The Fights on the Little Horn Companion: Gordon Harper's Full Appendices and Bibliography

By Gordon Harper

A treasury of sources and supplemental information for readers of the award-winning history The Fights on the Little Horn.
 
This volume collects and lists books, booklets, pamphlets, manuscripts, personal and family papers, newspapers, magazines, periodicals, correspondence, interviews, military and historical journals, military and government reports, and more used by Gordon Harper, author of The Fights on the Little Horn, in his extraordinary years-long research into Custer’s Last Stand.
 
As a companion volume to that book, or a resource for anyone interested in the history of the American West, it is a valuable and comprehensive guide.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Casemate Publishers
• Release date: Jun 20, 2014
• ISBN: 9781612002804

Book preview

CAMPAIGN ORDERS

[CN] 1.1

[CT] THE ORDER FOR THE RENO SCOUT

The following is the Special Field Order for the Reno Scout to the Tongue River. This is the order that Reno disobeyed by marching to the Rosebud, disobedience which gave rise to much comment at the time but was of little actual importance as it turned out. The details of the scout itself are covered in some detail in the body of the text.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT

(In the Field)                         Camp on Powder River, June 10, 1876.

SPECIAL FIELD ORDERS NO. 11

1. The Quartermaster of the expedition is hereby ordered to purchase, for public use, two Mackinac boats, at a price not to exceed twenty-five dollars apiece.

2. Major M. A. Reno, 7th Cavalry, with six companies (the right wing) of his regiment, and one gun from the Gatling battery, will proceed, at the earliest practicable moment, to make a reconnaissance of the Powder River from the present camp to the mouth of the Little Powder. From the last-named point he will cross to the head waters of Mizpah Creek, and descend that creek to its junction with Powder River; thence he will cross the Pumpkin Creek and Tongue River, and descend the Tongue to its junction with the Yellowstone - where he may expect to meet the remaining companies of the 7th Cavalry and supplies of subsistence and forage.

Major Reno’s command will be supplied with subsistence for twelve days, and with forage for the same period, at the rate of two pounds of grain per day for each animal.

The guide, Mitch Boyer, and eight Indian Scouts, to be detailed by Lieutenant Colonel Custer, will report to Major Reno for duty with his column.

Acting Assistant Surgeon J.E. Porter is detailed for duty with Major Reno.

By Command of Brigadier General Terry:

ED. W. SMITH,

Captain 18th Infantry, A.D.C.,

Acting Assistant Adjutant General

Note the misidentification of the medical officer, Henry R. Porter, whom Smith apparently confused with Lieutenant James E. Porter of Company I, 7th Cavalry. Getting names wrong seemed to be a fairly common failing during the era, especially on the frontier. It does little to help the historian. Note also that this order is often taken to be order number two, although it was actually number eleven. This confusion apparently arose from someone mistaking the Roman numerals for two – (II) – for the Arabic number eleven and others picking up the error; although perhaps they simply gave the sub part number to the whole. It can readily be seen that the order to Custer ten days later is numbered fifteen, giving us a reliable check on the numbering employed and intended.

The boats mentioned belonged to George Herendeen, who had accompanied Gibbon’s column, but who was subsequently hired to accompany Custer.

It is an interesting exercise to compare the wording of all of the orders headed as such, and which appear in this appendix exactly as issued by General Terry’s headquarters, with the letter of instructions issued to Lieutenant Colonel Custer on the 22nd of June.

[CN] 1.2

[CT] THE ORDER ESTABLISHING THE COMMAND STRUCTURE OF THE DAKOTA COLUMN

The following is the official order establishing that General Terry would indeed command the Dakota Column in person.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF DAKOTA

In the Field Camp

near Fort Abraham Lincoln, D.T.

May 14, 1876

GENERAL FIELD-ORDERS NO. 1.

The Department Commander hereby assumes, in person, the command of the force organized for field operations.

The following named officers will act upon the staff:

Captain E.W. Smith, 18th Infantry, Acting Assistant Adjutant General.

Assistant Surgeon J.W. Williams, Chief Medical Officer.

Captain O.E. Michaelis, Ordnance Officer

1st Lieutenant H.J. Nowland, [sic] 7th Cavalry, Quartermaster

1st Lieutenant Edward Maguire, Corps of Engineers

Lieutenant Nowlan will discharge his duties upon the staff of the Department Commander in addition to those of Regimental Quartermaster.

The Indian Scouts will report to Lieutenant Colonel Custer, 7th Cavalry, for duty with his regiment. All interpreters, guides and other civil employees in the pay of the Quartermaster’s Department will report to Lieutenant H.J. Nowlan, Quartermaster of the force in the field, to be by him assigned to duty under direction of the Department Commander.

By Command of Brigadier General Terry

ED. W. SMITH, 18th Infantry,

Acting Assistant Adjutant General

[CN] 1.3

[CT] THE ORDER TO CUSTER TO MOVE THE 7TH CAVALRY TO THE ROSEBUD

The following is the order issued to Lieutenant Colonel Custer to move the portion of his regiment then under his command to join the balance (which had just completed the scout under Reno), and march the whole to the mouth of the Rosebud. Note the labeling and wording.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF DAKOTA

In the Field, Camp at mouth of Tongue River

June 20, 1876

SPECIAL FIELD ORDERS NO. 15

Lieutenant-Colonel Custer, Commanding 7th Cavalry, will proceed without unnecessary delay, with the Headquarters and six companies of his regiment, the Indian Scouts, and the Gatling battery now at this camp, to the point occupied by the camp of Major Reno’s command, where he will assume command of the force there assembled, and to-morrow proceed with it to the mouth of Rosebud River, where he will await for further orders.

By command of Brigadier General Terry.

ED. W. SMITH

Captain, 18th Infantry, A.D.C.

