New Mexico's Spanish Livestock Heritage: Four Centuries of Animals, Land, and People
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The Spanish introduced European livestock to the New World—not only cattle and horses but also mules, donkeys, sheep, goats, pigs, and poultry. This survey of the history of domestic livestock in New Mexico is the first of its kind, going beyond cowboy culture to examine the ways Spaniards, Indians, and Anglos used animals and how those uses affected the region’s landscapes and cultures.
The author has mined the observations of travelers and the work of earlier historians and other scholars to provide a history of livestock in New Mexico from 1540 to the present. He includes general background on animal domestication in the Old World and the New during pre-Columbian times, along with specific information on each of the six livestock species brought to New Mexico by the early Spanish colonists. Separate chapters deal with the impacts of Spanish livestock on the state’s native population and upon the land itself, and a final chapter explains New Mexico’s place in the larger American livestock scene.
William W. Dunmire
William W. Dunmire is a retired National Park Service naturalist and is currently an associate in biology at the University of New Mexico and a research associate at the New Mexico Museum of Natural History and Science.
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New Mexico's Spanish Livestock Heritage - William W. Dunmire
New Mexico’s Spanish Livestock Heritage
New Mexico’s Spanish Livestock Heritage
FOUR CENTURIES OF ANIMALS, LAND, AND PEOPLE
William W. Dunmire
UNIVERSITY OF NEW MEXICO PRESS | ALBUQUERQUE
© 2013 by the University of New Mexico Press
All rights reserved. Published 2013
Printed in the United States of America
18 17 16 15 14 13 1 2 3 4 5 6
The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows:
Dunmire, William W.
New Mexico’s Spanish livestock heritage : four centuries of animals, land, and people /
William W. Dunmire.
pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-8263-5089-3 (cloth: alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-8263-5091-6 (electronic)
1. Livestock—New Mexico—History. 2. Livestock—Spain—History. 3. Domestic animals—
New Mexico—History. 4. New Mexico—History. I. Title.
SF51.D86 2013
636.009789—dc23
2012034415
Contents
ILLUSTRATIONS
PREFACE
Thoughts from Josiah Gregg’s Commerce of the Prairies
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
1 The Background
2 The Animals: Ganado Mayor
3 The Animals: Ganado Menor plus Pigs and Chickens
4 European Livestock Arrives in America
5 Driving Herds of Animals
6 Tumultuous Times
7 The 1800s
8 Anglos Gain the Upper Hand
9 Closing Out the Century
10 The 1900s and Beyond
11 Livestock in New Mexico Today
12 The Impact on New Mexico’s Native Peoples
13 Impacts upon the Land
14 New Mexico’s Place in the American Scene
EPILOGUE
Reflections by Modern-Day Hispanic, Puebloan, Navajo, and Anglo Representatives
ADDENDUM
Resources for Learning about New Mexico Livestock History
NOTES
LITERATURE CITED
INDEX
Illustrations
FIGURES
1. Farmer using arado dental scratch plow
2. Churro sheep
3. Angora goats browsing
4. Feral pig
5. Criollo cattle
6. Carreta, the basic transport vehicle
7. Manual loom for weaving wool in colonial New Mexico
8. Navajo woman weaving a blanket, 1880–1890
9. Feral mustang, Placitas, New Mexico
10. Goats threshing wheat, Picuris Pueblo
11. Harrow used in eighteenth-century Spain
12. Cattle herd, 1890s
13. Texas longhorn
14. Cowboy campsite, circa 1890
15. Western saddle used in the 1800s
16. Branding cattle in southern New Mexico
17. Bean Day, Wagon Mound, New Mexico
18. Caboose promoting the 1903 New Mexico Territorial Fair
19. Hay carrier of the type used in Spain, 1700s–1800s
20. Fort Union ruins today
21. Rand McNally Land Grant map, 1881
22. Maxwell Land Grant, 1870
23. Sheep at the Frank Bond Ranch, 1935
24. Metal wool shears
25. Hereford cattle, Curry County, 1936
26. Cattle drive down San Vicente Arroyo, Silver City
27. Dipping sheep, 1908
28. Gas-powered sheep-shearing engine, circa 1925
29. Dude ranch guests relaxing at Conjilon Camp, 1920
30. Navajo sheep near Shiprock, 1930s
31. Earmarking a calf at Jemez Pueblo, 1936
32. Log-hauling road from the Chuska Mountains to Chaco Canyon
33. Threshing with horses, San Juan Pueblo, circa 1925
34. Mule-powered noria
35. Navajo woman carding wool
36. Overgrazed grassland east of Albuquerque
37. Sheep flock in Coyote Canyon, circa 1900
38. One-seed juniper invasion of grassland near Albuquerque
39. Trench of the Rio Puerco, 2011
40. Sheep grazing on a mountain meadow
41. Sheep browsing high on juniper
42. Cattle on Kiowa National Grassland
43. Mission San Xavier del Bac
44. Juan Estevan Arellano
45. Peter Pino
46. Harry Walters
47. Linda Davis
MAPS
1. New Mexico, 1598–1680
2. New Mexico circa 1776
TABLES
1. Report of the Cattle and Caballada Found in the Territory of New Mexico
2. Cattle, Sheep, and Swine in New Mexico Territory as Reported for Certain Years
3. Livestock Population in New Mexico, 1890
4. New Mexico Cattle Numbers (in Thousands) from 1865 to 1978
5. New Mexico Sheep Numbers (in Thousands) from 1865 to 1978
Preface
Thoughts from Josiah Gregg’s Commerce of the Prairies
"New Mexico possesses but a few of those natural advantages, which are
necessary to anything like rapid progress in civilization."
