Gwadar Dominating Blue Diplomacy

By Dr Hasan Yaser Malik

Dr Hasan Yaser Malik holds Masters Degrees in Warfare Studies, International Relations, Special Education and English. He did PhD in International Relations. His thesis is titled as Strategic Significance of Gwadar Deep Sea Port: Regional and Extra Regional Dimensions from the University of Karachi in 2010. He has a few International Research contributions to his credit and hundreds of readers across the world. He has served as part of UN in African Peninsula and has earned a ‘Certificate of Appreciation’ from United Nations while serving as a part of it. He has also been awarded with ‘Medal of Excellence’ by Government of Pakistan for his dedication and services for international diplomacy. The author has an interest in Blue Diplomacy and mainly keeps his focus towards it in his continued research. He is a member of a few international and domestic research organisations. The author is part of editorial boards of many international research journals as well. Apart from research, he has interest in flying and deep sea diving and has visited Africa and Europe.
The book signifies the value of Gwadar Port as a geo-strategic manoeuvre placed in contemporary and vibrant Indo-Pacific region. Gwadar deep-sea port will play a vital role in blue diplomacy by influencing facets like economy, geo-politics and military. Geographically, it is situated at the confluence of Eurasian and Australian intercontinental plates in proximity to the African Peninsula. Gwadar Port is turning into a mosaic of various cultures by linking billions of people from Europe, Russia, Asia, China, Africa and Australia for trade and development. The deep-sea port is located at the mouth of hydrocarbon-rich Hormuz Strait, the most vital choke point in the Indo-Pacific region. Strategically, being part of String of Pearls, Gwadar will influence the extra-regional players for blue diplomacy. This book covers the demography of Gwadar and its linkages and concerns with Afghanistan, Central Asian republics, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, Wakhan Corridor, extra-regional forces and Germany. Considering the facets like the location of Gwadar Port and its diplo-economic value, it will emerge as a regional trans-shipment port.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Austin Macauley Publishers
• Release date: Jan 29, 2021
• ISBN: 9781398437807

Dr Hasan Yaser Malik

DR HASAN YASER MALIK holds Masters Degrees in Warfare Studies, International Relations, Special Education and English. He did PhD in International Relations. His thesis is titled as STRATEGIC SIGNIFICANCE OF GWADAR DEEP SEA PORT: REGIONAL AND EXTRA REGIONAL DIMENSIONS from the University of Karachi in 2010. He has a few International Research contributions to his credit and hundreds of readers across the world. He has served as part of UN in African Peninsula and has earned a ‘Certificate of Appreciation’ from United Nations while serving as a part of it. He has also been awarded with ‘Medal of Excellence’ by Government of Pakistan for his dedication and services for international diplomacy. The author has an interest in Blue Diplomacy and mainly keeps his focus towards it in his continued research. He is a member of a few international and domestic research organizations. The author is part of editorial boards of many international research journals as well. Apart from research, he has interest in flying and deep-sea diving and has visited Africa and Europe.

Book preview

Gwadar Dominating

Blue Diplomacy

Dr Hasan Yaser Malik

Austin Macauley Publishers

Gwadar Dominating Blue Diplomacy

About the Author

Dedication

Copyright Information ©

Acknowledgement

Maps

Strategic Significance of Gwadar Port

Chinese String of Pearl Strategy

Strategic Value of Wakhan Corridor

Over Chitral River Route

CPEC Pakistani Road Alignments

Chinese Inter-Continental Trade Routes

Tables

Central Asian Proven Reserves

Estimated Daily Production

Ethnic Trends in Uzbekistan

Ethnic Trends in Tajikistan

Ethnic Trends in Turkmenistan

Ethnic Trends in Kyrgyzstan

Ethnic Trends in Kazakhstan

Chapter One:Introduction

Chapter Two:Strategic Importance of Gwadar Port

Chapter Three: Gwadar Port and Communication Linkages with the Central Asian Republics