Acting Assistant Adjutant General

[CN] 1.4

[CT] THE LETTER OF INSTRUCTIONS TO LIEUTENANT COLONEL CUSTER ISSUED BY GENERAL TERRY ON JUNE 22, 1876

The document reproduced here is the famous last order to Custer - the order he is said to have disobeyed. All of it and portions of it are reproduced throughout the narrative and several other appendices, since it does play such a prominent role in discussions of the march and the fights; but it certainly requires inclusion in this section. No commentary is necessary here - there is sufficient of that in other places in this work - but I would simply draw the reader’s attention to the very real and readily apparent difference in the labeling and wording of this (supposedly the most important) order with those of the previous orders reproduced in this appendix.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF DAKOTA

In the Field)

Camp at Mouth of Rosebud River,

Montana, June 22nd, 1876.

Lieut. Col. G. A. Custer, 7th Cavalry.

Colonel:

The Brigadier-General Commanding directs that, as soon as your regiment can be made ready for the march, you will proceed up the Rosebud in pursuit of the Indians whose trail was discovered by Major Reno a few days since. It is, of course, impossible to give you any definite instructions in regard to this movement, and were it not impossible to do so, the Department Commander places too much confidence in your zeal, energy, and ability to wish to impose upon you precise orders which might hamper your action when nearly in contact with the enemy. He will however, indicate to you his own views of what your action should be, and he desires that you should conform to them unless you shall see sufficient reason for departing from them. He thinks that you should proceed up the Rosebud until you ascertain definitely the direction in which the trail above spoken of leads. Should it be found (as it appears almost certain that it will be found) to turn towards the Little Horn, he thinks that you should still proceed southward, perhaps as far as the headwaters of the Tongue, and then turn towards the Little Horn, feeling constantly, however, to your left, so as to preclude the escape of the Indians by passing around your left flank.

The column of Colonel Gibbon is now in motion for the mouth of the Big Horn. As soon as it reaches that point it will cross the Yellowstone and move up as far as the forks of the Big and Little Horns. Of course its future movements must be controlled by circumstances as they arise, but it is hoped that the Indians, if upon the Little Horn, may be so nearly inclosed by the two columns that their escape will be impossible. The Department Commander desires that on your way up the Rosebud you should thoroughly examine the upper part of Tullock’s Creek, and that you should endeavor to send a scout through to Colonel Gibbon’s Column, with information of the results of your examination. The lower part of the creek will be examined by a detachment from Colonel Gibbon’s command.

The supply steamer will be pushed up the Big Horn as far as the forks if the river is found to be navigable for that distance, and the Department Commander, who will accompany the Column of Colonel Gibbon, desires you to report to him there not later than the expiration of the time for which your troops are rationed, unless in the meantime you receive further orders.

Very Respectfully

Your Obedient Servant,

ED. W. SMITH, Captain, 18th Infantry

Acting Assistant Adjutant General

[PT] CAMPAIGN CORRESPONDENCE

[CN] 2.1

[CT] FREDERICK WILLIAM BENTEEN: A LETTER TO HIS WIFE, JULY 4, 1876

Captain Frederick William Benteen was one of the principal players in the controversy which naturally and unnaturally sprang up after the Custer disaster. Although many historians like to claim that the controversy did not arise until later and that, therefore, early correspondence on the fights should be reliable, historically, the fact of the matter is that those who had a particular axe to grind made sure that they had an early seat at the sharpening wheel. Among those was the redoubtable Captain Benteen, who grasped every opportunity that was afforded him to cast aspersions upon the reputation of his late commander.

Unfortunately for the good captain, he got so tangled up in his stories that he couldn’t quite keep straight what he had told to whom. The result was that he proved to be inconsistent in his evidence. A good example exists in this, one of several letters he wrote to his wife after the fights. The reader will note the reference to a letter of yesterday, being 3 July 1876. This latter seems to have been lost to history, but another - written in installments is reproduced elsewhere in this appendix. It is evident, then, that Benteen wrote letters to his wife on July 2nd, as part of the installment letter, on July 3rd and on July 4th. He must have developed a severe case of writer’s cramp!

In any event, it is necessary to recall that Benteen was the source for the mileage figures quoted by General Terry in his I owe it to myself report, which figures were highly inflated as to the last part of the march up the Rosebud - obviously with the express purpose of showing Custer’s alleged haste in attacking before Gibbon could get into position. In this letter of 4 July, Benteen gives entirely different mileage figures to his wife, figures which are much lower than those he gave Terry and which are closer to the actual mileages involved.

Benteen, knowing full well that all correspondence had a very good chance of making the newspapers, took the opportunity of echoing Terry’s criticisms of Custer (to which he had already contributed) categorically accusing him of disobedience of orders. He also misses no chance to laud his own performance.

The letter is reproduced here in its entirety, omitting only those parts which were illegible. Nothing of historical importance is thus lost; the personal parts are included.

July 4th 1876. Montana Camp 7th Cavalry.

Yellowstone River,

Opposite mouth of Big Horn River

My Trabbie darling.

I wrote you hastily yesterday, to get it off on Steamer Far West, which boat steamed off at 11 o’clock A.M. as intended. … I acknowledged the receipt of your 4 letters, the 5th one hasn’t come as yet, but, perhaps you meant that five had been written in all. I had just commenced this one to have it in readiness for an opportunity to send, when a courier or orderly comes around with a circular, announcing that a mail leaves at 6 P.M. to-day, so, I shall be in readiness this time, and have an opportunity of collecting my thoughts. I will commence this letter by sending (a copy of) the last lines Cooke ever wrote, which was an order to me to this effect

Benteen, Come on, Big Village,

Be Quick, bring packs,

P.S. Bring pac_s (He left out the k in last packs)

