24, 1973–Arab Attack

The Yom Kippur War, October 6–24, 1973–Israeli Counterattack

The Johnston Water Sharing Plan

United Nations Emergency Force Deployment in Egypt, 1957–67

Arab Attempts at Diversion of Water Resources and Israeli Response

Sinai-Suez War Ceasefire Lines

Causes of the Six-Day War, 1967

LIST OF TABLES

Russo-Turkish Conflicts

Turco-Persian Conflicts

Arab Population versus Jewish Population, 1948

The League of Arab States

Arab Summit Conferences

Modern Conflicts in the Middle East/Muslim World (excluding the Arab–Israeli Conflict)

Fatalities in Terrorist Violence in Pakistan 2003–14

Hijackings

Aircraft Blown Up, Attacked on the Ground and Ships Attacked

Egyptian Use of Poison Gas in the Yemen Civil War, 1963–67

Egyptian-Israeli Arms Equilibrium, 1949–55

The Arms Race Begins

The Egyptian-Israeli Arms Race by October 1956

Some Modern Occupations

A Comparison of Two Nations’ Control

Israel’s Political and Security Policies

PLO Bases within UNIFIL Areas

Israeli Deaths by Suicide Terror Attacks, 2000–09

Attacks on Diplomatic Missions

The War of Words

LIST OF BASIC PRINCIPLES

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

A true teacher is one who, keeping the past alive is also able to understand the present.

Confucius

Dr. Steven Carol received his M.A. in History from Queens College and his Ph.D. in History from St. John’s University, New York. His specialties are the Modern Middle East, United States history and government, the World Wars of the twentieth century and the Cold War.

Now retired, he taught for nearly four decades, both on the East Coast (including Adelphi University and Long Island University) and in Arizona on the high school, college (at Mesa Community College, and Scottsdale Community College) and graduate levels.

Dr. Carol is the author of six books as well as articles, songs, visual aids, and educational games. He has written numerous articles about the Middle East, which has appeared in newspapers in the United States and Canada. They have also appeared on the worldwide web at Israel National News, UnityCoalitionforIsrael.org, Israpundit, Think-Israel.org, One Jerusalem.org, and the Israel Insider.

Dr. Carol has spoken to civic and political groups throughout the United States at churches, synagogues, universities, schools, and service organizations on topics related to the history of the Arab–Israeli conflict, terrorism and about a forgotten rescuer of the Holocaust period, Portuguese diplomat, Dr. Aristides de Sousa Mendes.

Since 2003, Dr. Carol, has been the official historian of The Middle East Radio Forum (MERF) and Middle East Consultant to the Salem Radio Network. He is the most frequent guest (over 250 appearances) on the show, providing detailed historical overviews, perspectives and analysis, frequently relating these to current developments. Additionally, he has been a featured guest on various radio shows across the United States and in Israel.

He has been affiliated with the Arizona Humanities Council as part of the 9/11 Conversations programs and has spoken about the war against radical Islam as well as the origins of the Arab-Israeli Conflict, among other subjects.

Dr. Carol also was a consultant for the New York State and Arizona Departments of Education. In 1987, New York State named him Outstanding Teacher. He currently continues to write, speak to groups and appear on radio.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Special thanks go to Tzvi and Yosefa for their generous assistance in helping make this book possible. So, too, my thanks to my son David, for his critical evaluation and editing, to William Wolf for his foreword to this volume, to Dr. Carl Goldberg and Harry J. Sweeney for their suggestions regarding Islam. Words are not enough to express my thanks to my wife, Hadara, for her tireless efforts in editing and the numerous suggestions she’s made, as well as her assistance, encouragement, and patience. Without her most thorough proof reading of the manuscript, additional help, support, and love, this study could not have been completed. While the original map work for this book was researched, drawn, produced, and copyrighted by the author, extra special thanks must go to Kurt Sweeney, for his exceptional computer skills in adapting the maps into black-and-white format.

NOTE ON CALENDARS

All dates in the chronologies and the body of the book are given in the calendar traditionally referring to events before the birth of Jesus (

B.C.

) and continuing after his birth (

A.D.

), and now universally adopted and known to scholars as Before the Common Era (

B.C.E.

) and the Common Era (

C.E.

).

FOREWORD

It is my privilege to recommend to you Dr. Steven Carol’s book, Understanding the Volatile and Dangerous Middle East: A comprehensive analysis. This unique book is designed for the public and is a prime resource for any scholar or researcher who wishes to assess or write about any aspect of Middle Eastern affairs.

As a student of the Middle East for decades, traveling there thirteen times, and hosting a radio show about the region—Middle East Radio Forum—I have done my best to keep informed. However, I became frustrated with the bewildering volume of material, some of very questionable accuracy and objectivity. Political correctness and a specific agenda often dominate the reporting, making the truth difficult to decipher, if even present in the first place. It was not until I had the pleasure to meet historian Dr. Steve Carol that I was able to really grasp the significance and importance of the greater Middle East.

The author’s intent is to give the reader a set of facts, in-depth analyses and clarity, about the greater Middle East region in general and Israel in particular. This will help avoid the all too common traps of Arab/Muslim propaganda and expose anti-American and anti-Israel media bias. In this, I believe Dr. Carol has superbly succeeded.

Dr. Carol’s book is the culmination of his years of research and study—including his own thirteen trips to the region—and is presented to anyone who desires to understand the morass and enigma that unfortunately largely dominates what we know as the greater Middle East. The book establishes a solid foundational roadmap written in a concise, logical and clear manner. His scholarship and expertise are evident from his over 250 appearances as the most frequent guest on my radio show. Therefore, I named him official historian of the show.

