The Third Arab-Israeli War: The June War and Its Repercussions 1967–1974

By George S. Hajjar

The Soviet Union penetration of the Third World challenged the supremacy of the United States in the bipolar system, which emerged as a result of the Second World War and manifested itself in the formation of the nonalignment movement in the Third World.

The challenge was confronted successfully in the weak link of nonalignment in the Middle East where Israel represented the battle carrier of the West and its sentinel in the area.

Israel waged counterrevolutionary war against the frontline Arab states: Egypt, Syria, and Jordan, and defeated them ignominiously.

A revolutionary resistance movement erupted and ushered in a new era of possible transformation through peoples armed struggle. However, the Arab regimes used the resistance as a tactic, not a strategy, and suppressed it on the eve of Nassers death on September 28, 1970. Consequently, Egypt and Syria launched the October 6 War of 1974, and Egypt reached a modus operandi that paved the way to an Israeli-Egyptian peace.

The book was written focusing on the period 19671974 as a reminding view that without liberation principally based on a strategy of armed struggle, there is no prospect for an Arab future outside the Wests ambit and its attempts at redrawing new maps and forming alliances with Western designs and dominating strategies and interests.

Briefly, in an age of compelling regionalism, the West still bludgeons the Arabs and aims at their divisions and redivision in the first hundred anniversary of the Belfour Declaration of November 2, 1917. It looks forward to conclude an Israeli-Gulf accord to perpetuate Arab dismemberment and incite sectarian war endlessly.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Xlibris US
• Release date: Jun 19, 2017
• ISBN: 9781543430004

George S. Hajjar

About the Author: The debate between me and the foreign minister of Canada, Paul Martin, over the question of Vietnam was the trigger incident of my political career as revolutionary. The confrontation reached Parliament, and the ministry government of P. M. Pearson was almost toppled in the spring of 1967 as a result. When I was dismissed from Wilfred Laurier University in the spring of 1968, Southern University offered me a post which I accepted. In New Orleans, I participated in the Black Liberation Movement in my capacity as the president of the faculty association. The students and I forced Governor McKeithen to come to campus and released him after he agreed to our demands. President Gerald Ford, then House Republican leader denounced me, and a court decision deported me after my arrest in June 1969. I returned to Canada and attempted to get a job as a Canadian citizen, but no university would interview me. I learned that I was blacklisted. So I launched a massive attack on Canada’s colonial mentality.

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Copyright © 2017 by George S. Hajjar.

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ISBN:                        Hardcover                     978-1-5434-3002-8

                                   Softcover                       978-1-5434-3001-1

                                   eBook                             978-1-5434-3000-4

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CONTENTS

Introduction

Preface

Part 1.

Study And Analysis Of The June War

1.   The Coming Man

2.   The Causes Of The War

3.   America: A Zionist Republic?

4.   Israel As A Conqueror

5.   Israel At Twenty

6.   Revolution, Strategy, And The Arab Man

Part 2.

Background

7.   Imperialism In The Mideast

8.   The Role Of The United States In The Creation Of Israel

9.   United States Foreign Policy In The Arab Middle East

10.   Resurgence Of Unholy Alliance

11.   The Left And Israel

12.   On Early Terrorism: 1972

Part 3.

The Mideast Region After The October War

13.   On The Road To Surrender

14.   Jordan: Refuge, Sanctuary, Or Cemetery For Palestinians

15.   Iran: Watchdog Of The Gulf

16.   Plo, Where To? Fighting Authority: Yes; Deviationist State: No

17.   Saudi Arabia: The Superpeninsular Power

Part 4.

The Autobiography Of A Revolutionary

Appendix

A Final Note

About The Author

INTRODUCTION

America’s Objective Was the Prevention of the Rise of the Arab Nation

O N THE EVE of the fiftieth anniversary of the Arab-Israeli War of 1967, it behooves us to put matters in perspective and try to understand what has transpired before and after that episode and see where we stand now as the United States whittles down its interests in the Middle East and heads toward the Pacific and the Far East. Hence, a resume of what has happened with a focus on the June War, what took place ever since, what preceded it, and what is likely to occur in the foreseeable future in this region of the world.