—Josiah Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, 1844
So wrote this frail introvert who would be recognized as the outstanding chronicler of the West in his day. Indeed, his account of the time he spent as a trader on the Santa Fe Trail from 1831 to 1840 has become a classic of western Americana. Gregg traveled in New Mexico a good deal of that time, and his carefully documented observations provide a perfect snapshot of life in the territory the nineteenth century enfolded.
Spanish livestock had thrived in New Mexico for well over two hundred years before Josiah Gregg crisscrossed the territory; however, his narrative provides insight into an industry then in transition. In addition, his perspective is singularly different from that of the earlier Hispanic travelers or residents who wrote about their observations.
Gregg informs us that the cattle here had to be constantly herded, since few farms or ranches employed fencing. He goes on to describe precisely how the herders, or vaqueros, managed the critters, expertly using horsehair lassos to capture stray animals and branding them with hot iron. He tells us that stock of every kind were almost never fed but generally maintain themselves in excellent condition upon the dry pasturage alone in the cold season,
and how the most esteemed work animal of the day—the mule—was painstakingly cared for and outfitted. We learn that by this time Navajos were cultivating all the different grains and vegetables to be found in New Mexico
and that they possess extensive herds of horses, mules, cattle, sheep and goats of their own raising.
Though Gregg was known to be a meticulous intellectual, he permitted a sense of excitement to embellish his writing. Consider the following:
[I]magine our consternation and dismay, when, upon descending into the valley of the Cimarron, on the morning of the 19th of June, a band of Indian warriors on horseback suddenly appeared before us from behind the ravines—an imposing array of deathdealing savages! There was no merriment in this! It was genuine alarm—a tangible reality! These warriors, however, as we soon discovered, were only the van-guard of a countless host,
who were by this time pouring over the opposite ridge, and galloping directly toward us.
Gregg was just one of a plethora of travelers who recorded their observations of the livestock scene in the American Southwest. They, along with the historians who have interpreted it and the scholars who have delved into topics that directly or distantly relate to it, have provided the meat for this history of livestock in New Mexico. I have tried to distill intelligence from as many of these sources as I could reasonably draw upon over the years to piece together the story. The chapters that follow are, in fact, somewhat of an extension of my 2004 book, Gardens of New Spain: How Mediterranean Plants and Foods Changed America, the research for which began seven years before the book was published.
On the pages to follow, I provide a general background on animal domestication in the Old World and the New during pre-Columbian times. I then present some specific background information on each of the six livestock species brought to New Mexico by the early Spanish colonists. A chronological history of livestock in New Mexico from 1540 to the present makes up the heart of this book. Then, in separate chapters, I deal with the impacts of Spanish livestock upon the state’s Native population and upon the land itself. I wind up with a chapter on New Mexico’s place in the American livestock scene.
But first I must dispel any notion that Spanish
livestock were just another element of a larger picture. Readers might wonder how livestock from places other than Spain fit in. The fact is, however, all the principal animals we Americans call livestock today—horses, mules, donkeys, cattle, sheep, goats, and pigs—were brought to North America by Columbus on his second voyage, which began in 1493. Thus all livestock in the United States has a Spanish heritage. This book presents a history of that heritage—the history of domestic livestock in New Mexico.
Acknowledgments
The concept for New Mexico’s Spanish Livestock Heritage evolved from years of researching and writing my book Gardens of New Spain: How Mediterranean Plants and Foods Changed America (University of Texas Press, 2004). That book principally tells the story of the diffusion of plants, agriculture, and cuisine from late medieval Spain to the colonial frontiers of Hispanic America. But it also necessarily treats the coming of Spanish livestock to New Mexico as a primary element of the state’s agricultural history. Indeed, an entire chapter is devoted to the arrival of Spanish technology and the spread of livestock from the Mexican interior.