Chapter Four:Influence of Extra-Regional Forces in the Arabian Sea

Chapter Five:Chinese Interests in South Asia

Chapter Six:Wakhan Geo-Strategic Corridor

Chapter Seven: China Pakistan Economic Corridor

Chapter Eight: German Involvement in China Pakistan Economic Corridor

Chapter Nine: Recommendations for Pakistan

Chapter Ten:Conclusion

Bibliography

Abbreviations

About the Author

Dr Hasan Yaser Malik holds Masters Degrees in Warfare Studies, International Relations, Special Education and English. He did PhD in International Relations. His thesis is titled as Strategic Significance of Gwadar Deep Sea Port: Regional and Extra Regional Dimensions from the University of Karachi in 2010. He has a few International Research contributions to his credit and hundreds of readers across the world. He has served as part of UN in African Peninsula and has earned a ‘Certificate of Appreciation’ from United Nations while serving as a part of it. He has also been awarded with ‘Medal of Excellence’ by Government of Pakistan for his dedication and services for international diplomacy. The author has an interest in Blue Diplomacy and mainly keeps his focus towards it in his continued research. He is a member of a few international and domestic research organizations. The author is part of editorial boards of many international research journals as well. Apart from research, he has interest in flying and deep-sea diving and has visited Africa and Europe.

Dedication

Dedicated to soldiers of Pakistan Army.

Copyright Information ©

Dr Hasan Yaser Malik (2021)

The right of Dr Hasan Yaser Malik to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by the author in accordance with section 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publishers.

Any person who commits any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages.

The story, experiences, and words are author’s alone.

A CIP catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library.

ISBN 9781398437791 (Paperback)

ISBN 9781398437807 (ePub e-book)

www.austinmacauley.com

First Published (2021)

Austin Macauley Publishers Ltd

25 Canada Square

Canary Wharf

London

E14 5LQ

Acknowledgement

I acknowledge the guidance of my great father; without whose love it would not have been possible for me to complete my research. I am also obliged to my loving brother and wife for their support.

Holy Qur’an

And whatsoever He hath created for you in the earth of diverse hues, lo! Therein is indeed a portent for people who take heed. And He it is who hath constrained the sea to be of service that ye eat fresh meat from thence, and bring forth from thence ornaments which ye wear. And thou see the ships ploughing it that ye may seek of His bounty and that haply ye may give thanks.

An-Nahl, 13-14 (The Qur’an)

Foreword

The strategic significance of Gwadar Port, in the light of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), tends to draw the attention of major powers. Pakistan is located at the crossroads of Central, South and West Asia, and is situated in the vicinity of the oil-rich Persian Gulf region. CPEC, with a focus on connecting Gwadar Port with the Chinese city of Kashgar, is called a ‘game changer’ and a project which will ensure a win-win situation for both Beijing and Islamabad.

The book Gwadar Dominating Blue Diplomacy is a timely and major effort by the author Dr Hasan Yaser Malik to dwell at length why the port of Gwadar tends to draw world’s attention in the light of CPEC and how it can be useful for the landlocked Central Asian region. Divided into ten chapters and covering almost major aspects of the transformation of Gwadar from a small fishing village to an international level port, the book is a notable contribution in the existing literature on Pakistan.

Balochistan is the most sensitive province of Pakistan, in terms of its richness in mineral resources, low-intensity conflict involving separatist groups and security forces, and strategic interests of external players namely: India, China, United States, Iran, and Afghanistan. The transformation of Balochistan in terms of poverty alleviation, better education, and steps for social and human development will transform one of Pakistan’s most backward provinces into a prosperous and stable one. Gwadar, as the emerging port in the region, will undoubtedly provide a valuable opportunity for unleashing the process of development in Balochistan primarily under CPEC.

The author has not only enriched his book with useful maps and bibliography but has also included innovative chapters on the Wakhan Corridor, China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, and German involvement in CPEC. In-depth concluding analysis in the book also offers policy recommendations to the government about dealing with threats and opportunities emanating from the growing strategic importance of Gwadar Port. His assertion that Pakistan must understand its true place in the Central Asian scenario, build strong bonds and offer all possible assistance, and that a comprehensive and a pragmatic policy combined with bold steps are necessary for prudent gains, is timely and needs serious consideration by Islamabad. Furthermore, opportunities to develop Balochistan must be seized so that the local discontent due to variety of reasons is properly and prudently handled. The author also suggests that Pakistan needs to seize upon this opportunity, which history and geography has afforded. Gwadar will remain a cornerstone for any development or progress toward Central Asian Republics (CARs), not only for Pakistan, but also for all regional key players. It is the need of the hour that pragmatic measures at various tiers be taken to highlight the strategic significance of the Gwadar Project as it will usher in an era of prosperity for Pakistan, Central Asian Regions in particular, and international community in general. Certainly, the literature on Gwadar Port and CPEC presented in the book will go a long way in helping Pakistan formulate a policy based on pragmatic realism, so that opportunities which exist for the development of Balochistan are properly utilized.