The Afro-Asian-Latin nations with their liberation movements were planning a summit conference in Algiers on the third week of June 1965. The Boumedian-Bouteflike wing of the National Liberation Front of Algiers, which had liberated the country from the tentacles of French colonialism and obtained independence, opposed the summit and therefore deposed President Ben Bella by a coup d’état on June 19, 1965, and cancelled the conference.

It was then believed that the Soviets instigated the coup in their rivalry for leadership in the communist camp and the third world with the Chinese deviationists who were engaged in a struggle for third world domination with them. Some observers, including myself, thought that the coup could not have succeeded without America’s approval and participation especially since the conference had a Latin Connection, and the possibility was that either Castro or Che Guevara is most likely to represent Cuba at the conference and thereby open the gates of worldwide revolution particularly in Latin America while the United States was deeply involved in Vietnam. None of us thought at that time that world Zionism, which was spreading its humanitarian aid in Africa, south of the Sahara, in order to undermine Arab leadership in Africa, had in fact had a hand through Moroccan and Algerian Jewry in toppling Ben Bella and disrupting Arab attempts at unification between Nasser’s Egypt and Baathist Damascus—Baghdad. Later developments, such as the June War, demonstrated beyond doubt that the American-Zionist nexus played a decisive role in overthrowing Ben Bella and consequently enabled Israel to undertake a preemptive strike against Egypt and destroyed its air force on the ground with a view of preventing Arab unification efforts and topple Nasser, who was considered as a great obstacle to Zionist expansionism. In other words, America’s role became patently clear in both catastrophes in Algeria and Egypt.

As a consequence of the Arab defeat and occupation of the whole of Palestine, Egypt’s Sinai, and Syria’s Gholan Heights, the Arab East was set aflame and resistances of all kinds emerged and opened a new chapter in Middle Eastern politics, then the United States mobilized King Hussein of Jordan and its Arab agents and smashed the Palestine Resistance and designed a strategy that would stem the tide of revolution and put the entire region under American hegemony and subsequently replace Anglo-French colonialism by a more vibrant US imperialism and make Israel its branch plant regional superpower.

Put briefly, Arab attempts at restoring the status quo ante failed dismally particularly after the so-called October Victory of 1973 was frittered away, and Sadat’s Egypt veered toward peace with Israel and signed an accord with it under American auspices on March 16, 1979.

The year 1979 was a turning point in regional history, and its repercussions reached the world with havoc: Khomeini dethroned the Shah on February 11, 1979, in Iran, and Saddam Hussein ascended to power in mid-August 1979.

Meanwhile on the world scene, Margaret Thatcher achieved victory in British elections that same year, and in 1980, Ronald Reagan, the witch-hunter of communists, won the presidential elections in the United States. With a new galaxy in the firmament, a paroxysm was launched in earnest in the Anglo-Saxon world that aimed at the dismantlement of the welfare state, and its reverberations affected the world. Star wars were put on the agendas, and the Cold War intensified.

Regionally, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan (December 27, 1979) almost synchronized with the Iran-Iraq War (September 20, 1980), and the two wars predominated the 1980s and ended with the defeat of Iran (August 1988) and the eventual downfall of Soviet Union and its dissolution (January 25, 1991). But the languishment of Iran and the curtailment of its export of revolution, which aimed at the dissemination of Khomeini. Shiism and its jurisprudence of the infallible Imam did not endear Saddam to the United States. The United States, instead of rewarding Saddam for the protection of its oil interests and its reactionary Gulf allies, resolved to contain Saddam first, then after thirteen years of encirclement and starvation, invaded Iraq (March 20, 2003) and occupied Baghdad on April 9, 2003, with a view of replacing Saddam by Ahmad Chalabi, the well-financed CIA agent.

