Changing gender roles and attitudes to family formation in Ireland

By Margret Fine-Davis

Recent decades have witnessed major changes in gender roles and family patterns, as well as a falling birth rate in Ireland and the rest of Europe. While the traditional family is now being replaced in many cases by new family forms, we do not know the reasons why people are making the choices they are and whether or not these choices are leading to greater well-being. While demographic research has attempted to explain the new trends in family formation and fertility, there has been little research on people's attitudes to family formation and having children. This book presents the results of the first major study to examine people's attitudes to family formation and childbearing in Ireland. Based on a nationwide representative sample of 1,404 men and women in the childbearing age group, the study was carried out against a backdrop of changing gender role attitudes and behaviour as well as significant demographic change.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Manchester University Press
• Release date: Sep 15, 2016
• ISBN: 9781526100689

Book preview

CHANGING GENDER ROLES AND ATTITUDES TO FAMILY FORMATION IN IRELAND

Image:logo is missing

IRISH SOCIETY

The Irish Society series provides a critical, interdisciplinary and in-depth analysis of Ireland that reveals the processes and forces shaping social, economic, cultural and political life, and their outcomes for communities and social groups. The books seek to understand the evolution of social, economic and spatial relations from a broad range of perspectives, and explore the challenges facing Irish society in the future given present conditions and policy instruments.

SERIES EDITOR

Rob Kitchin

ALREADY PUBLISHED

Ireland and the Freedom of Information Act Edited by Maura Adshead and Tom Felle

Public private partnerships in Ireland: Failed experiment or the way forward for the state?Rory Hearne

Migrations: Ireland in a global world Edited by Mary Gilmartin and Allen White

The economics of disability: Insights from Irish research Edited by John Cullinan, Seán Lyons and Brian Nolan

The domestic, moral and political economies of post-Celtic tiger Ireland: What rough beast? Kieran Keohane and Carmen Kuhling

Challenging times, challenging administration: The role of public administration in producing social justice in Ireland Chris McInerney

Corporate and white-collar crime in Ireland: A new architecture of regulatory enforcement Joe McGrath

Management and gender in higher education Pat O’Connor

Defining events: Power, resistance and identity in twenty-first-century Ireland Edited by Rosie Meade and Fiona Dukelow

CHANGING GENDER ROLES AND ATTITUDES TO FAMILY FORMATION IN IRELAND

Margret Fine-Davis

MANCHESTER UNIVERSITY PRESS

Copyright © Margret Fine-Davis 2016

The right of Margret Fine-Davis to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by her in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

Published by Manchester University Press

Altrincham Street, Manchester M1 7JA

www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data applied for

ISBN 978 0 719 09696 9 hardback

First published 2016

The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any external or third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.

Typeset by Out of House Publishing

Contents

List of figures

List of tables

Series editor’s foreword

Acknowledgements

1Changing gender roles and family formation: overview of key issues and previous research

2Method

3Attitudes to gender roles

4Family formation: attitudes and behaviour

5Attitudes to having children and childlessness

6People’s priorities and values

7Attitudes to social policies relevant to family formation

8Predictors of family status

9Predictors of ideal and expected family size

10The effect of family status on well-being

11Summary and discussion

Appendix

References

Index

Figures

3.1Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor I: Perceived Threat of Women’s Career Advancement (N = 1,404)

3.2Summary ‘agree’ responses by gender to items on Factor I: Perceived Threat of Women’s Career Advancement (N = 1,404)

3.3Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor II: Male Role Ambiguity (N = 1,404)

3.4Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor III: Support for Female Financial Independence (N = 1,404)

3.5Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor IV: Belief in Traditional Male Support and Protection (N = 1,404)

3.6Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor V: Perceived Male Reluctance to Share Housework (N = 1,404)

3.7Summary ‘agree’ responses by gender to items on Factor V: Perceived Male Reluctance to Share Housework (N = 1,404)

3.8Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor VI: Belief That Mothers Are Best Nurturers (N = 1,404)

3.9Perceived Threat of Women’s Career Advancement: means for significant interaction effect of gender and socio-economic status

3.10Perceived Male Reluctance to Share Housework: means for significant interaction effect between gender and presence of children

4.1Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor I: Belief in Marriage (N = 1,404)