The breadth and depth of Dr. Carol’s knowledge of the Middle East are evident in his sharp analyses and commentary about historical events and how these issues relate to the current situation. As a long-time listener, Stuart Citron astutely observed, If ever there was a man who not only has the intellectual capacity, but also has the heart and passion for his subject, it is Dr. Steve Carol. He has the ability to explain a subject in a clear, comprehensive and understandable manner. His contribution to our knowledge is immeasurable. Just listen to the radio show where he is the most frequent contributor for some twelve years and counting. Dr. Carol has a style that differs from others. He connects the dots that pull together the historic, political, economic, diplomatic, military, cultural, and religious pieces of the complex Middle East puzzle, in a way that is relevant for today and tomorrow. His tag line is Dr. History. He could also be called Dr. Insightful."

This book will be your go-to guide when examining information that appears in the media or in other books on the subject. His book will assist readers to become informed and finally be able to understand the amount of inaccurate information, or even disinformation, one encounters in the news, editorials or popular literature about this highly controversial field.

The author’s perceptive comprehension of the subject is backed by well-documented facts, which are copiously footnoted. It truly deserves to be read and re-read. This gem of knowledge should be shared with all who want to avail themselves of the fruit of Dr Carol’s scholarship. Its importance cannot be overstated. Moreover, unlike many other books in this field, it will not be readily dated because the facts compiled here will remain valid and immutable. I heartily recommend Understanding the Volatile and Dangerous Middle East: A comprehensive analysis to everyone. For anyone who seeks the truth based on facts, this definitely is one book to keep handy on your library shelf.

William J. Wolf, Esq.

Founder and host of

Middle East Radio Forum

www.middleeastradioforum.org

INTRODUCTION

For Zion’s sake, I will not keep silent, and for Jerusalem’s sake, I will not be quiet, until her righteousness goes forth as brightness, and her salvation as a burning torch.

Isaiah 62:1

The Middle East is not a region of amity or tranquility. Historically, it is and has been a volatile, dangerous and bewildering place for the West in general and American interests in particular. In the context of this book, the term Middle East refers to the region that ranges, at its greatest extent, from Mauritania, Western Sahara and Morocco on the west, through Iran in the east, and from Turkey¹ and Cyprus² in the north, to Sudan, the Arabian Peninsula, and the Horn of Africa in the south. This broad definition of the Middle East is based on the historical, political, military, religious, cultural, linguistic, and economic links among the various countries, which make up the region.

Throughout this book, I use the term misojudaism. Misojudaism is a more accurate descriptor of the widespread hatred of Jews (sin’at Yehudim in Hebrew) than the commonly used anti-Semitism. Like misogyny, the hatred of women; misogamy, the hatred of marriage; misoneism, the hatred of innovation; or misanthropy, the hatred of humankind; misojudaism is a more precise term. Islamic misojudaism did not begin as an Arab/Muslim reaction to the reestablishment of Jewish sovereignty in the Land of Israel or with the earlier nineteenth century Jewish immigration to that section of the Ottoman Empire. Islamic misojudaism is rooted in mainstream, orthodox Islamic teachings that dates back 1,400 years and are embedded in the Qur’an. In May 627

C.E.

, after driving out various Jewish tribes from Arabia, Muhammad decided to destroy the last Jewish tribe—the Banu Qurayzah. After forcing them to surrender, an estimated 800 to 900 men and one woman of the tribe were beheaded all in one day, while Muhammad watched. This became the standard of how to deal with the Jews.

Many of Israel’s Arab/Muslim enemies have claimed, with anthropological accuracy, that they cannot be anti-Semites, because they also are Semites. Therefore, anti-Semitism is a misnomer and a racist term. Instead, these enemies use the term anti-Zionist to camouflage their vehement misojudaic hostility. PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat was always misojudaic. Up to the eve of the Oslo Accords, he constantly vilified the Jews using strong religious imagery. In his book, Revolution until Victory?: The Politics and History of the PLO, Barry Rubin, Middle Eastern affairs and terrorism expert, explains that others in the PLO held the same attitudes, such as Salah Khalaf (also known as Abu Iyad, the organization’s leading ideologue as well as its intelligence chief), who stated Damn their [the Jews] fathers. The dogs. Filth and dirt. Treachery flows in their blood, as the Qur’an testifies.¹ After the signing of the September 13, 1993 Oslo Accords, Arafat emphasized that he was not misojudaic, i.e. anti-Semite, by claiming with a straight face, he was merely anti-Zionist.

Since shortly after attaining political independence from Great Britain, the United States has been engaged with the Middle East. In fact, two of America’s earliest foreign wars were those with Algiers and Tripoli. Those wars were in response to acts of aggression against the United States including attacks on its fledgling maritime trade, the seizure of hostages, and the demands for ransom and protection payments by the Arab/Muslim city-states of North Africa. Prior to World War II, United States activities in the region were primarily private and generally commercial, cultural, educational, medical, philanthropic and religious in nature. Official actions were severely limited.

American involvement in the greater Middle East region increased dramatically after World War II. This was largely in reaction to the growing challenges posed by the ambitions of the Soviet Union. US ambitions were primarily to extend its policy of containment as well as prevent the Soviet Union from controlling the oil fields and the strategic landmass and waterways. This enlarged American involvement coincided with dramatic changes taking place in the region, including the diminishment of the roles and presence of the United Kingdom and France, the reestablishment of Jewish sovereignty, after 1,875 years of exile and dispersion, in the Land of Israel, and the rise of anti-Western Arab nationalism. Despite the increased engagement for most Americans, the Middle East was and is a part of the world about which they know little and understand less.