What was unexpected occurred. Revolutionary guerrilla warfare erupted, and America was deprived of its half century of paradise on the Euphrates. The United States was defeated by a joint coalition of Baathists and Al-Qaeda and decided to withdraw from Iraq with entangling accords on March 31, 2011, leaving a legacy of an executed Arab leader, Saddam Hussein, on December 30, 2006, on the morning of the month of Ramadan.

Fearing the triumph and return of Baathism to power, the Americans organized an Awakening Movement to crush the resistance in the Sunni provinces and let the Sunnis engage in mutual slaughter to save American Democracy. By 2010, the Americans assassinated Abu Omar Al-Baghdadi by drone, and the latter was succeeded by Abu Bakr Al-Baghdadi who was destined to proclaim the Caliphate of June 28, 2014. Meanwhile, the Baath now headed by Adouri, vice president of Saddam, made a bid for the Conquest of Baghdad, but his plan was disrupted when the Americans moved thousands of Jihadists to Mosel from Raqqa, and the latter seized the times and stabbed the Baathist allies and ousted them from Mosel. At any rate, I have the documents that substantiate my claim and clearly demonstrate the collaboration between Al-Baghdadi and the American Liberators of Baghdad and supporters of the Caliphate.

Finally, we arrived at the question of the so-called Syrian Revolution, the revolution to defend the Qatar gas routes through Syria and establish a Brotherhood Republic on the demise of Baathism in Damascus. A plan spearheaded by Turkey to enshrine the Osmali doctrine of Erdogan and resuscitate the Ottoman Empire.

The wailing about the barbarism of Syria will soon subside, as Erdogan and his Saudi allies shed their Islamic skins, and Comrade Putin consolidates his power in the warm waters of the Mediterranean–a Russian dream centuries old—and changes the course of history charted by the Americans until the oil wells run dry.

Presently, a peaceful solution is being touted by the noble warriors of freedom as the general conflagration sweeps Syria and liberates it from the global Jihadists, the Moslem Brotherhood, and the ISIS. At this juncture, the American Charade from Algiers to Cairo to Baghdad to Damascus will be jettisoned, paving the road to an era of Arab liberation and the resurgence of Arab nationalism in a born-again Arab generation that will sing hosannas to revolution and usher in a path to universal transformation and the kingdom of freedom of the oppressed!

January 2017

PREFACE

I SRAEL AND THE Jew are two sacred entities that no one dares attack, question, or challenge in this liberal totalitarian society. In 1967–68, I did so, lost my position as a university teacher, and was not able to obtain employment anywhere in Canada. In this booklet, at the risk of permanent unemployment and possible physical violence against my person and family, I expose the Zionist World Conspiracy, its votaries and apologists, and explain Israel’s function in the imperialist system as the local power to contain the Arab revolution. I suspect that the International Zionist police will investigate me again (in May 1967, they investigated me, hoping to establish that I had a fake PhD) as they investigate countless others; to the Anti-Defamation League and its innumerable spies, I say wel come!

Readers should know that in the past year or so, over thirty books and literally hundreds of articles—academic and otherwise—have been published, and not a single author has explained the Arab side adequately nor shown any sympathy for or understanding of the plight of the oppressed and exploited. This booklet is not intended to remedy this pitfall, and it cannot be hoped that castrated Western scholasticism will. Those liberal objectivists sold out a long time ago to the Zionist publishers, editors, commentators, and other middlemen on the Arab-Israeli question. And nothing can be expected from mainstream North America either. The Johnsons, Nixons, Pearsons, Trudeaus, and their ilk are no more than imperial puppets on the stage of capitalism and its overt political soldiery. They and their cohorts are political sorcerers who worship power and prestige—commodities that can only be granted by the politico-economic brokers of capitalism, the Zionist Wasps and their scribes.