Interestingly, 72 recommendations have been presented by the author in his book which must be studied by policy-makers so that Pakistan can cope with the challenges in Balochistan and those emanating from CPEC. One expects the book to have an impact on the existing discourse on Gwadar as a gateway to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and the challenges faced by Pakistan in dealing with geo-strategic challenges.

–   Moonis Ahmar, PhD and Meritorious Professor of International Relations and Dean Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Karachi.

Strategic Significance of Gwadar Port

Gwadar Port is linking industrial Europe, hydrocarbon rich Middle East,

Africa, and Indo-Pacific Region

Chapter One

Introduction

Geography is the most potential element of national power and has always shaped the human societies. Apart from the center of population, the seas have also been the highways for vital strategic access to the centers of populace. Historically, civilizations that have emerged and developed on the shores of the seas and oceans have always been prosperous and stronger than others. Athenians and Spartans, among the Greeks, are examples from 500 to 400 BC. A deep-water channel at Gwadar, more than 14 kms long, will permit large vessels to anchor and could potentially woo away the transit trade from neighboring port cities. The port will provide an alternate shipment facility for both the West and East bound cargoes and oil shipments, which so far originate from Dubai, Salalah, and Iranian Port of Chabahar.

Apart from the international and regional concerns, the transformation of Gwadar Port will also improve national integration by managing Balochistan issue, which has various dynamics, encompassing regional and international concerns. Notwithstanding the fact that nature has blessed Balochistan with immense potential, the social strata of the province always remained deprived and prone to international conspiracies.

The emergence of five independent Central Asian Republics (CARs) in the wake of the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1991 came as a surprise to the entire world. Having lived under a highly centralized former Soviet system for decades, CARs neither had any experience in international politics, nor any exposure to governance of state. The security and ideological vacuum caused by the collapse of former USSR attracted the external powers both at the global and regional level, to the enormous energy and mineral resources of the region. The regional powers are attempting to exert their cultural and religious affinity to fill the vacuum and seize a big economic market. The great powers look at the region as an alternative source of energy. The Gwadar Port will provide shortest route for energy resources of CARs to Africa and Asia Pacific Region.

Pakistan also has definite interests in the region. When viewed in the historical perspective, one may find solid religious and cultural linkages with the region. Pakistan’s geographical proximity to the CARs and demands of the new era calls for maintaining a circumscribed bond with CARs in order to capitalize on the mutual interests. Whereas it is imperative for Pakistan to take advantage of the politico-economic and geo-strategic potentials of the region, it is also important for the landlocked CARs to have multiple openings for approaching the outer world.

China, like Russia, was subjected by Mongols in the thirteenth century. The Proverbial Khans established the Yuan Dynasty of China, which made Beijing their capital and constructed the first Forbidden City on its present site. Modernization is not a new term in China. Its war history has already underlined the need for learning new techniques and to defend itself against western powers. China followed the goal in true spirit and gained the status of regional power by focusing on military development, including even the technique of reserve engineering, by sharing the western technology through Pakistan. In the near future, China will become a major power, with stockpiles of nuclear-capable Inter-Continental Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs) and huge economic growth.

As a result, there will be major national actors across the world, namely: The United States (US), Germany, Russia, and China, in the international scenario. Of course, the simple fact that a third major national actor will be added to the international scenario does not necessarily mean that there will be drastic major changes in the existing regional and extra regional scenario. However, the emergence of China because of its foreign policy objectives, military power, and potent economic condition will raise few serious concerns, as Gwadar provides the shortest access for China, to the warm waters of Indo-Pacific Region.

South Asia remains an important region on the world map due to the economic interests of major powers, strategic location, and its geopolitical significance. The US-focused policy, for maintaining its military and economic might after September 11, 2001 in the South Asian region, was followed vigorously. In order to keep a check on China and India, and to tap the natural resources of CARs, it is vital for the US to keep Pakistan on its side, for being a front-line state in the war against terror and being the only Muslim country having nuclear weapons.

The US had been involved in the region, may it be the cold war era or the era of Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Pakistan had traditionally been the main US ally in the region. However, at the end of Cold War, India became the US strategic partner in the region, mainly because of its large consumer-based market. China’s phenomenal economic growth and its independent policies are a source of concern for the US policymakers. The Indian position as a counter weight to China has always gained significance in the US policy. The world’s largest oil reserve in CARs has also been one of the top most of the US interests. Afghanistan and Pakistan assume added importance, being the shortest and easiest land route to the CARs and China. Hence in order to strengthen its presence in the Indo-Pacific Region, the US has placed its forces in the form of navy-based combat groups in the Persian Gulf. In order to secure its sea lines of communication in the Indo-Pacific Region, China has adopted the ‘String of Pearls’ strategy. However, the quest to dominate Indo-Pacific Region has emerged as a tussle between Beijing and New York in South China Sea.