Based on my personal experiences in both high schools and colleges in New York and Arizona, for the last half of the twentieth century, the region’s history, politics, diplomacy, culture and religious beliefs were barely mentioned in American high schools or colleges, unless one chose to take specialty courses, often not available. The 1973–74 Arab oil embargo, the 1979 Islamic Iranian Revolution, and the September 11, 2001, Islamic supremacist attacks on New York and Washington, DC, all triggered more interest in the region. However, by the dawn of the twenty-first century, a noticeable shift had occurred in media coverage of the region, from fact-based to agenda-driven news coverage. Furthermore, news, editorials, and popular literature on this highly controversial subject are often plagued by errors of commission and omission.

Many changes have occurred in the past few years in the Middle East. The United States, under the Obama administration adopted an Islamist-centric Middle East policy. Additionally, it decided to dramatically scale back its engagement in the region, with withdrawals from Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as inducing strains with long-term allies—Egypt, Israel, and Saudi Arabia, to name the most prominent. Russia, on the other hand, reemerged as an active great power player both diplomatically and militarily. Turkey, a NATO ally of the United States, shifted its political orientation and moved toward the Islamist camp. Israel fought four short, intentionally non-conclusive, wars against Hezbollah in Lebanon and the Islamic Resistance Movement, better known by its Arabic acronym Hamas, in the Gaza Strip—both terrorist organizations. Overall, the Arab/Muslim coalition aligned against Israel rearmed and increased the number of rockets aimed at the Jewish state for the next war. Long-entrenched regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, and Libya were overthrown as demonstrations, violence, and in the case of the latter, civil war and foreign intervention ended those governments.

A revival of Islamist fundamentalism swept the region and brought to power in Egypt briefly, an Islamist government dominated by the Muslim Brotherhood. Syria was plunged into a multi-faceted civil war as the Assad regime ruthlessly suppressed its own people with military force, including the use of poison gas. Egypt’s military ousted the Muslim Brotherhood after a year in power. Far from being defeated and eliminated as threats to the United States and the West, the Taliban and Al Qaeda, have bounced back from the brink of oblivion. The latter like a hydra, spread far afield across the Middle East and beyond. Al-Qaeda franchises like the Egyptian Islamic Jihad, Al-Qaeda in Mesopotamia, which became Al-Qaeda in Iraq, and then morphed into the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL),³ Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, Qaedat al-Jihad in the Indian Subcontinent, Al-Shabaab in Somalia, and Boko Haram in Nigeria, to name the most infamous—all spewed murder, mayhem and terror in their wake. All the while, Iran furiously pressed ahead to complete its nuclear weapons program and long-range missile development, despite United Nations sanctions

This book endeavors to clarify the confusing nature of Middle East affairs and combat the mistaken beliefs, misrepresentations, and outright fabrications that have been perpetrated to the present. In an effort to reclaim the historic truth, I have postulated a series of basic principles in respect to ten relevant subjects concerning the Middle East. Each basic principle has factual supporting evidence to prove its validity, all in a clear understandable manner. The volume is reader-friendly, with maps, tables, a glossary, annotated appendices, a large suggested reading list and an index. It is my hope that the reader will gain understanding by applying these guidelines when faced with any source of information pertaining to the Middle East. The book is designed to be a valuable educational tool for all those interested in the region. Although the region faces constant uncertainty, the principles outlined in this book are valid and timeless.

EVER SHIFTING ALLIANCES

[A nation] … has no eternal friends … no perpetual enemies …

only eternal and perpetual interests.

Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston, British Foreign Secretary, 1848

When promises are not observed, there can be no leagues or alliances.

David Hume, Scottish philosopher and historian.

The Middle East has been a region of shifting alliances, both formal and informal. Sometimes those alliances make for strange bedfellows. Most of these alliances are built on cynical pragmatism. However, Turkey, for over three centuries always maintained a policy of opposing Russia.

40. For most of its modern history, Israel has been one of the most steadfast allies of the United States, though no formal alliance exists between the two nations.

Throughout over six decades since the reestablishment of Israel, an often repeated claim is made that Israel is a draining liability—a burden—on the United States. This claim is bogus. Exacerbating this calumny were statements made by and the conduct of, Israel’s leftist leaders since 1993, which created the false impression that Israeli-American ties constituted a one-way relationship. The impression was given that the United States gave and Israel merely received and thus must constantly bow to American pressure as personified by the US State Department.⁴ The noted Israeli historian, author and Knesset member, Shmuel Katz summarized this danger best, There exists … among many Americans, a conviction of Israeli dependence on the United States. What is worse, many Israelis have a sense of dependence; worst of all, it is a sense that exists also among Israeli leaders.¹ The truth is that the relationship is a two-way partnership. An examination of the facts will consign these charges to the trash-heap of history where they belong.

First, Israel is a beacon of Western civilization in a volatile, dangerous and troubled region, the Middle East. It is a kindred Western democracy. This means that its relationship with the United States reflects the will of the Israeli people. As such, it remains a constant, reliable, permanent US ally regardless of who is the Prime Minister. In contrast, the remainder of countries in the Middle East are one-leader states, with little or no reflection of the will of the people. That leader may be an American ally, but is just a bullet, coup or revolution away from being replaced by a new anti-American regime. Recall that this is what happened in Iraq in 1958 under King Faisal II, and in Iran under the Shah, which until 1979, was the US’s most important ally in the Persian Gulf region. Similarly, since 2002, the Islamist government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has encouraged anti-Americanism within Turkey and shifted that nation away from its alignment with Europe, its NATO ally the United States and its de facto strategic partner for over twenty years, Israel. Furthermore generally speaking, it should be noted, that for the past almost 100 years, the Arab states have supported the enemies of the United States, and the West in general. During the 1930s and 1940s, they supported the Nazi and fascist regimes in Germany and Italy, respectively. From the 1950s through the 1990s, they backed the Soviet communist bloc. Beginning in the late 1970s, many Arabs supported the Islamic regime of Iran and since the 1990s, they have backed the transnational anti-American groups such as Al-Qaeda, the Muslim Brotherhood and Islamic State. The blunt reality is that Israel is the only nation in the Middle East that shares the values, interests, and enemies of the United States.