Nixon may become even-handed on the Mideast, although he repudiated Mr. Scranton for calling for such a policy, and to underscore his partiality in favor of Israel, he closeted himself with Moshe Dayan on December 15, 1968, at the Pierre Hotel in New York (Dayan was on a mission of collecting funds for prosperous Israel under the auspices of the United Jewish Appeal—one of several Zionist mendicant orders) and assured him of his unswerving loyalty to Zionism. If Nixon practices even-handedness, that won’t mean equal treatment for Arab and Jew; it will mean that Mr. Nixon plans to shore up the crumbling foundations of the Arab autocracies by subsidizing their sagging economies and supplying them with more effective electronic devices to combat internal subversion and, finally, by persuading Israel to give up some occupied territory, to ease the pressure on the Arab cabal. In brief, even-handedness will be a return to the age of collaboration between US imperialism and its Zionist and traditional Arab clientele—a joint enterprise to suppress the Arab revolution.

This booklet was not written for the enlightenment of North Americans. Those people are overenlightened and too sophisticated and urbane to be touched by the anguished cries of homeless Palestinians and half-naked fakirs in Arabia whose wealth they fleece. Rather, it was written for the Arab and American left in the hope of explaining to them not only what happened in June of 1967 and why but also what ought to be taking place in the Arab world and elsewhere.

Unlike most academics, I am not indebted to anyone—deans, chairmen, or other pseudo-colleagues. I am however indebted to a number of friends whose love of liberty has sustained me in this year of personal upheaval. These include F. Costa, H. A. Fischer, J. C. Hood, D. K. MacLeod, C. Shannon. No words can express my appreciation to E. J. Lambert.

There are no errors to be apologized for, no academic paranoia to be acted out, and no harems to thank. There are, however, a few book reviews with which we can supply our critics. They will be provided gratis at anyone’s request.

December 23, 1968

PART 1

STUDY AND ANALYSIS OF THE JUNE WAR

1

THE COMING MAN

The fish stinks from its head.

—Middle Eastern Proverb

A LLAH—IF THERE IS one—did not will Arab defeat. Zionism and America willed it, and Arab incompetence brought it about. The Arab, as a colonized man, burdened by religion, exploited by military dictatorship, shackled by poverty, blinded by ignorance, bound by superstition, is the cause of his own defeat. Indeed, the rational Arab, upon reflection, must light a candle or two to Lyndon Johnson, to Harold Wilson, to Moshe Dayan, to Itzhak Rabin, and the American Pentagon and its computer operators for having demonstrated so starkly for all to see the bankruptcy of Arab leadership, the historical stagnation of the Arab and his dehumanized self, his resignation to tradition, authority, and the illusionism of his leadership.

The problem of the Arab man is a problem of all underdeveloped men. It is an inability to come to terms with oneself, with one’s environment and with the world of reality. The Arab man, however, unlike most undeveloped men who have little or no history, has an added problem of having had a history. It is the incubus of his history compounded by the problems he has to face in a technological age that weighs most onerously upon him and leaves him immobilized. History to the Arab glory, splendor, and conquest from the basin of the Indus to the Iberian Peninsula. It is this medieval achievement in Arab history that offers the Arab a ready escape to the past and a means to relive it. The past, instead of providing inspiration, provides escape; instead of being a starting point, it is regarded as the high point; instead of being a mooring from which to chart a new course for life, it is an anchorage to return to and conceal oneself from the vicissitudes of time. For the Arab to be emancipated, he must emancipate himself, not only from himself, but from his past and its present encumbrances: religion, incompetent leadership, self-delusion, and above all, his emotional and spiritual paralysis. The past must be expunged, the present overcome, the future seized.

