Vietnam's Final Air Campaign: Operation Linebacker I & II, May–December 1972
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On March 30, 1972, some thirty thousand North Vietnamese troops, along with tanks and heavy artillery, surged across the demilitarized zone into South Vietnam in the opening round of Hanoi’s Easter Offensive. By early May, South Vietnamese forces were on the ropes and faltering. Without the support of U.S. combat troops—who were in their final stage of withdrawing from the country—the Saigon government was in danger of total collapse and with it any American hope of a negotiated settlement to the war.
In response, President Richard Nixon called for an aggressive, sustained bombardment of North Vietnam. Code-named Operation Linebacker I, the interdiction effort sought to stem the flow of men and materiel southward, as well as sever all outside supply lines in the first new bombing of the North Vietnamese heartland in nearly four years. To meet the American air armada, North Vietnamese MiG fighters took to the skies and surface-to-air missiles and anti-aircraft fire filled the air from May to October over Hanoi and Haiphong. With the failure of its Easter Offensive to achieve military victory, Hanoi reluctantly returned to the negotiating table in Paris. However, as the peace talks teetered on the edge of collapse in December 1972, Nixon played his trump card: Operation Linebacker II. The resulting twelve-day Christmas bombing campaign unleashed the full wrath of American air power. This book tells the story of these decisive campaigns and how they led, finally, to a ceasefire agreement.
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Vietnam's Final Air Campaign - Stephen Emerson
VIETNAM’S FINAL AIR CAMPAIGN
OPERATION LINEBACKER I & II
MAY–DECEMBER 1972
STEPHEN EMERSON
First published in Great Britain in 2019 by
PEN AND SWORD MILITARY
an imprint of
Pen and Sword Books Ltd
47 Church Street
Barnsley
South Yorkshire S70 2AS
Copyright © Stephen Emerson, 2019
ISBN 978 1 52672 845 6
eISBN 978 1 52672 846 3
Mobi ISBN 978 1 52672 847 0
The right of Stephen Emerson to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library All rights reserved.
No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the Publisher in writing.
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Stephen Emerson was born in San Diego, California into a U.S. Navy family; his father was a career naval aviator and his mother a former Navy nurse. Steve and his siblings grew up on various Navy bases during the Vietnam War. His father served two combat tours as an attack pilot in Vietnam flying the A-4 Skyhawk as part of Operation Rolling Thunder while flying off the USS Midway in 1965 with VA-22 and later as commanding officer of VA-146 flying the A-7 Corsair II while embarked on the USS Enterprise in 1969. Steve holds a Ph.D. in International Relations/Comparative Politics from the University of Florida and currently resides in Orlando, Florida. His most recent book, Air War Over North Vietnam: Operation Rolling Thunder, 1965–1968, examines initial American efforts to use air power as a tool of coercive diplomacy.
CONTENTS
Glossary
Acknowledgements
1. Searching for Peace with Honor
2. The Year of the Rat—A Time of Decision
3. American Air Power Heads North
4. Turning the Tide
5. The Illusion of Peace
6. Unleashing the Dogs of War
7. Post-Mortem
Notes
Bibliography
List of Maps & Charts
Map 1 Southeast Asia Theater of Operations
Map 2 Easter Offensive, 1972
Map 3 North Vietnam Theater of Operations, 1972
Map 4 The North Vietnamese Heartland
Map 5 B-52 Flight Routes and Support Aircraft Locations
Map 6 Hanoi Targets
Map 7 Haiphong Targets
Chart U.S. Troop Levels, 1964–1973
Diagram Typical Linebacker Strike Force Composition
Table U.S. Air Losses for Linebacker II, December 18-28, 1972
GLOSSARY
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Special thanks to the National Museum of the Air Force in Dayton, Ohio and especially to archivist Brett Stolle for his invaluable assistance in helping me research the museum’s data and photo collections.
Special thanks to the Naval Aviation Museum in Pensacola, Florida and the volunteer staff of the Emil Buehler Library for their assistance in locating files and photos.
I am grateful to the Department of the Air Force and the Department of the Navy, including the Air Force Historical Research Agency at Maxwell AFB, Alabama and the Naval History and Heritage Command in Washington, DC, for their commitment to enhancing public access to official photographic and documentary materials concerning the Vietnam War.
I would also like to extend my appreciation to those Vietnam aviators I consulted for assistance with questions about technical and operational details, notably those River Rats
Stan Goldstein and Howard Plunkett of the Red River Valley Fighter Pilots Association.