Israel contributes substantially to the United States in the domains of hard security (defense and intelligence) and soft security (economic competitiveness, sustainability, and in other non-military sectors). Israel is the only US ally in the Middle East that always fights its own battles. Israel has never requested, nor expects, American armed forces to fight to preserve and protect the Jewish state. In contrast, the governments of Iran (in 1953), Lebanon (in 1958), Saudi Arabia (in 1963 and again in 1990–91), Jordan (in concert with Israel and the United Kingdom in 1970), Kuwait (in 1987 and 1991), Iraq (2003 to 2011), and Libya (in 2011), all needed US military intervention and support in order to survive against both internal and external threats. Additionally, American military forces assisted the Muslims in Bosnia, Kosovo, Somalia, and Afghanistan. In fact, with the exception of Kuwait, the United States has never presented a bill for its efforts. Furthermore, when asked to leave, the United States has done so. Since the United States and Israel share the same regional foes, when Israel is called upon to fight its enemies, its successes have an effect that benefits the United States. Among the Israeli contributions to the United States were several notable examples.

In May 1951, Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion, on an unofficial trip to Washington, DC, held a clandestine meeting with General Walter Bedell-Smith, the head of the CIA. As a result of his trip, Israel concluded a secret agreement—Operation Balsam—with the United States to share intelligence on security matters. In 1952, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Omar Bradley assessed that only Britain, Turkey, and Israel could help the United States with their air forces in the event of a Soviet attack in the Middle East. Bradley called for the integration of Israel into Mediterranean Basin area defense planning, in light of the country’s location and unique capabilities.²

On February 25, 1956, Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, in a five-hour secret speech, denounced his predecessor, Joseph Stalin and his cult of personality at the Twentieth Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. By April 13, Israeli intelligence—the Shin Bet—obtained a copy of the speech via a Polish journalist, Viktor Grayevsky. It was the greatest intelligence-gathering achievement for Israeli intelligence to that time. Israel’s CIA liaison was James Jesus Angleton, the head of counterintelligence. The speech, in photographic format, was delivered to him. On April 17, 1956, the photographs had reached the CIA chief Allen Dulles, who quickly informed US President Dwight D. Eisenhower. After determining that the speech was authentic, the CIA leaked the speech to The New York Times in early June 1956.³ The speech became a central propaganda tool in American foreign policy, with dramatic repercussions throughout the Soviet bloc as well as on Sino-Soviet relations. During the Cold War, the United States and Israel had a joint strategic interest in defeating aggressors in the Middle East seeking to invade their neighbors and disrupt the status quo, especially if they had the backing of the Soviet Union. This became the essence of the United States–Israel alliance in the Middle East.

In July 1958, Egypt’s Nasser sought to topple the governments of Lebanon, Jordan, Libya and Iraq, (see Nasser’s Ambitions–Hegemony in the Arab World map) prompting Western intervention. US military forces were deployed to Lebanon—Operation Blue Bat—under the Eisenhower Doctrine (see Appendix 7). President Eisenhower wanted US troops to be present all at once in full force, and thus had them storm a beach near Beirut, rather than disembark at the harbor. The display of overwhelming odds precluded any Nasserist resistance. British troops were sent to Jordan and Libya, to support the legitimate governments of those countries. Israel played an essential role in saving the Hashemite monarchy of Jordan. When Jordan’s erstwhile ally, Saudi Arabia, refused to allow oil deliveries to over-fly Saudi airspace,⁴ the United States requested that Israel allow American oil deliveries and supplies to over-fly Israel. The United Kingdom urgently needed to bring troops into Jordan to support the regime, Israel again cooperated and allowed British over-flights that ferried some 3,000 troops into Amman to support King Hussein. An Anglo-American airlift over Israel into Jordan continued from July 17 to August 4, 1958 (see Western Intervention Saves Moderate Regimes map). As King Hussein would later write in his memoirs, Every gallon had to be flown over the skies of Israel, the mortal enemy of all Arab states. Where an Arab nation refused, an enemy agreed.⁵

017_a_802974.jpg018_a_802974.jpg

President John F. Kennedy hosted Israeli Foreign Minister Golda Meir, on December 27, 1962, in Palm Beach, Florida, for a review of United States–Israel relations. Kennedy’s language was unprecedented. According to a secret memorandum drafted by the attending representative of the State Department, Kennedy told his Israeli guest, The United States has a special relationship with Israel in the Middle East really comparable only to what it has with Britain over a wide range of world affairs.⁶

As has been previously mentioned, on August 16, 1966, an Iraqi pilot flew his MiG-21F-13 to Israel as a result of a covert Israeli operation. It was the first time such a sophisticated (then) top-of-the-line Soviet-built aircraft had fallen into Western hands. On January 23, 1968, Israel loaned the MiG to the United States for evaluation, sharing the intelligence on the aircraft, under the Have Doughnut program. The United States conducted 102 flights, some 77 flying hours, in 40 days during a 75-day period before returning the aircraft to Israel on April 8, 1968.⁷ The transfer helped pave the way for the Israeli acquisition of the F-4 Phantom, which the Americans had been reluctant to sell to Israel up to that point. The MiG-21 at that time was challenging American aircraft in the skies over North Vietnam and the information provided by Israel proved invaluable in combating the hostile MiGs.

In June 1967, Israel defeated a radical Arab, pro-Soviet offensive, which threatened to bring about the collapse of pro-American Arab regimes and disrupt oil supplies, thus severely undermining the American standard of living. The United States gained valuable military information from analysis of captured Soviet equipment, including SA-2, Mig-21 aircraft, and Soviet T-54 battle tanks. In fact, Israel gave an entire squadron of MiG-21s to the United States, which was dubbed the Top Gun squadron, and used by US air and naval forces for training purposes. Since 1967, Israel transferred captured Soviet weapons systems to the US Pentagon after every conflict: 1967, 1967–70, 1973, 1982, and 1990 (Scud remnants from the Gulf War), and 2006 (remnants of Iranian-supplied missiles).