Bands of robbers have communities; the Arab leaders have none. Thieves protect their fellow thieves; pirates do not abandon their crews; defectors do not hate their countries; even traitors never lose self-respect. But Arab leadership neither cares for its people nor knows them; it only knows of its own divine appointment. Each leader in the struggle for his survival—which is paramount to him—only cares about the perpetuation of his rule, the maintenance of his regime, and the cultivation of obedient civil servants to pander to the beast in him, to maintain his power, enhance it, and expand it. The Arab leader is the sole leader. He is the lodestar. He has no equal. He is God’s gift to man. He is, to paraphrase Hegel, the march of God on earth. The basic mark of Arab leadership is anti-leadership. It is divisive of society, lacking in moral authority, destructive of social solidarity, inimical to social development. If it is the function of leadership to conserve, to innovate, to guide, and to chart a new course for its society, by these criteria, Arab leadership performs no function other than the conservation of itself. And if any benefits should accrue to society, these are entirely incidental and ancillary to the needs of an inept-ruling camarilla. A leadership, unless it springs from the midst of its people, articulates their feelings, interprets the world to them, carries out their demands, guides its people to higher development, is an oligarchy, and no charismatic mystification can delude anyone except the political scientists and the journalists who care much more about manners and styles than they care about the well-being of people, their emotional and cultural development, and their inherent right to life. Arab leadership is foreign imposed or self-appointed; it is not consensual, it is not self-sacrificing, it is not even a cohesive, co-opting oligarchy—it is rather a client soldiery, a self-seeking clique, a moribund and decadent elite.

The journalists, be they in the guise of academics or errand boys, have written a good deal in the past year or two about the Middle East, about democratic Israel, and more particularly about the June War, which is the subject of this disquisition. These people and their publishers have deluged the markets with books and articles that purport to be objective and the authors in turn have written as great academics to explain Israel’s ways to man and as regular journalists and propagandists par excellence who have unabashedly justified every Zionist crime as self-defense. By and large, they have written without understanding, without reflection, without perception of the Arab-Israeli reality, and most importantly, they have written without sympathy for or understanding of the colonial man. In the pages that follow, I hope to shed some light on the flaws to which I am pointing and elucidate some of the problems that the Arab man has to encounter. I know that the market is glutted with books and that people are bored with the Middle East. Therefore, I am not writing a book, but a pamphlet about the books and the articles which I have read in the past year in the English language. At times, I will make some reference to Arabic sources because of the scarcity of information in English about the item with which I am dealing. I hope the reader will forgive me for not giving him a detailed and exhaustive account of the Arab-Israeli conflict. I have no sponsors and no objective foundations to approve my research design. Therefore, unlike my fellow authors, I am emancipated from the obligation to produce a balanced account favorable to the United States, American Zionism, and Western scholarship. Until political scientists are freed from the Foundations, there will be no political science in the West; there will only be policy monographs, studies of voting behavior, and apologies for the abdication of scholarship.