I have the original, but it is badly torn and it should be preserved - so keep this letter - as the matter may be of interest hereafter, likewise of value…This note was brought back to me by Trumpeter Martin, of my Co. (which fact saved his life). When I received it, I was five or six miles from the village or perhaps more, and the packs at least that distance in my rear. I did not go back for the packs, but kept on a stiff trot for the village, when getting on top of hill so that the village could be seen - I saw an immense number of indians on the plain - mounted of course and charging down on some dismounted men of Reno’s command; the balance of R’s command were mounted, and flying for dear life to the bluffs on the same side of river that I was. I then marched my 3 Co.s to them - and a more delighted lot of folks you never saw. To commence on the 22nd of June - Custer, with the 7th Cavalry left the Steamer Far West, Genl. Terry …, Genl. Gibbon’s command (which latter was then in on the side of river and in same camp in which we now are) and - moved up the Rosebud, marching 12 miles. The next day we marched 35 miles up the same stream. The next day - we marched 35 miles up same stream, and went into bivouac, remaining until 12 o’clock P.M. We then marched until about daylight, making about 10 miles, about half past five we started again - and after going 6 or 7 miles we halted and officers’ call was sounded. We were asked how many men of the companies were with the Co. Packs and instructed that only six could march with them and the discourse wound up with - that we should see that the men were supplied with the quantity of ammunition as had been specified in orders, and that the 1st that reported itself in readiness should be the advance Co. I knew that my Co. was in the desired condition and it being near the position of assembly, I went to it, reassured myself of same, then announced to Genl. Custer that H Co. was ready. He replied, the advance is yours Col. Benteen. We then moved four or five miles and halted between the slopes of two hills - and the regt. was divided into Battalions - Reno getting Co’s. A, G and M. I getting D, H, K. From this point I was ordered with my Battalion to go over the immense hills to the left, in search of the valley, which was supposed to be very near by, and to pitch into anything I came across - and to inform Custer at once if I found anything worthy of same. Well, I suppose I went up and down those hills for 10 miles - and still no valley anywhere in sight. The horses were fast giving out from steady climbing and as my orders had been fulfilled, I struck diagonally for the trail the command had marched on, getting to it just before the Pack train got there - or on the trail just ahead of it. I then marched rapidly and after about 6 or 7 miles came upon a burning tepee - in which was the body of an indian on a scaffold, arrayed gorgeously. None of the command was in sight at this time. The ground from this to the valley was descending - but very rough. I kept up my trot, and when I reached a point very near the ford which was crossed by Reno’s Battalion, I got my first sight of the valley and river - and Reno’s command in full flight for the bluffs to the side I was then on. Of course I joined them at once. The ground which Reno charged on was a plain 5 or 6 miles or 10 miles long and about one mile or more wide. Custer sent him in there - and promised to support him. After Reno started in, Custer with his five Co’s. instead of crossing the ford went to the right around some high bluffs - with the intention - as is supposed - of striking the rear of the village; from the bluffs on which he got he had his first glimpse of the whole of it - and I can tell you ‘twas an immense one. From that point, Cooke sent the note to me by Martin, which I have quoted on 1st page. I suppose after the five Co’s. had closed up somewhat Custer started down for the village, all throats bursting them selves with cheering; (so says Martin). He had 3 or 4 miles to go before he got to a ford - as the village was on the plain, on opposite side to Custer’s column. So, when he got over those 4 miles of rough country and reached the ford, the indians had availed themselves of the timely information given by the cheering - as to the whereabouts and intentions of that column, and had arrangements completed to receive it. Whether the indians allowed Custer’s column to cross at all, is a mooted question but, I am of the opinion that nearly - if not all of the five companies got into the village - but were driven out immediately - flying in great disorder and crossing by two, instead of the one ford by which they entered. E Co. going by the left - F. I. and L by the same one they crossed. What became of C Co. no one knows - they must have charged there below the village, gotten away - or have been killed in the bluffs on the village side of the stream - as very few of C Co. horses are found. Jack Sturgis’ and Porter’s clothes were found in the village. After the indians had driven them across it was a regular buffalo hunt for them - and not a man escaped. We buried 208 of the bodies of Custer’s command the 2d day after fight. The bodies were as recognizable as if they were in life. With Custer was Keogh, Yates and Tom Custer (3 capts.) 1st Lieuts. Cooke, A.E. Smith, Porter, Calhoun 4, 2d Lieuts. Harrington, Sturgis, Riley and Crittenden, (J.J. of 20th Inf.) Asst. Surgeon Lord was along - but his body was not recognized. Neither was Porter’s nor Sturgis’ nor Harrington‘s.

McIntosh and Hodgson were killed at Reno’s end of line - in attempting to get back to bluffs. De Rudio was supposed to have been lost - but the same night the indians left with their village - he came sauntering in dismounted accompanied by McIntosh’s cook. They had laid hidden away in the woods. He has a thrilling romantic story - made out already - embellished? You bet! The stories of O’Neill (the man who was with him) and De R’s of course couldn’t be expected to agree, but - far more of truth, I am inclined to think, will be found in the narrative of O’Neill, at any rate it is not at all colored and he is a cool, level headed fellow - and tells it plainly and the same way all the time - which is a big thing towards convincing one of the truth of a story.

