The Chicago Race Riots: July, 1919
By Carl Sandburg, Ralph McGill and Walter Lippmann
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In July of 1919, a black child swam past the invisible line of segregation at one of Chicago’s public beaches. White men on the shore threw rocks at the boy until he was knocked unconscious and drowned. After police shrugged off demands for those white men to be arrested, riots broke out that would last for days, claim thirty-four lives, and burn down several houses in the city’s “black-belt.”
A young reporter for the Chicago Daily News, Carl Sandburg was assigned to cover the story. His series of articles went well beyond a chronicle of the violence of the moment. They explored the complex and incendiary social, economic, and political tensions that finally ignited that summer. This volume of Sandburg’s articles includes an introduction by Walter Lipmann and a foreword by Ralph McGill.
Carl Sandburg
CARL SANDBURG (1878–1967) was twice awarded the Pulitzer Prize, first in 1940 for his biography of Abraham Lincoln and again in 1951 for Complete Poems. Before becoming known as a poet, he worked as a milkman, an ice harvester, a dishwasher, a salesman, a fireman, and a journalist. Among his classics are the Rootabaga Stories, which he wrote for his young daughters at the beginning of his long and distinguished literary career.
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The Chicago Race Riots - Carl Sandburg
Copyright © 1919 by Harcourt, Brace and Howe, Inc.; Renewed 1947 by Carl Sandburg. Preface © 1969 by Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. For information, address HarperCollins Publishers, 195 Broadway, New York, NY 10007.
marinerbooks.com
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available.
ISBN 978-0-15-117150-7
eISBN 978-0-544-41690-1
v2.0721
Preface
HOW much do cities, a people, a nation learn in fifty years?
Not much.
Half a century ago, on a hot and steaming July day, a Negro boy swam past an invisible line of segregation at one of Chicago’s public beaches. He was stoned, knocked unconscious and drowned. Police shrugged off requests from Negroes that the rock-throwing white men be arrested. After the body was pulled from the water fighting was renewed. This and other forms of violence did not stop for three days. Thirty-four men had then been killed, twenty Negroes, fourteen whites. An uncounted number, more than a hundred, had been wounded. Several houses in the black belt
had been burned and damaged.
A young reporter and writer, Carl Sandburg, was assigned to write a series of newspaper articles on the riots. They were published in book form in 1919 by a newly established publishing firm, Harcourt, Brace and Howe.
It is from these reports that we learn that a city, a nation, a people don’t learn very much, if anything, about themselves in half a century.
There were commissions in 1919. They discovered there was much poverty. They found that the hearses haul more babies out of poverty areas than from those where the wages and hours are better.
There were other facts revealed by investigation.
Chicago’s black-belt population of 50,000 had more than doubled, to at least 125,000, by 1919. (The black population was 812,637 in the 1960 census. An early estimate for 1969 was near one million.)
In 1919 no new tenements or housing had been built in Chicago to absorb the pressure of doubled population.
The black doughboys had come home from France and war cantonments. They had a new voice—or wanted to have one.
Thousands of Negroes had migrated from the South where neither a world war for democracy, nor the Croix de Guerre, nor three gold chevrons, nor any number of wound stripes, assures them of the right to vote or to have their votes counted or to participate responsibly in the elective determinations of the American republic.
Housing, war psychology, politics and organization of labor and jobs fueled the Chicago riot in 1919.
That and several other riots of half a century ago were a good school of experience. But we were all dropouts. Few Americans learned anything.
The decade of the 1920s was about to begin—the era of wonderful nonsense.
During that span of stock-market frenzy, few north of the Mason-Dixon Line were to pay any attention to the cotton South—where the boll weevil had arrived. He had made a long journey of many years from South America into Mexico, across the Rio Grande and the waters of the Mississippi, into the region where for so long a time cotton had been king. The boll weevil makes tiny noises. It lays an egg in a cotton boll. The hatched-out weevil chews away—just enough to kill the boll. The clicking of the stock-market ticker tapes drowned out the weevil chorus.
By 1922 and 1923 cotton plantations and farms that had been producing thousands of bales of cotton were turning out 150 or 220 bales. By the late 1920s many of the two-storied houses were empty and deserted. So were thousands of cabins and shacks where the tenants and sharecroppers had lived. The hearthstones about which families had warmed themselves in grief and hope were cold. Doors swung drunkenly in the wind. Many a man owing the man
and the county-seat store with its marked-up prices had vanished silently in the night. Numerous cabins were burned. Careless hunters, huddling inside in a sudden slash of November rain, would start fires that sometimes got out of hand. There were hundreds of lonely chimneys in the 1920s. (They were even lonelier in the 1930s.) Nearly 200,000 men, black and white, left the South in the 1920s—the boll-weevil decade. Most of them went to Dee-troit, to Akron, to Pittsburgh, to South Chicago . . . anywhere there were jobs that unskilled hands could do.
The very corrosiveness of the Depression years of fear, unemployment and grief brought a temporary halt to most of the migration from the South. Those years also delayed the development of resistance to racism that was plainly visible in the riots of 1919.
A. Mitchell Palmer, U.S. attorney general of that period, was far ahead of a later Joe McCarthy in creating a red
hysteria. Woodrow Wilson sought to calm Palmer. He could not. The Palmer raids and charges yielded no results save that he was for a while a hero. The costly effect of A. Mitchell Palmer’s becoming a hero was that he gave free rein to all the ugliness and violence in America.
Anti-Semites had their inning. They printed and distributed The Protocols of the Elders of Zion,
long before proved to be one of the more hoary fakes. The anti-Semites aroused the more simple minded with tales of a Jewish conspiracy. The anti-Catholics were also in full bloom. They blamed the war on the Catholics and the Negro. They printed smears and lies about Catholics and the plot for the Pope to come to America and take over. The Ku Klux Klan staged a revival out of Atlanta. America was so spiritually bankrupt that the nightshirt and mask business flourished nationally. The Klan stronghold was in Dixie. But it also established strong centers in Indiana, Oklahoma and Oregon. Never have all the peddlers of hate and lies had so great a harvest. The Negro suffered most.
Lynchings reached a crescendo in the South. Mob violence had been a part of Reconstruction. In exchange for Southern support to make Rutherford B. Hayes president in 1876, the North’s political and economic