I cannot pretend to have met the colonels and generals of the Mideast and discussed operations of the June War with them and their plans for Arab society. I cannot claim, like so many of the authors do, to have communed with LBJ, his Pentagon, and Jewish advisors—the brothers Rostow, Arthur Goldberg, and Abe Fortas. I am not a Zionist and have no access to such impeccable sources. I cannot even claim to have met Moshe Dayan, to have been overwhelmed by his eye patch and the poetic elegance of his little daughter, who has written so many books for the intellectual edification of Zionism’s admirers in the West. I cannot even claim to have met the gnomish Ben-Gurion, that indomitable man, the Messiah of Zionism, and its apostle to Arab and Afro-Asian redemption. Nor have I attended the Hebrew university and the Weizmann Institute to be truly endowed with God’s spirit, and infused with his ways, and suffused by the political science of rabbis and Hasidic modernity. I have not even lived on a kibbutz. Therefore, I cannot fathom the invincible character of the kibbutzim, his progressivism, his martial spirit, and his love of peace and desire to live in peace with his intransigent Arab neighbors. I am an Arab from Lebanon who immigrated to Canada and, in spite of its stolid capitalism, obtained a PhD from Columbia University and mastered the thoughts of the Western man. My concern until a year or so ago was with the thoughts of the great political thinkers, their social theories, apologetics, poetics, and metaphysics, but circumstances have forced me not only to examine the foundations of such thoughts, but all thoughts, all aspects of society, its institutions, its leaders, ideologies, and social groups. For the time being, however, having been proscribed from my profession in Canada by the Zionists and their allies, I have decided to write this pamphlet about the June War, its origin, operations, and repercussions. I am not writing this pamphlet for academics who have no stomach for life, no capacity to understand, no integrity to know, nor the honor to examine issues. I know their reaction would be—if this were to fall into their hands—that I am an anti-intellectual. To this crime I plead guilty, if by intellectual Western scholars mean their professional bias in favor of capitalism and its dehumanization or their pretended objectivity and detachment, their apologetics on, and panegyrics for their leaders dead, developing, and upcoming. The Western intellectual of the bourgeois era is a stylish slave or a hippie mongrel who either adores Western civilization or lament its passing. I am not a Westerner, nor can I be, for the history of the West is the history of violence, physical and psychic. I want to begin a new history of man—not Oriental or Occidental but man—man free from the superstitions of the past, the internalized values of the present, the written history of the future. To begin a new history of man, we have to create a new man, and as I ponder the Arab-Israeli War and the histories of war and revolution, thereby seeing a prospect for the creation of man, I have made an elementary discovery: the defeated having been humbled, become capable, by their objective conditions, of seeing the underlying causes not only of their own defeats but also of the defeats and triumphs of man in general. The weary liberal, overwhelmed by the recurrence of historic cycles, cannot see a way of escape out of the dilemma. It’s human nature, he tells us—now that he has embraced conservatism—that we have to deal with and it is intractable, unchanging, immutable. The defeated, like the alienated, are able to see through the mist and the flux that there is hope for the future of anguished man. I have no doubt in my mind that had the Arabs been on the verge of victory against Israel or had a stalemate been reached, the West would either have tried to deprive the Arabs of their victory or the United Nations, through Western collusion, would have contrived to put an end to the slaughter. In retrospect, the United Nations has sanctioned Zionist aggression by its failure to condemn it, and the Western states are now seeking to forestall such an eventuality and are trying to force the Arabs to acquiesce to Zionist conquest in contravention of the United Nations Charter. All, of course, is for the purpose of achieving peace through direct negotiation to flatter the Zionist conquerors. The Arabs, in hindsight, see very clearly that they were doomed to lose, but their leadership, confident of its illusions, acted as if it were the locomotive of history. Thanks to its stupidity, to Western machinations, to Israel’s brilliant generals and dedicated soldiers, the Arabs—and perhaps all colonial peoples—have been freed of their soldiery, pasha classes, and foreign vampires. The newly decolonized man will decolonize himself fully, decolonize his society, and hopefully decolonize all men. Arab defeat was a blessing in disguise. It ended an epoch; it introduced a new chapter in the history of man; it heralded a new age. Henceforth, let those who think of the Arab-Israeli conflict as a local Middle East matter understand once and for all that the so-called colonial revolution, its moralists, soldiers, and intellectuals and Western apologists are all dead or dying. America’s frontiersmen have conquered the Afro-Asian and Latin worlds and launched them on its path of CIA developments, and Johnsonian new society has become the global village of violence and destruction with all opposition suppressed, hunted, and silenced. But the voice of the oppressed, though it may be stilled for the moment, will rise in a horrendous crescendo and strike terror in the temple of capitalism and its forces will trample underfoot the citadels of butchery. The Afro-Asian world with its moral grandeur, positive neutralism, and plagues on both your houses posturings has, in less than one decade, returned to the fold, reconquered and subdued, and given the embrace of the prodigal son. Gone is the Bandung spirit of independence and Afro-Asian solidarity, the Belgrade righteous horrors at nuclear weaponry and its annihilistic prospects, and the Cairo defiance of imperialism and the proclamation of the dawn of freedom in Africa. It is the age of counterrevolution, counterinsurgency, and counterhistory. The colonels, the potentates, the tribal chieftains, the caudillos, and the local fuehrers are everywhere ascendant under American tutelage and lordship, doing the bidding of GM, Chase-Manhattan Bank, Standard Oil, General Electric, and their corporate soldiery. Today, the peace corpsman, the CIA agent, the New York Times correspondent, and the remnants of the Christian missionaries