I must now tell you what we did. When I joined Reno’s command we halted for the Packs to come up - and then moved along the line of bluffs towards the direction Custer was supposed to have gone in. Weir’s Co. was sent out to communicate with Custer but it was driven back We then showed our full force on the hills with guidons flying, that Custer might see us - but we could see nothing of him and couldn’t hear much firing, but could see an immense body of Indians coming to attack us, from both sides of the river. We withdrew to a saucer like hill, putting our horses and Packs in the bottom of saucer and threw all of our force dismounted around this corral: the animals could be riddled from only one point - but we had not men enough to extend our line to that - so we could not get it and therefore the indians amused themselves by shooting at our stock, ditto, men - but the men could cover themselves. Both of my horses (U.S. horses) were wounded. Well they pounded at us all of what was left of the 1st day and the whole of the 2d day - withdrawing their line with the withdrawal of their village - which was at dusk the 2d day. Corporal Loll, Meador and Jones were killed. Sergt. Pahl, both of the Bishops, Phillips, Windolph, Black, Sievers, Cooper etc. (21 alto. wounded). I got a slight scratch on my right thumb - which as you see doesn’t prevent me from writing you this long scrawl - and as this goes via Fort Ellis, it will be a long time in reaching you. Gen’l. Terry, with Gen’l. Gibbon’s command, came up the morning of the 3d day, about 10 o’clock. Indians had all gone the night before. Had Custer carried out the orders he got from Gen’l. Terry - the commands would have formed a junction exactly at the village and have captured the whole outfit of tepees etc. and probably any quantity of Squaws, Papooses, etc. etc. but Custer disobeyed orders from the fact of not wanting any other command or body to have a finger in the pie - and therefore lost his life. (3000 warriors were there) to read margin turn to page 1.

I told you in my letter of Yesterday that I had sent a pony, a nice little bay pony, down on the Far West - by Grant Marsh, for Fred. Grant Marsh wanted to bring you and Fred up here this trip but, on the whole, I guess you had better not come - ‘tis too dangerous a business for you. The name of the Lodge to which I belong is Saint Louis Lodge, No.5 I.O.O.F., and the Encampment is Wildey Encampment, both of St. Louis. I am anxious to hear from both of them.

Any communication addressed to the….of Saint Louis Lodge, No.5 I.O.O.F. or to the … of Wildey Encampment I.O.O.F. - both of St. Louis - will be gotten all right. If you have an opportunity of sending my papers by some boat that is coming directly to us send them, otherwise, do not. Boston Custer, Young Mr. Reed, a nephew of Gen’l. Custer, were killed: also, Kellogg, the reporter. I am very much obliged for the remembrances of Mr…. and Mrs…. — return mine to them with interest, also to all the other good people of the garrison. I am glad to know that trumpet did not sound alarm often.

There was nothing about our game that … at the store but that I owed … $20. which I gave him. …

This is a long scrawl but not much in it after all - and I am about getting to the end of my tether. Reno has assumed command - and Wallace is Adjutant, Edgerly Qr Mr. By the death of our Captains, Nowlan, Bell and Jackson, 3 Coffee-Coolers are made Captains and Godfrey is Senior 1st Lt. Mathey 2d Gibson 3d. quick promotion. I am inclined to think that had McIntosh divested himself of that slow poking way which was his peculiar characteristic, he might have been still in the land of the living. A Crow indian, one of our scouts who … in the village, reported that our men killed a great many of them - quite as many - if not more than was killed of ours. The indians during the night got to fighting among themselves and killed each other - so the Crow says - he also said as soon as he got possession of a Sioux blanket, he felt all right - as there was such a collection of indians, many of them wholly unacquainted, that not the slightest attention was paid to him. There was among them Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Kiowas and representatives probably from every Agency on the Missouri. A host of them there sure.

Well - Wifey, Darling. I think this will do for a letter, so - with oceans of love to you and Fred and kisses inumerable, I am Devotedly - Your Husband. Fred Benteen.

[PS] The latest and probably correct account of the battle is that none of Custer’s command got into the village at all. We may not be back before winter. Think so very strongly.

[CN] 2.2

[CT] FREDERICK BENTEEN: A LETTER TO HIS WIFE, WRITTEN IN DATED INSTALLMENTS, COMMENCING JULY 2, 1876

Captain Frederick Benteen was one of the most prolific writers on the subject of the fights on the Little Horn among all the survivors of that action and yet he had virtually nothing published over his own name. Almost everything he wrote was in the form of letters or manuscripts which were designed to influence the opinions of others while keeping him out of the picture - except in a flattering light. Even his correspondence to his wife appears to have been self-aggrandizing and deliberately misleading. Benteen seemed to have been positively incapable of saying anything good about anyone except himself and he invariably stretched the truth to deliberately show himself to the best possible advantage.

While his letters certainly give some interesting background as to life in the field - and illustrate his personal propensity for taking things as easy as possible - they are so severe in dealing with his brother officers that virtually everything he says must be taken with a grain of salt.

This particular letter was written in dated installments over a four-week period—July 2–1876—and consists of eight pages of typical Benteen communications, i.e. a little bit of self-serving puffery, a few adverse comments about his confreres, and, of course, as much damning of Custer’s reputation as he can squeeze in. The more one reads Benteen, the more it becomes obvious that he thinks or hopes that all of his correspondence will eventually get into the public domain.

A full discussion of Benteen and his writings is given elsewhere, so the installment letter is reproduced here in its entirety without commentary.

Str. Far West

Mouth of Big Horn & Yellowstone

July 2, 1876

My darling Wife -

We have just arrived at this point, marching from the indian village. On the 25th of June, last Sunday, week, Genl. Custer divided the 7th Cay. into 3 Battn’s. - about 15 miles from an indian village, the whereabouts of which he did not know exactly. I was ordered with 3 Co’s., D, H, & K, to go to the left for the purpose of hunting for the valley of the river - indian camp - or anything I could find. I found nothing, and after marching 10 miles or so in pursuit of the same, determined to return to Custer’s trail. Reno had 3 Co’s. (A, G, M.)