Another unexpected gain, for the United States, as a result of Israel’s victory in June 1967, was that it forced Egypt to withdraw its expeditionary army from Yemen—where it had intervened in the Yemen Civil War (1962–70)—which also removed the Egyptian threat to Saudi Arabia and to the rest of the Arab oil-producers of the Persian Gulf (see the Yemen Civil War–Stalemate and Conclusion map).

In the 1,000-Day War of Attrition (1967–70), the IDF armed with American aircraft successfully defeated a Soviet-supplied air defense system, pointing out the deficiencies in Soviet air-defense doctrine to US defense planners. On December 26–27, 1969, an IDF helicopter raid—Operation Rooster 53—on Ras Gharib, Egypt, resulted in the Israelis carrying off two Soviet T-62 main battle tanks and a Soviet P-12 radar system. Israel shared the information about the captured equipment with the US military. Indeed, it became common practice for Israel to furnish whole Soviet weapons systems—like 122 and 130-mm artillery, and a T-72 main battle tank—to the United States for evaluation and testing, influencing the development of US weapons systems and battlefield tactics during the Cold War.⁸

On January 22, 1970, an IDF commando raid—Operation Rhodes—on Shadwan Island (at the mouth of the Gulf of Suez where it meets the Red Sea) resulted in the Israeli occupation of the island for thirty-six hours. During that period, the Israelis removed all the military equipment as well as another Soviet-supplied radar system sharing the information with the United States (see the 1,000-Day War of Attrition–Israeli Actions map).

On July 30, 1970, in an aerial clash over the Suez Canal, twenty Soviet MiG-21s ambushed four IAF F-4 Phantoms. The Phantoms were joined by eight IAF Mirage fighters. As a result of the battle, the Soviets lost five MiGs, with no Israeli losses. It was the first instance of Soviet aerial combat since World War II. No doubt, the Israelis briefed the Americans about the tactics employed. Additionally, the Israeli achievement proved the ineffectiveness of the military umbrella the Soviets provided its Arab clients in exchange for Soviet basing arrangements.

During the events of Black September 1970, in coordination with the United States, (which was tied up by wars in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia)⁹ Israel brought about the withdrawal of invading Syrian forces from Jordan. This action prevented the fall of the pro-American Hashemite government of King Hussein, and the installation of a pro-Soviet radical Palestinian terrorist regime with its accompanying threat to US interests in the region.

In October 1973, thanks to US resupply of armaments, but without US forces, Israel defeated Soviet-trained and equipped Egyptian and Syrian forces. Israel again shared captured Soviet equipment, including T-62 battle tanks with the United States. Israel emerged as the only reliable ally in the entire Middle East region, where US troops could land, where US equipment could be pre-positioned, and where the United States has friendly port facilities (in Haifa and Ashdod). This saved the United States billions of dollars.

In 1977, Israel began to provide port services to the US Sixth Fleet in the Mediterranean, in part to offset the Soviet use of Tartus and Latakia, Syria as main bases for the Soviet Mediterranean Squadron. By 1992, the number of US Navy ship visits to Haifa had reached fifty per year. Admiral Carl Trost, the former Chief of Naval Operations, commented that with the end of the Cold War and the shifting American interest in power projection to the Middle East, the Sixth Fleet’s need for facilities in the Eastern Mediterranean had actually increased. There were emerging threats that cemented United States–Israel ties. Six years later in 1998, the United States and Israel specifically added the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and intermediate-range missiles to their security agenda in a new United States–Israel Memorandum of Understanding.¹⁰

In 1980, it was Presidential candidate Ronald Reagan who first explicitly described Israel as a strategic asset when he declared, Israel serves as a vital strategic asset with its highly trained and experienced military forces, and is a deterrent to Soviet expansion in that troubled part of the world.¹¹ On November 30, 1981, the United States and Israel signed a Memorandum of Understanding on Strategic Cooperation. This provided for joint military—land, sea and air—exercises, planning for the establishment and maintenance of joint readiness activities, and joint working teams dealing with specific military issues. Though briefly suspended due to political differences between the two countries, strategic cooperation was then fully resumed in 1983 after the Israel–PLO War in Lebanon. This included for example, contingency plans for the rescuing of downed pilots in the region.

Israel bombed the Iraqi nuclear reactor at Osirak, on June 7, 1981, delaying Saddam Hussein’s quest for nuclear weapons and severely reducing Iraqi military strength. It thus provided the United States with the option of engaging in conventional wars with Iraq in 1991 and 2003. It spared the United States and the world a nuclear confrontation, along with its massive human losses and multi-billion dollar cost. In fact, in October 1991, then Secretary of Defense Richard Cheney thanked Israel for its bold and dramatic action ten years earlier in taking out the Osirak facility, adding, and strategic cooperation with Israel remains a cornerstone of US defense policy. Cheney reportedly gave Israeli Major General David Ivri, then the commander of the Israeli Air Force, a framed satellite photo of the Iraqi nuclear reactor destroyed by US-built Israeli aircraft. On the photo, Cheney penned, With thanks and appreciation for the outstanding job you did on the Iraqi nuclear program in 1981, which made our job much easier in Desert Storm!¹²

During the Israel–PLO War in Lebanon (1982), in a 46-hour campaign, June 9–11, 1982, Israel’s air force, in Operation Mole Cricket 19, attacked 23 most advanced Soviet surface-to-air missile (SAM) batteries employed by Syria and considered impregnable. Nineteen SAM batteries (SA-2s, SA-3s, and SA-6s) were destroyed and four others were severely damaged—all within two hours without losing an IAF airplane. In subsequent air battles involving some 150 aircraft, Israel downed 86 Syrian MiG-21s, MiG-23s, and Sukhoi-22s without IAF loss.¹³ Additionally, Israel’s military was the first to make widespread use of drones during this conflict.

