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We Are Not Independent Because We Have a Big Brother: Jammu and Kashmir and Role of Pakistan
We Are Not Independent Because We Have a Big Brother: Jammu and Kashmir and Role of Pakistan
We Are Not Independent Because We Have a Big Brother: Jammu and Kashmir and Role of Pakistan
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We Are Not Independent Because We Have a Big Brother: Jammu and Kashmir and Role of Pakistan

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Pakistani sponsored jihad in Jammu and Kashmir started in 1947; and despite death of tens of thousands of innocent people it has not ended yet. All the signs are that because of Pakistani obsession to capture Kashmir at any cost, this jihad, bloodshed and destruction will continue.

Sponsored by United Kashmir Peoples National Party
LanguageEnglish
Release dateMay 15, 2018
ISBN9781546292647
We Are Not Independent Because We Have a Big Brother: Jammu and Kashmir and Role of Pakistan
Author

Dr. Shabir Choudhry

Dr Shabir Choudhry is a renowned Kashmiri intellectual, writer, scholar and a senior leader of United Kashmir Peoples National Party. Throughout his adult life, he has championed the cause of united and independent Jammu and Kashmir with secular and liberal society. He has courageously spoken for the rights of minorities and oppressed people, and has been a victim of Pakistani establishment.

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    We Are Not Independent Because We Have a Big Brother - Dr. Shabir Choudhry

    3. PAKISTAN USED NON-STATE ACTORS IN KASHMIR IN 1947

    Dr Shabir Choudhry 31 March 2018

    No matter what critics say, bitter fact is that people of Jammu and Kashmir are a confused lot. They are more confused and divided now than they were in 1947.

    Pakistani sponsored ‘jihad’ in Jammu and Kashmir started in 1947; and despite death of tens of thousands of innocent people it has not ended yet. All the signs are that because of Pakistani obsession to capture Kashmir at any cost, this ‘jihad’, bloodshed and destruction will continue.

    Leaving aside the thinking and wisdom of those who oppose unity and independence of the divided State; to me it is sad to note that even many nationalists of Jammu and Kashmir who are apparently endeavouring for unification and independence of the former Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir have failed to shun their communal thinking.

    They claim the entire State of Jammu and Kashmir, yet they miss no opportunity to criticise and belittle the Maharaja Hari Singh who was also a great nationalist; and who tried his level best to protect and enhance the interests of people and the State. Some of us, demand restoration of the State Subject Ordinance, which shows wisdom and nationalism of the Maharaja Hari Singh, but don’t regard themselves as citizens of the divided State.

    Some accuse him of being a communal Ruler; and others call him inept and cowherd. Some others claim his right to rule Jammu and Kashmir ended in 1946, because, to them, the State was on lease for 100 years. It is sad that these social media scholars, with communal thinking provide no evidence to support their contention; and as a result, their fairy tales only add to the confusion of the people and divide us further.

    The plot gets comical when some ‘Socrates’ claim that the Maharaja Hari Singh was deposed by a man called Ghulam Nabi Gilkar, who used a fake name of Anwer to issue a statement from Rawalpindi; and appointed himself as a President of Jammu and Kashmir. On strength of this statement published in Pakistani Military and Civil Gazette, these ‘Socrates’ claim that Maharaja Hari Singh’s right to rule was ended on 4 October 1947.

    With no disrespect to the struggle of those who stood up against injustice and heavy taxes of the Maharaja, especially against Muslim subjects, it is imperative to dismiss this false propaganda, which says:

    ‘after the Maharaja was deposed and a revolutionary government came into existence; the Azad Kashmir Army (this government and army did not exist on grounds in first week of October) invaded all the areas of what are part of so called Azad Kashmir and was knocking at the doors of Srinagar, when Pakistan in order to stab the independence of Jammu and Kashmir established a government of Azad Kashmir on 24 October 1947’.

    Anyway, leaving aside these fairy tales spread by imaginary ‘warriors’ of famous fiction writer Nasim Ijazi to boost morale of the Muslims of South Asia; facts provided by some Pakistani writers tell us a different story.

    A Pakistani army officer, Major Agha Humayun Amin, in his book ‘The 1947 -48 Kashmir War – The war of lost opportunities’, writes:

    ‘The Muslim League high command had asked Mian Iftikhar Ud Din, Minister for Refugees to prepare a plan aimed at ensuring that the Muslim majority State of Kashmir should join Pakistan. Brigadier Akbar Khan then serving in the Pakistan GHQ wrote an appreciation ‘Armed Revolt Inside Kashmir’ on Mian Iftikhar Ud Din’s request. It appears that Mr Jinnah had tasked Liaquat to Handle the Kashmir business.’ ¹

    According to Major Agha Humayun Amin, there were three principal parties in the whole invasion affair of Jammu and Kashmir.

    1/ Senior Muslim League leaders like Sardar Shaukat Ayat and former Major Iftikhar Ud Din who were ‘ordered by Mr Jinnah to do something to help Kashmiri Muslims.

    2/ Khurshid Anwar (and army officers like Brigadier Akbar Khan and Indian National Army officers.

    3/ The tribesmen. ²

    Major General Akbar Khan in his book, ‘Raiders in Kashmir’, writes that two weeks after the partition of India and creation of Pakistan, he went to Murree to start his work. This is where he met some Muslim Conference leaders, including Sardar Ibrahim Khan.

    When this most important military assignment was given to him, Akbar Khan was Brigadier and posted as Director of Weapons and Equipment at GHQ of Pakistan. In his ‘appreciation’, Armed Revolt inside Kashmir’, he highlighted strategic, military and economic importance of Jammu and Kashmir. To him, if Jammu and Kashmir became part of India then India could:

    ‘establish such stations anywhere within a few miles of the 180 miles long vital road and rail route between Lahore and Pindi. In the event of war these stations would be a dangerous threat to our most important civil and military lines of communication. If we were to protect this route properly, it would take a major portion of our army to do so and we would thereby dangerously weaken our front at Lahore. If we were to concentrate our strength at the front, we would give India the chance to cut off Lahore, Sialkot, Gujrat and even Jhelum from our military base at the Pindi’.

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