But there was so much more to tell. After preparing the lead article (with the identical title as this book) for the July 2009 issue of La Crónica de Nuevo México, the Historical Society of New Mexico’s quarterly (thank you, Carleen Lazzell), I resolved to expand upon the subject. Although several books and many papers deal with elements of the livestock story, a scholarly history of livestock in New Mexico had never been written, so I seized the opportunity.
Not being a historian by profession, I gratefully relied upon input and assistance from those who are. Rick Hendricks, New Mexico’s current (2012) state historian, provided advice from the very start and reviewed an early version of the entire manuscript. Richard Flint reviewed and provided important suggestions for several of the early chapters. Bill Doolittle and David Snow helpfully reviewed various chapters, and Craig Allen kindly reviewed the Impacts upon the Land
chapter.
I am indebted to many experts in their respective fields who cheerfully gave of their time to advise me on diverse aspects of domesticated livestock. Among them are Cameron Saffell (general livestock background), E. Gus Cothran (feral horse genetics), Ann F. Ramenofsky (livestock-related disease epidemics), Deni J. Seymour (Mescalero Apaches), Margaret Espinosa and Juan Estevan Arellano (la matanza), John Baxter (sheep), Esteban Muldavin (grazing effects on vegetation), Jake Ivey (mission livestock), and David Caffey (cattle ranching).
Many generous people assisted me along the way. Jackie Ericksen reviewed the manuscript for clarity and collaborated with me in developing the index. Katie Goetz, Noreen Jarmillo, and Les Owen of the New Mexico Department of Agriculture provided invaluable livestock statistics. Elinore M. Barrett permitted me to review a draft manuscript for her 2012 book on Spanish colonial settlement landscapes. And Nancy Brown-Martinez gave me her accustomed helpful assistance at the University of New Mexico’s Center for Southwest Research and Special Collections.
Special thanks go to Juan Estevan Arellano, Peter Pino, Harry Walters, and Linda Davis, who shared their personal perspectives on how the introduction and proliferation of European livestock transformed the lives of people and communities from their own individual backgrounds: Hispanic farmer, Zia Puebloan, Navajo tribesman, and Anglo cattle rancher.
In acquiring the historic photographs for this book, I was greatly aided by Daniel Kosharek, Mark Scharen, and Tomas Jaehn at the Palace of the Governors/New Mexico History Museum; Catherine Baudain at the UNM Maxwell Museum of Anthropology; and Glenn Fye at the Albuquerque Museum. I thank Rod Ostoski, Timothy A. Olson, Richard Beal, and Erin Willett for extending permission to include their personal photographs in the book.
Deborah Reade once again designed excellent maps, and it has again been a pleasure working with Clark Whitehorn, my editor, and other staff members at the University of New Mexico Press. Copyeditor Peg Goldstein was particularly insightful in identifying questionable matter.
I am grateful to the UNM Center for Regional Studies and the Historical Society of New Mexico for grants that covered most of the costs of acquiring historic photos, maps, artist drawings, and personal photography for this book, and some of the travel costs.
Yet one more time, my loving spouse, Vangie, cheerfully set aside her own work as a professional watercolorist to illustrate this book, with four new design illustrations as well as previously created livestock-related illustrations. Forever at my side, Vangie constantly gives me needed support and encouragement, despite my occasional bouts of grouchiness or panic. I wholeheartedly dedicate this book to her.
CHAPTER ONE
The Background
When crops, foods, and agricultural techniques from the Old World made their way from Spain to the Caribbean, to inland Mexico, then up El Camino Real with don Juan de Oñate to northern New Mexico in 1598, the Southwest and its people would be changed forever.
The introduction of domestic animals by those soldiers, colonists, and Franciscan missionaries was destined to profoundly impact the lives of New Mexico’s Puebloan and other Native American residents. The meat component of the people’s diet would gradually shift from strictly wild animal fare to one composed largely of domestic animal products. Natives would be introduced to new and superior materials for weaving yarn into robes and blankets. Most importantly, human power would be greatly augmented by animal power—for human transportation, hauling heavy payloads, tilling fields, and many other kinds of work. The horses, cattle, goats, and sheep accompanying Oñate’s caravan would indeed lay the foundation for a livestock industry that would dominate much of the Southwest in years to come.