When Custer arrived in sight of indians, he ordered Reno to charge - and promised to support him. R. did so - but Custer went a long way off to the right, behind the bluffs - intending to attack the village at the opposite end to R. the result of which was - that Custer, Keogh, Yates, Tom Custer, Cook, Porter, Calhoun, Sturgis, Harrington, Riley, J.J. Crittenden, & A.E. Smith & Dr. Lord were killed and with them every man of the 5 Co’s. who were along. Reno with his 3 Co’s. was driven to the bluffs, & I with mine arrived just in time to save them & mine. Tom McDougall, who was back with his Co., in charge of the pack train, got up with us all right. We endeavored to go where Custer had gone, not seeing or hearing from him however, but we could not do it and had to fall back to a ravine or series of depressions in ground where we corralled our packs, and kept them off nicely - the next day they came at us more fiercely - but could do nothing with us save shoot the animals - and kill a few men - the 3d day Genls. Terry & Gibbon came up - but the indians struck their village & left the night before. There was 5000 of them - So Genl. Sheridan telegraphs Genl. Terry

Str. Far West July 23d 1876

Mouth of Yellowstone & Rosebud

My Darling Wife:

The Steamer is now taking on wood, at the camp, where one month ago, yesterday, Genl. Custer cut loose from Genl. Terry - and started up the Rosebud. We started out in Grand Galore, Genls. Terry, Gibbon & Brisbin (Maj. 2nd Cav.) and their staffs, witnessing the Review, which passed them in column of fours, guidons flying, trumpets sounding the March &c. Custer remained until the column passed. Little did he think, that in 3 more days five full companies of that gallant command - along with himself - would be totally annihilated - not one of them left to tell the story! But! ‘twas so ordained. It was at this point he issued the order breaking up Wings & Battalions. We are now bound up the river to the command - which is below the mouth of the Big Horn, Gibbon, Comdg. Our trip up has been thus far pleasant and uneventful. I have fully recovered - and feel first rate - tho’ I think should feel much better were this Str. heading for Rice.

July 24, 76

We cached (i.e. hid) 65 tons of freight on the bank today on account of fearing that there wasn’t water enough in the river, but I think they are of the opinion, now, that the proceeding wasn’t at all necessary. Met two companies of 2d Cay. with 2 Gatling guns under Lieut. Low, the Dtchmt under command of Capt. Wheelan, of 2d (crossed sabers) who thought they were about 50 miles from command: they were simply scouting around. Wheelan informed us that Capt. Thompson, of his Regt. had blown his brains out in camp - cause, sickness, whisky etc. Wheelan, by the by, told me some time ago soon after our fight - that he met my father in St. Louis at the Cav. Barracks, was introduced to him by Genl. Sturgis; Queer, isn’t it? In one month more - today - I shall be XLII (Five & Forty cts)! The Bulk! I hope you have thought to have the newspapers of the post which contained references to our Expedition preserved for me- as we will not see many of those articles. I have Winsburg & the mare & Cuff aboard the Str. Thought it best to bring them up so: Cuff would liked to have gone down - but I thought probably ‘twould be better to keep the horses up here.

Lieut. Walker of 17th showed me a portion of a letter from his wife - in which she stated that they had a rumor down there that Moylan, Gibson & DeRudio showed the white feather in fight of 25th; the same rumor prevailed thro’ the camp on Powder river: Moylan heard of it and threatened vengeance dire on the perpetrator of the rumor. I think had DeR., made as good use of his eyes as 15 or 20 of the men did he would have gotten out as they did - and neither M. nor G. exhibited any great degree of activity - according to my light, probably others - the men, may have seen it so and such things fly fast. Long ere this you will have gotten my long letter, by Josephine, and I suppose you have answered as lengthily by the boats coming up with 5th and 22d Infty. Tell Fred I shall expect to have him read me some nice little stories by the time I get back; he must learn to ride his pony, but that must be kept for amusement after his studying is done. I have told you how the pay accts. left with you could be used - one being made out for July - the other can be used for any number of months on one. I will quit this now - as I have nothing I can think of to say - So - until then, will leave another page.

July 25 - 1876.

Str. Far West 12:30 P.M.

My Trabbie Darling,

Just one month ago - today - at just about this time of day, Genl. Custer and his command commenced the attack on the indian village - one short half hour finished I think - that five Co’s. One would think that but a short space of time to dispatch so large a number of men, but when the immense number of indians attacked is taken into consideration, and the fact that the cavalry was probably thrown into a panic at the 1st check received - and gotten in just the condition that indians would get a herd of buffalo, suiting their peculiar mode exactly, it is not so very surprising.

I had a queer dream of Col. Keogh the night before last, ‘twas, that he would insist upon undressing in the room in which you were. I had to give him a dressing to cure him of the fancy. I rarely ever thought of the man - and ‘tis queer I should have dreamt of him. We are steaming along very slowly - and ‘twill probably take us until tomorrow about this time, to reach camp at Big Horn. I don’t think ‘tis at all settled that the site of the depot will be at that point - as it cannot - perhaps - be supplied by boats.

Steamer Far West Sunday July 30, 1876

Yellowstone, opposite Rosebud

My Darling Wife,

We arrived at this point today - marching from the Big Horn. The weather has been hot enough to cook eggs without other fire than the sun furnished. I can tell you it has been terrific.

Grant Marsh has just told me that the boat was going down to Powder River for the grain that was left there by us - and he wants me to go down with him. I should like very much to do so, but there are so many things to do around the company that I can illy afford to be absent at this time.

My last letter was sent via Fort Ellis - it will take sometime to get around by that route - if it gets at all - which is exceedingly doubtful. It is a matter of speculation whether we shall…..the indians on other side of Yellowstone. I believe Genl. Crook is impressed with the belief that they are being reinforced from the Agencies - and other officers think we shall find them. I am of the opinion that as soon as we cross to the South side they will come to the N. side, for on this side is all the game, - i.e. buffalo. I cannot think that such an immense body of indians can have been kept together for so long a period - and can be held in a country where small game, such as Elk, deer & Antelope is about all they can find.

Sergt. McLaughlin’s time is out tomorrow. I don’t suppose he will care to re-enlist. Were I in his place I should not. He will have to remain until a boat goes down. There isn’t the slightest thing new going on - I am well. I haven’t had an opportunity of answering Dr. Taylor’s letter as yet, but shall do so. Remember me kindly to everybody. Oceans of kisses & love to you & Fred.