Conclusion

Considering the recent emergence of Gwadar Port, which is a paradigm shift for regional and extra-regional key players and their concerns; it will be imperative to look at the time frame in various phases. The first phase spreads over a decade, though disturbed due to involvement of NATO forces in war against terror in Afghanistan, but will shape a structure with more response from Europe through the Caspian Region, as compared to other key players who are striving through Pakistan and Afghanistan. The next decade appears to be a phase of stability, peace, and opportunity. With more involvement from Pakistan and China, Gwadar will emerge as a major economic corridor in South Asian Region in 21st Century.

Chapter Two

Strategic Importance of Gwadar Port

Historical Perspective

Located at the entrance of the Persian Gulf¹, about 635 km west of Karachi, Gwadar has an immense geo-strategic significance for various aspects. Gwadar, with its 600 km long coastline and unirrigated tracts of Kulanch and Dasht valleys², has always been an important chapter of Makran’s history³. A large area of present Balochistan, called Gedrosia, once formed part of the empire of Darius. Even Marco Polo has referred to Makran and Alexander’s troops actually passed through it. The known history of Makran goes back to the times of prophet Dawood, when people entombed themselves to avoid famine. Then there is a long list of rulers, including Lehrasp, Gustahsp, Bahman, Huma, and Darab till year 325 BC when Alexander accidentally found the sea on his way to Macedonia from India⁴.

Another archaeological work has shown that people of the Dravidian origin were the natives of this land and their civilization extended from Makran to the Indus Basin. They established great cities like Gandhara and Moenjo Daro.

Greek historians have mentioned the coastline as the country of Ichthyophagoi (fish eaters or fishermen)⁵. Nearchos, the admiral of Alexander, also mentioned about Kalmat, Gwadar, Pishukan, and Chahbar while describing his journey to the region.

By the beginning of the Christian era, the Baloch were one of the major people inhabiting Iranian Balochistan, Sistan, and Kirman. Their migration further east into Makkuran must also be the result of Anushervan’s (531–578 A.D.) attack on them. According to some legends, it was the result of a quarrel between the Kirman ruler of 44 Baloch tribes and Ismael Romi. The former demanded forty-four girls, one from each Baloch tribe, for his harem. The Baloch presented boys in girl’s disguise. They later moved from Kirman and took refuge in Kech Makkuran (Makran). Romi’s grandson, Jalal Khan, had five sons who initiated five new tribes as Rind, Lashari, Korai, Jatoi, and Hots.

The 7th Century A.D. heralded the Islamic rule as being firmly established in the whole of Balochistan. Muslim conquerors like Muhammad Bin Qasim and others possessed this land and imbued it with the ever-lasting Islamic spirit. The Portuguese found their way to India and captured several places along the Makran Coast. In 1581, they burnt the rich and the beautiful cities of Pasni and Gwadar. Many invaders including Hots, Rinds, Maliks, and Buledis conquered the land and exercised authority in the area⁶.

Mir Nasir Khan’s grandson, Mir Mehrab Khan, was ruling Kalat in 1839, when British army advanced through the Bolan Pass toward Afghanistan. Despite earlier negotiations and assurances, the tribes under the ruler of Kalat caused considerable damage to the British forces. General Willshire, with 1050 men, was then detached from the army of the Indus to assault Kalat. A gate was knocked in by the field-pieces, and the town and citadel were stormed in a few minutes. Over 600⁷ Baloch were slain, including Mir Mehrab Khan, and 2,000 prisoners were taken. In 1841, the British recognized Nasir Khan II, the youthful son of the slain Mehrab Khan, as the new ruler of Kalat.