But the arrival of Spanish livestock would portend negative consequences as well—as carriers of infectious disease, for example. And ever-increasing livestock grazing on the open range would gradually transform the relatively pristine grasslands on New Mexico’s central and southern plains into the shrubby, typically rather barren conditions we so often see today. Soil erosion and lowered water tables would inevitably follow.
The Spanish conquistadors led by Hernán Cortés, who swept into Mexico in 1519, were in for many surprises. On the one hand, they encountered astonishingly complex societies, rich in material culture and founded on a sophisticated agricultural base that had been inaugurated with the much earlier domestication of more than one hundred species of wild plants, most of them cultivated as food crops yet today. On the other hand, the Spaniards surely must have been puzzled over the absence of domestic livestock in this strange country. They saw Natives transporting cargo but no beasts of burden doing work of any kind. In fact, up to that time, the largest wild animal domesticated in the New World was the llama, first bred in the South American Andes four thousand or more years ago.
Old World vs. New
First off, what exactly is meant by domestication? Geneticists generally agree that domestication in this sense is the human creation of a new form of plant or animal—one that is identifiably different from its wild ancestors and contemporary wild relatives. People invariably domesticate wild animals to make them useful to humans in one way or another.¹
Why hadn’t the people of the New World learned to capture and tame such North American native wildlife species as bison, elk, moose, or bears and then enlisted them to carry or drag heavy loads or to replace humans for other burdensome tasks? After all, that had been going on for millennia in the Old World, where horses, donkeys, mules, cattle, water buffalo, elephants, and camels provided much of the day-to-day labor.
The answer to this puzzle, without going into complex detail, is that the existing large mammal candidates for domestication in America lacked one or more of the many characteristics required for converting a free-ranging wild species into one under complete human control. Without a doubt, Indians had more than once attempted to corral and tame bison herds only to fail. Such an idea must have seemed obvious to the men Oñate dispatched to the eastern plains soon after establishing his colony, for they attempted to round up and corral great numbers of bison and, separately, their calves. Despite their trying in a thousand ways,
the wild bison would have none of it.²
And now we know why. Using modern research techniques, experiments have demonstrated that bison and the other largest wild animals of North America are untamable. They are unable to adapt to living in human confines. In fact, animal scientists have concluded that no native mammal in this size class that is capable of being tamed and put to domestic use has roamed in North America during the past eight thousand years or so.
Conversely, a number of comparable wild animals populating the Old World did possess the necessary attributes for human domestication and were, in fact, tamed for human use in the distant past.³
It was simply a matter of fate. The end result was that in pre-Columbian Eurasia, domesticated animals had long provided much of the heavy labor—carrying loads, pulling plows, turning wheels for grinding grain, raising water for irrigation, and being ridden—while in the Americas, that work was accomplished largely by human muscle power. Yet an astonishingly high level of technology was achieved by many societies in the New World—from the Mississippian mound builders to the Ancestral Puebloans and Hohokam of the Southwest, to the complex cultures of Mesoamerica, down to the Incas in the South American Andes.
However, the absence of large domesticated draft animals was a huge disadvantage and is the principal reason that what most people think of as civilization
hadn’t progressed farther on the two continents. Had horses, oxen, or other large domesticable animals roamed the land, it’s highly probable that at some point Native Americans would have tried and succeeded in taming them for their own use. Most likely, that would have led to the invention of a functional wheel that could be attached to conveyances. As it was, the closest thing to wheels in pre-Columbian America were wheel-like stones found in Mesoamerica on objects now identified as children’s toys, dating to about 1500 BC. The earliest known wheels on vehicles are associated with the domestication of horses more than five thousand years ago on another continent halfway around the globe.
The greater part of humanity had taken up farming by 4000 BC. Yet, on the eve of Christopher Columbus’s first voyage, many Indians residing in North America, particularly those on the Great Plains, the Great Basin, and the West Coast, were hunter-gatherers rather than farmers. Why would that have been? I suggest the answer lies partly in the fact that they had no domestic livestock—animals that would have required their caretakers to lead a sedentary lifestyle. People who corral cattle, sheep, goats, and pigs cannot be constantly on the move. Of course, many other Indian tribes, including all Puebloans, had taken up farming and therefore were village-bound.
Animal Domestication in the Americas
The largest mammal ever domesticated in the New World was the Peruvian llama. At least four thousand years ago, people living above seven thousand feet in the South American Andes knew how to tame and herd wild llamas, and by the time of the European conquest, llamas played an important role as a source of meat and wool and as a means of transporting goods over high mountain passes. From Samuel de Champlain, who toured central Mexico for about a month in 1600 (just two years after Oñate’s grand entrada), we learn that llamas imported from Peru were by then being employed in Mexico for carrying loads. Some of them were included in people’s diets as well.⁴
The llama’s smaller cousin, the alpaca, was also domesticated early on in Peru, as was the guinea pig. Other Native American cultures had independently domesticated Muscovy ducks, along with animals that were tamed as pets. But that was about it—except for dogs and turkeys, both of which were kept and looked after by Ancestral Puebloan farmers in New Mexico.