Devotedly - your husband

Fred Benteen

[CN] 2.3

[CT] JAMES H. BRADLEY: A LETTER TO THE HELENA HERALD, PUBLISHED JULY 25, 1876

First Lieutenant James H. Bradley, of the 7th Infantry, was the Chief of Scouts for Gibbon’s column and has been mentioned several times throughout the narrative portion of this work. It was Bradley who first discovered the large Indian encampment [duly reported to Gibbon, who failed to act] and Bradley’s scout detail which found the first indications of the extent of the Custer disaster. Bradley kept a meticulously detailed journal of the campaign, but was killed [at the Battle of the Big Hole in 1877] before he could complete his writings.

The first accounts of the Custer fight were sketchy, but they were quickly followed by lurid and sensational stories of mass mutilation and skimpy burials - which stories were a decided source of concern for the families of the dead and for the military authorities as well. Bradley tried to dispel the effects of these stories by writing to the Helena Herald to give a first-hand account of the discovery and condition of the bodies. The mutilations and burials are discussed at length in Appendix 5.8, and Discussions 5 & 6. It is sufficient to note here that Bradley’s version, although at variance with many other accounts, has been widely accepted and quoted, especially as it refers to Custer himself. My personal opinion is that Bradley’s letter was carefully calculated to give some measure of solace to the families and friends of the victims and particularly to Mrs. Custer, but that the mutilations were far more widespread than Bradley chose to say.

Helena, M.T.

July 25, 1876.

To the Editor of the Herald,

In the presence of so great a disaster as that which overtook the regular troops on the Little Horn, and the consequent excited state of the public mind, and its eagerness to get hold of every detail, however minute, of that unfortunate affair, it is to be expected that many stories of a sensational character, having no foundation in truth, would obtain with the public. Of such character is that now going the rounds of the press to the effect that the Sioux had removed Custer’s heart from his body and danced around it, a story related upon the authority of one Rain-in-the-Face, a Sioux Chief, who participated in the fight and afterwards returned to his agency. Of the same character, also, is the sweeping statement as to the general shocking mutilation of the bodies of the soldiers who fell on that occasion. The bare truth is painful enough to the relatives and friends of these unfortunate men without the cruel and gratuitous exaggeration of their grief that must come from the belief that they had been horribly mutilated after death. It, therefore, seems to me worth while that these stories should receive emphatic contradiction, and being in a position to make such a denial, I address you this letter with that object.

In my capacity as commandant of the Scouts accompanying General Gibbon’s column, I was usually in the advance in all his movements, and chanced to be upon the morning of the 27th of June, when the column was moving upon the supposed Indian village in the Little Horn Valley. I was scouting the hills some two or three miles to the left of the column upon the opposite bank of the river from that traversed by the column itself, when the body of a horse attracted our attention to the field of Custer’s fight, and hastening in that direction the appalling sight was revealed to us of his entire command in the embrace of death. This was the first discovery of the field, and the first hasty count made of the slain, resulting in the finding of 197 bodies reported to General Terry. Later in the day I was sent to guide Colonel Benteen of the 7th Cavalry to the field, and was a witness of his recognition of the remains of Custer. Two other officers of that regiment were also present and they could not be mistaken, and the body so identified was wholly unmutilated. Even the wounds that caused his death were scarcely discoverable (though the body was entirely naked), so much so that when I afterwards asked the gentlemen whom I had accompanied whether they had observed his wounds, they were forced to say that they had not.

Probably never did hero who had fallen upon the field of battle appear so much to have died a natural death. His expression was rather that of a man who had fallen asleep and enjoyed peaceful dreams, than one who had met his death amid such fearful scenes as that field had witnessed, the features being wholly without ghastliness or any impress of fear, horror or despair. He had died as he lived, a hero, and excited the remark from those who had known him and saw him there, ‘You could almost imagine him standing before you.’ Such was Custer at the time of his burial on the 28th of June, three days after the fight in which he had fallen, and I hope this assurance will dispose of the horrible tale of the mutilation and desecration of his remains.

Of the 206 bodies buried on the field, there were very few that I did not see, and beyond scalping, in possibly a majority of cases, there was little mutilation. Many of the bodies were not even scalped, and in the comparatively few cases of disfiguration, it appeared to me the result rather of a blow with a knife, hatchet, or war club to finish a wounded man, than deliberate mutilation. Many of Custer’s men must have been disabled with wounds during the fight, and when the savages gained possession of the field, such would probably be mainly killed in the manner indicated. The bodies were nearly all stripped, but it is an error to say that Kellogg, the correspondent, was the only one that escaped this treatment. I saw several entirely clothed, half a dozen at least, who, with Kellogg, appeared to owe this immunity to the fact that they had fallen some distance from the field of battle, so that the Indians had not cared to go to them, or had overlooked them when the plundering took place.

The real mutilation occurred in the case of Reno’s men, who had fallen near the village. These had been visited by the squaws and children and in some instances the bodies were frightfully butchered. Custer’s field was some distance from the village and appears not to have been visited by these hags, which probably explains the exemption from mutilation of those who had fallen there.

Yours truly,

James H. Bradley,

1st Lieut. 7th Inft.

[CN] 2.4

[CT] WALTER CAMP AND THE KANIPE LETTERS

During his researches in the early 1900s, Walter Camp corresponded with many persons connected with, or having information about, the fights on the Little Horn. The following reproduced letters are part of his correspondence with Daniel Knipe and they are given without commentary with only a minimal number of notes - except to say that they contain several points of interest, especially regarding Peter Thompson and other stragglers from Custer’s command. I have edited them to the extent of removing purely personal passages

New York

October 6, 1910

Grand Union Hotel

Friend Kanipe:

About two years ago I met Capt. Gibson and told him about Peter Thompson and Watson straggling back from Custer’s five companies at the Battle of Little Big Horn, and he said he would not believe it because Richard P. Hanley had worked for him in the street sweeping department of New York City for eight years, and he and Hanley had often talked over the battle and Hanley had never told him about Thompson. Gibson said that if Thompson had ever had such experience Hanley would surely know about it and would surely have told Gibson about It.