The magnitude of Israel’s victories in the Bekáa Valley operation (Mole Cricket 19) shocked Soviet military leaders. Top Soviet systems had been trounced. Knowing that Israel shared military information and technology with the United States, there was concern that NATO forces in Europe could emulate these victories against Soviet forces in Eastern Europe. An unforeseen benefit, occurred in 1991, when it was revealed by a Czech general (who had been serving in Moscow in 1982) that the Bekáa Valley air war made the Soviets understand that Western technology was superior to theirs, and in this Czech general’s view, the blow to the Bekáa Valley SAMs was part of the cascade of events leading to the collapse of the Soviet Union.¹⁴

Israel’s battle tactics and operational lessons, electronic warfare and other technological innovations have been shared with the United States, the value of which was estimated to be worth billions of dollars. US–Israeli defense cooperation, during the early 1980s, focused on the Eastern Mediterranean. IDF Major General (res.) Avraham Tamir, who served as the National Security Advisor to Israel’s Minister of Defense, revealed that both countries were focused on Soviet military moves into Syria and Libya as well as an Israeli air umbrella to protect US troop movements that would seek to counter that scenario.¹⁵

The vice president of General Dynamics Corporation, which produced the F-16 Fighting Falcon fighter jets, stated that Israel was responsible for 600 improvements in the plane’s systems, modifications estimated to be worth billions of dollars, which spared the United States dozens of research and development years. Israel upgraded the Hawkeye spy plane and the MD-500 helicopter, which helped convince US allies, Japan and the Republic of (South) Korea, to purchase those upgraded versions of the two aircraft over comparable British and French aircraft.

Former Secretary of State and NATO forces commander Alexander Haig stated that he was pro-Israeli because Israel is the largest American aircraft carrier in the world that cannot be sunk, does not carry even one American soldier, and is located in a critical region for American national security.¹⁶ As such, Israel helps maintain the US’s capacity to project American power in the region, which in turn insures the smooth flow of oil from the Persian Gulf to the rest of the world. Israel also acts as a brake to check the attempts of radical regimes and terrorist groups to upset the status quo in the region.

The first visit to Israel of a chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General John W. Vessey, Jr., took place in early 1984.¹⁷ Joint air and naval exercises between the two countries became increasingly frequent. The US Marine Corps engaged in live-fire exercises and practiced beach assaults in Israel as well.¹⁸ On August 31, 1984, US Navy Secretary John Lehman, Jr., announced that the US would lease twelve Israeli Kfir C1 fighters (re-designated F-21A Kfir by the Navy) from Israel Aircraft Industries for a period of three and a half years,¹⁹ for the Navy’s Aggressor Squadron—Fighter Squadron 43. The Kfirs were used to train US pilots in aerial mock dog fighting tactics against Soviet aircraft. The Kfir, superior in speed and maneuverability, simulated the Soviet-made MiG-21 in training exercises. Speaking at a ceremony accepting the delivery of the first three Kfirs at Oceana Naval Air Station near Virginia Beach, Virginia, Secretary Lehman acknowledged, the Israeli Government has made three aircraft available to us at no cost to the US taxpayer.²⁰ Safe ports for US Navy ships (e.g. Haifa and Ashdod), components for tank systems, and hardware for the US Marines were also mentioned by Lehman. There are quite a few other innovative things we [the US] find we can avoid investing money in, things already done in Israel, to apply to our own country to cut the cost of defense,²¹ he added. Illustrative of his last statement was the US purchase of Israeli-made Mastiff remotely piloted vehicles (RPV) in June 1984²² and Samson air decoys later that same year. By 1989, Israel’s Defense Minister Yitzhak Rabin would reveal that the United States and Israel had conducted 27 or 28 combined exercises, and that US Marine Corps exercises were being held at the battalion level.²³

In 1985, the Reagan administration invited Israel, along with other allies, to take part in the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), in order to develop an effective defensive anti-missile shield against ballistic missiles. Eventually, the United Kingdom, Germany, and Israel emerged as the largest foreign participants in the program.²⁴ Only Israel developed the first land-based missile defense system in the world, utilizing the Arrow anti-ballistic missile system, whose development came out of this joint program. As a result of the Arrow program, Israeli technological breakthroughs in missile defense were fully shared with the United States.

In 1986, General George F. Keegan, former head of US Air Force Intelligence, publicly declared to correspondent Wolf Blitzer, that he could not have obtained the same intelligence that he received from Israel if he had five CIAs.²⁵ He further stated that between 1974 and 1990, Israel received $18.3 billion in US military grants. During the same period, Israel provided the United States with some $50 to 80 billion in intelligence, research and development savings, and Soviet weapons systems captured and transferred to the United States. He added, The ability of the US Air Force in particular, and the Army in general, to defend whatever position it has in NATO owes more to the Israeli intelligence input than it does to any single source of intelligence, be it satellite reconnaissance, be it technology intercept, or what have you.²⁶

President Ronald Reagan and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir signed a Memorandum of Agreement for Joint Political, Security, and Economic Cooperation, on April 21, 1988. Its purpose was to coordinate planning against threats faced by both nations in the Middle East. The five-year agreement called Israel a major non-NATO ally of the United States.²⁷ It was the first formal expression of this fact that had been obvious to the world.