There was no diplomatic link or political interaction between the British and the State of Kalat from 1843 to 1854. On 14 May 1854, however, General John Jacob, under the directions of the Governor General, concluded a treaty with Kalat State, which was then under the chieftainship of Nasir Khan II, and the British government. Nasir Khan II sincerely observed this treaty until his death in 1856 and his brother, Mir Khudadad Khan, succeeded him⁸. In the later part of 1857, a British officer (Major Henry Green) was deputed by the British Government to reside as political agent with the Khan at Kalat, and to assist him in maintaining control over his turbulent tribes. In 1863, Khudadad Khan was deposed by his cousin Sher Dil Khan⁹. After this, the chiefs of Las and Wad, the Marris, Bugtis, Kech, and Makran, all threw off their allegiance and anarchy became so widespread that British government had to interfere again. The treaty of 1854 was renewed in 1876 by Lord Lytton (on Sandeman’s advice), which resulted in establishment of Balochistan Agency at Quetta. In fact, the first Afghan war (1838–39) had drawn attention of the British to the area. Major Goldsmith visited the area in 1861 and an Assistant Political Agent was appointed in Gwadar in 1863. As per treaty of ‘Gandamak,’ signed on 25 May 1879, the north eastern part of Balochistan was passed into the hands of British. Both Pasni and Gwadar have been ports of call for the steamers of the British India Steam Navigation Company. The first ever telegraphic link to this area was made in 1863, when Gwadar was linked to Karachi. Post offices were opened at Gwadar and Pasni in 1894 and 1903 respectively. Ormara was linked telegraphically in 1904.

Socio-Political Structure

Balochistan’s society comprises of different ethnic groups, each with its own customs and peculiarities¹⁰. Pathans, Brahvis, and Balochs are all governed by almost similar values and customs. Tribe, in all the cases, is the basic identity of a man. It is a world in itself with the Sardar (Tribal Chief) at the helm of its affairs and leading the life of a dictator. The most important feature of Balochistan society, which is feudal, tribal, and traditional in character, is the ‘Sardari System.’¹¹ This complicated and primitive system owes its evolution to geographical conditions and historical factors. The area has been a mountain-walled bulwark, secure from foreign invasion, which fulfils requirements of a feudal and turbulent mode of existence. Difficult terrains and lack of communication have compelled Balochies to live in isolation. As a safeguard, the bravest and the wisest were looked upon for guidance. In the beginning, Sardari was bestowed upon men of courage and integrity¹². In order to perpetuate their authority, the Sardars, however, made this institution hereditary and thus the process of degeneration set in. For self-aggrandizement, inter-tribal feuds dissipated their energies in an internecine warfare. Nevertheless, their strong tribal feelings hold the Sardar in high esteem. The chief is called Sardar. Takaris, Mukaddams, and Waderas command sub-tribes. The entire land belongs to Sardar, who, without any contribution and participation, receives ‘Shiskak’ a tax from the tillers. A Sardar or Malik enjoys absolute power over the life and property of his tribesmen. They have their own private jails, mostly for breaking the recalcitrant. The British rule further galvanized the Sardari and Malik system, as the British gave full authority to all Sardars for their allegiance to the Crown. The British, however, were not as successful with the Pathans, as they were with the Brahvi and Baloch Sardars¹³. The Sardari system thus entrenched deeper in the Baloch and Brahvi tribes, and lesser in the Pathan society.

The nomadic tribe as a whole, however, is more than a large group of kinsmen. It is a semi-autonomous political unit, which occupies certain territory and is always prepared to defend its right. Thus, it has some of the characteristics of a military organization. As a semi-independent unit, the nomadic tribe is responsible for the maintenance of law and order among its own people, for imposing punishments and for dealing with the other tribal units, in affairs of mutual concern.

Individual status in the tribe is defined initially by position within the tribal genealogy¹⁴. Elder brothers are generally accorded higher status than younger brothers. The line of descent from father to eldest son and to the latter’s eldest son, is considered to be the senior line. This seniority status is expressed in the succession of the chieftain-ship of the various lineage groupings and tribes and for the individual. It means that belonging to such a family line gives him greater status than the people in collateral lines, who do not have first claim to chieftain-ship roles. The kinsmen of such an important tribal personage are regarded as having a special status. In many cases, the size of the tribe gives status to the tribe and its leader, though size may be mitigated by quality.

The nomadic tribes are led by Sardar. The Sardar is elected by open acclamation by the Tribal Jirga (Tribal council), composed of the heads of the various lineage and sub-lineage¹⁵. The Sardar is nearly always a member of the senior lineage of the tribe and is usually the eldest son of the previous Sardar. In some instances where the eldest son is considered unfit, or some other individual has demonstrated superior capabilities, a different choice is made. Within each nomad encampment, leadership is furnished by the head of the senior lineage. The tribal leader is expected to make his authority felt, but at the same time, he is expected to be guided by tribal customs and precedence in the execution of his duties.

The majority of the people are Muslim Sunnis¹⁶. There are a small number of Ismailis and Zikris in Mekran Division and sizeable Hazara population with Shia faith in Quetta. A firm belief in the power of saints is universal. Their shrines are held in great reverence and goats