Hanley left Gibson in 1902, and Gibson told me that Hanley had died about 1906. For this reason I had supposed all along that Hanley was dead.

About two weeks ago I learned that Hanley had been retired as a sergeant in 1892, and I at once wrote to the Adjutant General in Washington to get the exact date of Hanley’s death.

I was surprised to get a reply that Hanley was still in the flesh, at 23 Green Street, Boston, and so when I came here I arranged to come by way of Boston and wrote Hanley in advance that I would like to see him.

I met Hanley night before last, in Boston, and had a talk with him 3 1/2 hours [refer to B5.92]. He is a jolly nice fellow to meet and was tickled to see me and hear about you and the rest of the old veterans whom I have seen.

Hanley is 68 years old, but looks as though he had taken good care of himself. He is taller than you and stouter - a very large man. He has never been married.

After he left Gibson, here in New York, he went to California to blow in $2000, as he said; and he lives in one place until he gets tired and then moves to another. Next week he is going to move to New York.

Well, Hanley told me a whole lot about the battle of Little Big Horn, and he said some nice things about you and Peter Thompson. He seemed to take quite a fancy to Thompson and said he was a very reliable man.

Of course, I was interested to have him tell me about Thompson, without my telling him what I already knew, so I began by asking him to name the men who were with the packs on June 25, 1876. He named them over, one after another, but said nothing about Thompson. I asked him if there was not a man named Thompson with the packs and he said no. He then went on to tell me that Thompson, Brennan and John Fitzgerald had not been with the packs, but had straggled back from Custer and the 5 companies. Watson, he could not remember.

Of course this was all very satisfactory to me, and I asked him why he had never told Capt. Gibson about the matter. He laughed and said that enlisted men were not in the habit of telling officers everything they knew…..

Yesterday, I met Gen Chas. F. Roe, who was a lieutenant with Gibbon in 1876, and he asked me if I had ever heard that a dead cavalry soldier was found near the Rosebud, down near the Yellowstone, about a month after the battle of Little Big Horn. I told him that I had heard about him and could tell him the soldier’s name – Nathan Short of C Company, 7th Cavalry.

He said the incident was well authenticated and was much talked of at the time among Gibbon’s officers. He was much surprised to learn that none of the 7th Cavalry officers ever heard of this matter and that they will not believe that a dead soldier, with his carbine, was ever found there…

Yours truly, W. M. Camp

April 4, 1923

Box 72

Sergeant Daniel A. Kanipe

Marion, N.C.

My dear Mr. Kanipe:

I thank you for a copy of the Asheville Sunday Citizen of Jan. 14, containing your story of the battle of the Little Big Horn, sent me some weeks ago. The storey is well written and it gave me the first information I had of the death of Trumpeter Martin, who, as it seems, died in December. This leaves you the last of the living white men to see Custer alive, which is quite a distinction. …

Now I want to take up with you, for some further discussion Peter Thompson story of his experience on the afternoon of June 25, 1876, after he left his company because of his played-out horse. You know that neither you nor I could ever reconcile his story about seeing Gen. Custer in person down at the river a few minutes before Custer’s battle started up on the ridge.

Now a year ago last fall Peter Thompson was in Washington at the burial of the Unknown Soldier and Gen. Godfrey gave a dinner at the Army & Navy Club to a half dozen enlisted men who were survivors of the battle of the Little Big Horn. Among these was Thompson, and he told them his story of all that happened after he left Custer’s command, just as he told it to you and me on the battlefield. Godfrey and the rest of them did not believe him and told him so and Thompson took offense and left before the party broke up. However, it is a fact beyond dispute that Thompson was a straggler from Custer’s 5 companies, but all the things he tells of seeing can hardly be reconciled with known facts.

As I recall what you told me of Thompson, you saw him come up the slope from the river bottom, leading his horse, but did not see Watson with him. In all my investigations I have never yet found any one who ever heard Watson tell of being with Thompson that afternoon.

Now I have found a man of French’s company named Slaper, who enlisted with Watson in Cincinnati in 1875 and was discharged with him at Ft. Meade in 1880, and they were intimate friends whenever the two companies were thrown together.

Slaper says he remembers distinctly that on the evening of June 25, 1876, Watson came in with the rear guard, under McDougall, leading his horse, and explained that his horse had played out some distance back toward the Rosebud and that he had waited until the rear guard came along and then walked along with it leading his played-out horse. Slaper says Watson never at that, or any other time, ever told him of being with Thompson, although they often talked over together the events of the battle. He feels sure that if Watson ever had such a thrilling experience down at the river, opposite to the Indian village, as Thompson tells about, he would undoubtedly have told him something about it.

Now what do you think of this story of Slaper’s? You rode back and met McDougall somewhere near the water hole and then was with the rear guard until it reached the river, and if Watson was with the rear guard then I wonder if you would recall it?

John Mahoney, who was with the rear guard all day, or at least with the pack train all day, was the first to tell me that Watson was with Thompson; so the story of Slaper disagrees with that of Mahoney. If Watson fell back to the rear guard, being one of Mahoney own company, it would seem that Mahoney would have remembered the incident.

On the other hand, as Watson was of your own company, and you did not see him come in with Thompson, it does seem strange that you do not recall having learned how he came to be with the party on Reno Hill instead of with his company under Custer.

If I make myself clear, I wish you would write me the result of your deliberation over this matter after you have had time to think about it. Most of Thompson’s story is plausible to me, but there are some things about it that are difficult to understand.

Yours truly, W. M. Camp

March 30, 1926 Chicago

Mr. Daniel A. Kanipe, Marion, N. C.