Additionally in 1989, Joseph Sisco, a former US Assistant Secretary of State, assistant to Secretary of State Henry Kissinger during the latter’s shuttle diplomacy, told the Israeli author and military expert, Shmuel Katz, I want to assure you, Mr. Katz, that if we were not getting full value for our money, you would not get a cent from us. Not to be overlooked is the fact that for many decades Israel shared its civil aviation security expertise with the United States.

During the Persian Gulf War in 1991, Israel provided invaluable intelligence, an umbrella of air cover for military cargo, and had personnel planted in the Iraqi desert to pick up downed American pilots. Additionally, Israel was ready to provide emergency medical services or even air support if necessary. There was nothing, which prohibited the use of US weapons stockpiles that had been pre-positioned in Israel during the 1990s for Gulf contingencies from 1991 through the US-led coalition’s invasion of Iraq in 2003, if the need arose.

Moreover, on April 30, 1996, a Counterterrorism Cooperation Accord between the United States and Israel was signed. On October 31, 1998, a United States–Israel Security Memorandum of Agreement was signed. Furthermore, in April 2001, the US Air Force joined the IAF and held their first-ever joint maneuvers in the Negev Desert involving mid-air refueling, dog fighting, and air-to-ground attacks.²⁸

During the war against Islamic supremacism, the US military effort against Al-Qaeda and the Taliban was based on a doctrine developed by Israel. The IDF was a global leader in targeting terrorists from the air. When Israel embarked on its assassinations policy in the summer of 2001, the United States condemned it. Several weeks later, the World Trade Center was brought down in an Al-Qaeda terrorist attack and Washington’s approach changed. Instead of condemning Israel, the Americans simply copied its methods, foreign sources say. Israel developed the first modern unmanned aerial vehicles (pilotless aircraft also known as drones). These aircraft were the lead force in the US campaign against Al-Qaeda and the Taliban. US unmanned combat air vehicles armed with missiles, started being used to kill terrorists, first in Yemen and later in Afghanistan as well as in Pakistan.²⁹

Additionally, in the first decade of the twenty-first century, Israel shared with the United States, its battle-tested experience and expertise in combating Palestinian and Hezbollah terrorism, which were the role models of anti-US Islamic terrorism in Iraq, Afghanistan and elsewhere. US GIs benefited from Israel’s battle tactics in urban warfare, and in dealing with improvised explosive devices (IEDs), car bombs, booby-traps, anti-tank missiles and suicide bombers. Israel relayed to the US lessons of battle (during the Cold War it was lessons about Soviet military doctrine) and counter-terrorism (including aircraft security, suicide bombings, manning of roadblocks and checkpoints, as well as interrogation of terrorists), which reduced American losses in Iraq and Afghanistan, prevented attacks on US soil, upgraded American weapons, and contributed to the US economy. Without Israel, the United States would have been forced to deploy tens of thousands of American troops in the eastern Mediterranean basin, at a cost of billions of dollars a year.

In 2005, Israel provided America with the world’s most extensive experience in homeland defense, warfare against suicide bombers and car bombs. American soldiers trained in IDF facilities and Israeli-made drones flew above the Sunni Triangle in Iraq, as well as in Afghanistan, providing US Marines with vital intelligence.

In testimony given in 2005, Senator Daniel Inouye argued Israeli information regarding Soviet arms saved the US billions of dollars. The contribution made by Israeli intelligence to America is greater than that provided by all NATO countries combined, he said. Yet another United States–Israel Memorandum of Understanding was signed on February 7, 2007, which formalized cooperation on homeland security.

Moreover, on March 15, 2007, in testimony before the House Armed Services Committee on the United States European Command (USEUCOM) commander General Bantz J. Craddock stated, in the Middle East, Israel is the US’s closest ally that consistently and directly supports our interests through security cooperation and understanding of US policy in the region. He added, Israel is a critical military partner in the difficult seam of the Middle East.³⁰ Several months later, on May 21, 2007, US ambassador to Israel, Richard H. Jones told the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies conference on United States–Israel relations, that Israeli technologies were being used by the US armed forces in Iraq to protect American troops from improvised explosive devices, which had been responsible for most of the US casualties in the Iraq War.³¹ He added that Israel was America’s closest ally in the Middle East and that it consistently and directly supported US interests.³²

In September 2007, the IAF destroyed a Syrian-DPRK nuclear plant. In effect, it was the US’s surrogate in controlling nuclear proliferation by two rogue regimes. It provided the United States with vital information on Russian air defense systems, which are also employed by Iran. It bolstered the US posture of deterrence and refuted the claim that US-Israel relations have been shaped by political expediency.

Israel’s utilization of American arms guarantees its existence, but at the same time gives US military industries, such as Boeing, General Dynamics, Lockheed Martin, and Sikorsky a competitive edge compared to European industries, while also boosting American military production and improving America’s national security. American industries want US aid to Israel to continue. At least 74 percent of the $1.8 billion in annual US military aid to Israel must be spent in the United States. That provides jobs for some 50,000 US workers. Virtually all of the $1.2 billion in annual economic aid goes for repayment of debt to the United States, incurred from military purchases dating back many years. This debt is now close to being liquidated.

Innovative Israeli technologies have a similar effect on the American civilian sector, including but not limited to computer-related industries and agricultural industries. It should not be forgotten that most microprocessors for computers, developed by Intel, were originally invented in Israel, whereas Apple uses a flash memory invented in Israel. US firms have established research and development (R&D) centers in Israel to take advantage of its leadership in the following fields (2012 rankings):

• First in engineers/scientists per capita

• First in quality of scientific research institutions

• First in R&D as percentage of GDP

• First in wastewater recycling (80 percent)

• Second in clean-tech innovation

• Fourth in patents per million population

• Fifth in scientific publications per capita³³

In contrast to US commitments to the Republic of (South) Korea, Japan, Germany and other parts of the world, not a single American serviceperson needs to be stationed in Israel. Considering that the cost of one serviceperson per year—including backup and infrastructure—is estimated to be about $200,000 per year, and assuming a minimum contingent of 25,000 troops, the cost savings to the United States on that score alone are on the order of $5 billion a year.