Deep appreciation to all the writers and researchers before me, who have contributed to the large—and growing—body of literature on the air war in Vietnam; much of which I have consulted for this book. Special recognition is given to Chris Hobson’s Vietnam Air Losses, John Morrocco’s Rain of Fire, Elizabeth Hartsook and Stuart Slade’s Air War Vietnam Plans and Operations, Marshall Michel’s The 11 Days of Christmas, and Karl Eschmann’s Linebacker (perhaps the most definitive, detailed account of Linebacker II), which are indispensable reference works for anyone delving into the final years of the air war in Vietnam. Lien-Hang Nguyen’s book, Hanoi’s War, provides an interesting counterpoint from the North Vietnamese perspective and is well worth reading.
Finally, to all the men who flew in or supported Operation Linebacker I & II in 1972. You had a difficult job to do at a trying time in American history, but you did it with the highest degree of dedication and professionalism.
1. SEARCHING FOR PEACE WITH HONOR
In 1972 the U.S. military involvement in the Vietnam was coming to an end. Since coming to office in January 1969, President Richard Nixon and his administration had repeatedly pledged to bring American boys home and end the war. A war that was costly not only in terms of blood and treasure, but one that had torn apart the political and social fabric of the country. Getting out of Vietnam would be the first step in trying to heal the wounds of a deeply divided nation. It was only a question of time and circumstance.
From their peak of 543,000 in April 1969, U.S. troop levels had fallen precipitously to 156,800 by January 1972 and were on track to be less than half that number by the spring. Moreover, the American withdrawal continued despite the lack of significant progress in ongoing peace talks with U.S. forces largely assuming a supporting, training, and advisory role as the policy of Vietnamization of the war took hold. The burden of fighting was being passed exclusively to the well-equipped and -supplied, but often poorly led, Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN). Likewise, American air assets in Southeast Asia were being reduced, although U.S. air capability in theater still remained substantial. As the drawdown continued and peace talks dragged on in Paris throughout 1972, it would ultimately be air power that would be the decisive factor in achieving Nixon’s objective—a negotiated end to the war for the United States.
Nixon’s Thump and Talk Strategy
Although Nixon had campaigned in 1968 on a promise to bring the war to a quick end, he and his national security adviser Henry Kissinger were not about to hand the North Vietnamese an easy victory. From their perspective the American exodus from Vietnam had to be carefully stage-managed. It needed to avoid negative repercussions for the Cold War rivalry with the Soviet Union and China, to ensure American credibility in the world and for its global security commitments, and to preserve domestic support for the President. Nixon, being the ultimate political animal, ended up adopting a two-prong strategy that would aggressively pursue military victory on the battlefield, while at the same time continuing to negotiate with Hanoi.
Under the mantle of achieving peace with honor,
the Nixon administration moved forward by laying the groundwork for an escalation of the war through the secret bombing of North Vietnamese and Viet Cong bases in Cambodia. Under Operation Menu, various sub-operations were directed against logistics, support, and command and control centers along the Cambodian–South Vietnamese border. The first covert B-52 strikes began on March 18, 1969. Both sides refused to publicly acknowledge the bombing; Washington was fearful of alarming the American public and fueling more anti-war sentiment and Hanoi did not want to admit it was operating from bases inside neutral
Cambodia. The attacks would continue for the next 15 months at varying levels up until the ground invasion of Cambodia by American and ARVN forces in May 1970.
Southeast Asia Theater of Operations.
President Richard Nixon and his national security adviser Henry Kissinger sought to disengage the United States from Vietnam while ensuring the viability of South Vietnam and maintaining U.S. global credibility in the face of an unpopular war. (Photo Nixon Library)
General Creighton Abrams, as commander U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV) from 1968 to 1972, was charged with overseeing the drawdown of American ground troops while still continuing to prosecute the war. (Photo U.S. Army)
The bombing campaign accomplished several of Nixon’s objectives early on, even if it had little long-term impact on the actual fighting in South Vietnam. First and foremost, it signaled the new administration’s willingness to take aggressive, and even unpredictable, military action against Hanoi. Second, the bombing provided a relatively low-risk approach that avoided any significant commitment of the remaining American ground forces. This in turn allowed publicly announced troop withdrawals to continue, which not only placated anti-war sentiment at home, but provided tangible evidence that Washington was open to a negotiated settlement of the war. Finally, the bombing aligned with the long-standing desire of General Creighton Abrams, commander U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam (MACV), to disrupt North Vietnamese operations by targeting their safe havens and lines of communication in Cambodia and buy time to strengthen the South Vietnamese military.
Nixon also sought to parlay the bombing of Cambodia into political leverage at the ongoing Paris peace talks. Using his so-called madman strategy,
Nixon wanted to convince Hanoi’s leadership that the bombing was just a first step and unless the North de-escalated its military activity in the South and