Dear Friend:

I was pleased to get your letter before the holidays enclosing such a good photograph of yourself, and giving me the information that you had three sons in the big war. The fact that you put on the uniform of Uncle Sam, again, yourself, and sent so many of your family looks good for patriotism. …

After reading your letter I came to the conclusion that none of the scouts in the picture was Bloody Knife, and did not send the pictures to Peter Thompson. I am satisfied that it is no use to pursue that line of inquiry any further.

In regard to scouts, I have recently read something about Charlie Reynolds’ body or remains that does not seem likely to me, and I am going to tell it to you, for such comment as you may think it is worth. It is stated that when Reynolds’ body was found, down there in the flat, the head was gone that is, the Indians had cut off the head. Also, that a few years later some professor of the University of Michigan went out and took up the remains and buried them near Ann Arbor, Mich. I want to ask if you ever heard that Reynolds’ remains were taken east for burial.

Col. Wheeler, a retired officer of the 5th Cavalry, recently wrote me that, in the battle with the Cheyennes under Dull Knife, in November, 1876, a memorandum book was found in the village that had been carried by Sergt. Bobo, of C Company, 7th Cavalry, which the Cheyennes had probably got at the battle of the Little Big Horn, the June before. He says the names of all of C Company were in the book, and also the details that had been made the morning of June 25, 1876.

Col. Wheeler says this book was in a collection at Governor’s Island a number of years, but the whole collection of Indian relics and other things, including the book, was finally sold to a French artist, and the whole thing was lost by the sinking of a steamer on which the Frenchman was taking it to France. It struck me that this bit of history with reference to your first sergeant at the battle of the Little Big Horn might be of interest to you.

I keep adding something to my historical information of the West, from time to time, and expect to get out a pretty good complete history some day, but the publishing business is away up in the air these days.

Yours sincerely, W. M. Camp

[CN] 2.5

[CT] WALTER MASON CAMP: A LETTER TO CHARLES A. WOODRUFF, FEBRUARY 28, 1910

Walter Camp was definitely and demonstrably one of the best of the old-time Custer/Little Horn researchers, although, like most of them he tended to be end-selective in his methods and interviews. He came to believe very strongly in the accounts of Curley, the famous Crow scout - a belief that I do not share. To my mind, Camp’s own researches clearly illustrate that Curley was, at best, an inconsistent narrator and I think that the inconsistencies in the Curley stories renders them all virtually worthless - except perhaps for some geographical information.

Camp, as mentioned, held the opposite view and he believed that it was the other Crows who were the liars. He defended this viewpoint in the 1910 letter to Charles A. Woodruff which appears below. This letter was never finished, for some reason, but it clearly delineates Camp’s reasoning, which on the surface of it seems perfectly acceptable until one remembers that he does not address the inherent contradictions between Curley’s various accounts, dealing only with the differences between Curley and the other Crows.

Charles Woodruff was with Gibbon’s Montana Column, a Second Lieutenant in Company K 7th Infantry. During the campaign he served as Adjutant of the infantry battalion and was noted as being in command of one of the Gatling guns. Like many of the campaign participants, particularly those on the fringes of the Little Horn disaster, Woodruff maintained a life-long interest in the fight and its personalities. He also maintained a correspondence with many of the other participants and with some of the writers on the subject and was a minor contributor to the literature himself [refer to B5.157 & B5.578].

It should be noted that, at the time of the letter, Camp had already interviewed Curley extensively, in 1908 and 1909, and would again discuss the battle with him, in 1910 and 1913 [see Appendices 3.15/16 & refer to B4.80 & B5.71]. In the letter to Woodruff, Camp says that Curley’s accounts clearly indicate that Custer must have stopped in Medicine Tail Coulee for some time and since this coincides with what they, Camp and Woodruff believe occurred, Curley must therefore be telling the truth. This is a common failing among historians, no matter how well-intentioned they may be, to accept evidence as trustworthy solely because it dovetails with or confirms their already-formed opinions. And Camp also falls into another common trap - accepting one story because he disbelieves another. It is neither good sense nor good history to accept Curley’s account simply because White Man Runs Him might be mistaken or lying, or both. Both scouts’ stories might well be fallacious.

When Camp interviewed Curley later the same year (19 July) however, Curley stated flatly, in answer to specific questions, that Custer had not halted in Medicine Tail. This may partly account for Camp not finishing or sending the letter to Woodruff.

I have done some minor editing to Camp’s missive, but have not added any commentary.

… Referring to your long-time impression that Curley might have gotten all of his knowledge of the Custer fight from the hills east of the battlefield, I will say that Curley does tell of seeing something of the fight from this distance. He tells of looking back twice after leaving the scene of the conflict. He tells of so many things, however, that check up with the known facts, and throw light upon matters otherwise mysterious, that I have been willing to give him the benefit of the doubt if it cannot be proven by substantial testimony that he actually ran away before the fight started. …

I have already told you that Goes Ahead told me nothing that disputed Curley’s story in the least. Goes Ahead said that no one of the three Crows went as far as Medicine Tail Coulee, so could not have been with Custer’s command in that coulee, and that no one of the three saw or heard any part of Custer’s fight - says they turned back on the bluff and went southward too early to have seen any of Custer’s movements in the vicinity of Medicine Tail Coulee. He admits that they told Bradley’s Crows the next morning that Custer’s men were all being killed, but explains that after they saw Reno’s men being chased out of the valley and shot down as they ran, they concluded that all of the regiment would meet the same fate. He says that they had seen the full size of the village. …

Now White Man told me quite a different story, saying that Custer saw Reno’s battle from the bluffs (which is entirely preposterous) and that the three Crows then went as far as Medicine Tail Coulee with Custer and then were given permission to go back, etc. Goes Ahead statement not only disagrees with this but also says that Custer had gone out of sight behind the bluff quite some time before Reno’s fight began. Curley says that Reno’s fight started just as he and Bouyer got to the high point, which is almost