In a report entitled Israel: A Strategic Asset for the United States, written for the Washington Institute for Near East Policy in late 2011, Robert D. Blackwill and Walter B. Slocombe reemphasized Israel’s value as a strategic ally of the United States. Blackwill, was Deputy National Security advisor for Strategic Planning in the administration of George W. Bush, while Slocombe was Undersecretary of Defense for Policy in the Clinton administration. Despite its differences with the Obama administration, Israel continued to advance US national interests. The United States has benefited in the areas of counterterrorism, intelligence and experience in urban warfare, they wrote. Increasingly, US homeland security and military agencies are turning to Israeli technology to solve some of their most vexing technical and strategic problems.³⁴

Currently, Israel provides the US with improvements in airport security techniques. Israeli-developed defense equipment, some of which benefited from generous US aid, was and is used by the US military and include some 1,000 targeting pods on Air Force, Navy and Marine strike aircraft, a revolutionary helmet-mounted sight that is standard in nearly all (2,500) frontline Air Force and Navy fighter aircraft, lifesaving armor installed in over 15,000 MRAP armored vehicles³⁵ used in Iraq and Afghanistan and a gun system for close-in defense of naval vessels against terrorist dinghies and small-boat swarms. Moreover, American and Israeli companies are working together to produce Israel’s short range (2.5 to 44 miles) Iron Dome anti-rocket and missile system (combat proven since 2011), as well as both the David’s Sling and the Arrow anti-ballistic missile systems (the latter jointly produced and funded by Israel Aerospace Industries and Boeing). David’s Sling is intended to bridge the gap between the shorter-range Iron Dome system and the Arrow anti-ballistic missile systems. David’s Sling and the Stunner missile used by that system is being developed as a replacement for the American Patriot system.

David’s Sling is designed to intercept medium- to long-range rockets and cruise missiles, fired at ranges of 24.85 miles (40 kilometers) to 186.4 miles (300 kilometers). The system has a longer range and better capabilities than Patriot does. On November 25, 2012, Israel announced the successful test of a David’s Sling two-stage intermediate anti-missile system at an undisclosed desert location in southern Israel. A second successful test took place on November 20, 2013. On April 1, 2015, Israel announced that its David’s Sling system successfully passed new tests, successfully intercepting multiple targets, and was expected to become operational by mid-2015.³⁶ It is being developed jointly by Rafael, an Israeli defense contractor and the US Raytheon Company.³⁷ Israel successfully tested its Arrow 3 long-range anti-missile interceptor on February 25, 2013. A second successful test took place on January 3, 2014. The Arrow 3 will be able to intercept ballistic missiles with longer ranges than the ones that Arrow 2 can bring down (56–92 miles), and it will do so at higher altitudes. The Arrow 3 system is due to become operational in 2015. These Israeli developed techniques, modifications and improvements have been shared with the United States. Blackwill and Slocombe added:

Israel’s national missile defenses—that include the US deployment in Israel of an advanced X-band radar system and the more than 100 American military personnel who man it—will be an integral part of a larger missile defense spanning Europe, the eastern Mediterranean and the Persian Gulf to help protect US forces and allies.³⁸

Without providing details, the authors said that Israeli cooperation with the US military has worked to advance their common interest in defeating the terrorism of Hamas, Hezbollah and Al-Qaeda and its affiliate groups, and preventing nuclear proliferation in the region. For example, Israel’s passed on to the United States conclusive photographic evidence in 2007, that Syria with North Korean assistance, had made enormous strides toward ‘going hot’ with a plutonium-producing reactor.³⁹

Recently, US aircraft manufacturer, Lockheed Martin, announced on October 12, 2013, that it chose to only manufacture a pilot’s helmet co-developed by Elbit Systems, an Israeli company, for use with its advanced F-35 stealth fighter jets. In 2011, program and industry officials acknowledged that there were technical issues facing the principle helmet system…. The government’s decision to proceed exclusively with the principle helmet is indicative of their confidence in the helmet’s performance and the successful resolution of previously identified technical challenges, said Lorraine Martin, Lockheed Martin executive vice president and general manager of the F-35 Lightning II program. The Helmet Mounted Display Systems provide pilots with unprecedented situational awareness. All the information pilots need to complete their missions—in all weather day or night—is projected on the helmet’s visor. Lockheed Martin said the decision to only focus on making the Rockwell Collins Elbit Systems of America Vision Systems Generation 2 (Gen 2) helmet currently used in training and testing will save the company $45 million it had originally allocated for the development of the alternate helmet.⁴⁰ Israel will receive its first F-35 joint strike fighter jets in the second half of 2016. Israel has ordered nineteen F-35s, for a total cost of $2.75 billion, and has the option to purchase seventy-five F-35s. While on the subject of the F-35, in mid-March 2014, Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon revealed the wings of the F-35 stealth fighter—we invented.⁴¹ On November 4, 2014, Israel Aerospace Industry (IAI) inaugurated a production line to provide wings for the F-35. Under a $2.5 billion industrial cooperation deal, the new facility at IAI will produce up to 811 wing sets through 2030 at a rate of four per month.⁴²

The on-going United States–Israel partnership was given a further boost when on March 5, 2014 the US House of Representatives voted 410-1 to upgrade Israel from a major non-NATO ally to a major strategic partner of the United States.⁴³ This significantly expands the mutually beneficial United States–Israel strategic cooperation in the areas of national security, technology, defense industries, missile defense, space satellites, intelligence, energy, and irrigation, to name the most prominent fields. Moreover, the legislation called for increased United