Dogs
Dogs, descended from wolves, are considered to be the first wild animals to be domesticated in several parts of the world—perhaps as long as twenty thousand years ago. It’s believed that they joined the second wave of humans crossing the Bering Strait sometime between ten and twenty thousand years ago, and archaeological evidence suggests that dogs traveled with nomadic tribes in North America for at least nine thousand years.⁵
Ancestral Puebloans kept spaniel-sized dogs, most likely used for flushing out wild game during hunts and keeping wild animals out of their cornfields and probably also serving as household companions. The Ancestral Puebloans occasionally buried dogs with humans, suggesting that they believed dogs fulfilled some function in the afterlife. However, there is little evidence that these scrawny dogs were eaten before those people began to farm corn, beans, and squash; after that, their dogs took on a dietary role.⁶ The Aztecs of Middle America, on the other hand, were regularly breeding pudgy, hairless mutts for the stew pot. Roving Apache and possibly Navajo Indians on the eastern plains raised larger dogs that were harnessed to drag their tent poles from camp to camp, as reported by members of Oñate’s expedition to bison country in 1598.⁷
Turkeys
It’s no wonder that turkeys were domesticated by North American Natives, for these animals seem to have little fear of humans and can be approached quite closely in the wild, as many an amateur naturalist walking through the woods has discovered. Even today, wild turkeys are easily tamed. Experts formerly believed that wild turkeys were first domesticated in Mesoamerica and later introduced into the American Southwest. More recent research suggests, however, that the reverse is more likely and that sometime between AD 200 and 800, Ancestral Puebloans began to live-capture wild turkeys and raise them in rock pens, no doubt feeding them on surplus corn and beans.⁸ Other evidence points to independent domestication in both New Mexico and Mesoamerica.⁹ (It’s worth pointing out that virtually no important and useful wild animal species have been domesticated for the first time anywhere in the world in the past one thousand years; turkeys, along with the European rabbit and the common carp, are the notable exceptions.)
At first the birds were principally valued for their feathers—used in ceremonies and woven into cotton blankets—rather than for nourishment. The discovery of two turkey burials at Chaco Canyon suggests that the birds were truly revered. But by the mid-1100s, when venison and other wild game had become relatively scarce, Ancestral Puebloans had turned to the meat of turkeys, which were increasingly being bred. At least that was the case at Salmon Ruins, a Chacoan outlier in northwestern New Mexico.¹⁰ Apparently, domesticated turkeys later made their way to humans living far to the south, where they eventually became regular contributors to the Aztecs’ famous multifaceted cuisine. Montezuma was said to have fed copious amounts of turkey meat each day to his grand collection of zoo animals.¹¹ In any case, early Spanish accounts tell of large numbers of turkeys being kept by New Mexico’s Puebloans. In describing the Pueblo Indian villages along the middle Rio Grande, Hernando Gallegos, chronicler for the 1581–1582 Chamuscado-Rodríguez Expedition, wrote, There is not an Indian who does not have a corral for his turkeys, each of which holds a flock of one hundred birds.
¹²
Though Native peoples in pre-Columbian New Mexico mostly shunned their two domestic animals as a source of food, they were hardly vegetarians. Apache and other tribes who roamed the eastern plains relied principally on bison meat for calories and protein, while the meat component of the Ancestral Puebloan diet consisted of local wild fish and game, particularly venison and rabbits. But plants were their chief source of food, for Puebloans (and to a lesser extent Navajos) were sophisticated farmers growing an abundance of corn, beans, and squash. Seeds from cotton plants, a crop that Puebloans had been cultivating for centuries in the southern half of New Mexico, were another ingredient of the diet. Wild plants, too, were vital to Puebloan well-being, both for food and medicine. Piñon nuts and seeds from Indian rice grass probably topped the list of wild plant foods.¹³
Spain’s Livestock Tradition
Picture Spain as the constriction point on a gigantic hourglass. By the time of Columbus’s voyages, virtually every crop plant and farm animal in the nontropical Old World had funneled into the peninsula over the millennia from distant lands where they originally had been gathered or captured from the wild and transformed for solely human use. In 1492 all were being raised or grown somewhere on Spanish soil, though none had originally been domesticated there. Once they reached the shores of Mexico, the Old World livestock