4.2Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor II: Belief in Cohabitation (N = 1,404)

4.3Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor III: Perceived Negative Aspects of Marriage/Positive Aspects of Cohabitation (N = 1,404)

4.4Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor IV: Perceived Gender Differences in Being Single (N = 1,404)

4.5Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor V: Perceived Difficulty in Finding a Partner (N = 1,404)

4.6Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor VI: Ambivalence Towards Being Single (N = 1,404)

4.7Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor VII: Perceived Acceptability of Being Single (N = 1,404)

4.8Perceived Difficulty in Finding a Partner: means for significant interaction effect between gender and socio-economic status

4.9Perceived Difficulty in Finding a Partner: means for significant interaction effect between gender and family status

4.10Percentage of people who have ever cohabited, by gender, age and family status

4.11Belief that cohabitation would lead to a lifelong commitment (N = 873)

4.12Belief that cohabitation would lead to marriage (N = 873)

5.1Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor I: Belief in Necessity of Having Children for Fulfilment (N = 1,404)

5.2Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor II: Perceived Economic Constraints to Having Children (N = 1,404)

5.3Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor III: Belief in Value of Smaller Families (N = 1,404)

5.4Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor IV: Belief that Men Want Children as Much as Women Do (N = 1,404)

5.5Perceived Economic Constraints to Having Children: means for significant interaction effect of family status and presence of children

5.6Belief in Value of Smaller Families: means for significant interaction effect between age and presence of children

5.7Belief that Men Want Children as much as Women Do: means for significant interaction effect between age and social class (N = 1,404)

7.1Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor I: Support for Universal Provision of Childcare (N = 1404)

7.2Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor II: Perceived Consequences of Part-Time Working (N = 1,404)

7.3Summary ‘agree’ and ‘disagree’ responses to items on Factor III: Support for Policies to Support Co-parenting (N = 1,404)

10.1Loneliness: means for significant interaction effect between gender, family status and presence of children (N = 1,404)

10.2Life satisfaction: means for significant interaction effect between gender, family status and presence of children

10.3‘My life is how I would like it to be’: means for significant interaction effect between gender and socio-economic status

10.4Current dating behaviour of single people by gender and age (N = 625)

10.5Current dating behaviour of single people by presence of children and education (N = 625)

10.6Happiness levels of those in various dating situations (N = 625)

Tables

1.1Married women’s labour force participation in Ireland, 1961–2009 (%)

1.2Total fertility rate, 1960–2007 for selected high- and low-fertility EU countries

1.3Relationship between married women’s labour force participation and total fertility rate in Ireland, 1960–2009

2.1Fieldwork: frequency and distribution of contacts

2.2Comparison of unweighted sample, weighted sample and Central Statistics Office population estimates for key demographic characteristics

3.1Factor analysis of twenty-nine items measuring attitudes to gender roles: items from six Varimax rotated factors (N = 1,404)

3.2Percentage distributions of attitudes to gender roles, grouped by factor (N = 1,404)

3.3Analysis of variance: effects of five demographic characteristics on six factors measuring attitudes to gender roles (N = 1,404)

4.1Factor analysis of thirty-five items measuring attitudes to relationships: selected items from seven Varimax rotated factors (N = 1,404)

4.2Percentage distributions of items measuring attitudes to family formation, grouped by factor (N = 1,404)

4.3Cross-cultural data from ISSP survey on item, ‘People who want children ought to get married’ (percentage agreeing, 1988–2002)

4.4ISSP data for item, ‘People who want children ought to get married’ (percentage agreeing by age group; Ireland only, 1988–2002)

4.5Analysis of variance: effects of five demographic characteristics on seven factors measuring attitudes to family formation (N = 1,404)

4.6Length of time living together in the last three cohabitations (N = 873)

4.7Intention of cohabitees to marry in the future by gender, age, presence of children and education (N = 304 unweighted, 160 weighted)

4.8Intention of cohabiting people to marry current partner, by gender, age, presence of children and education (N = 304 unweighted, 160 weighted)

5.1Factor analysis of thirteen items measuring attitudes to having children: selected items from four Varimax rotated factors (N = 1,404)

5.2Percentage distributions of items measuring attitudes to having children, grouped by factor (N = 1,404)

5.3Analysis of variance: effects of five demographic characteristics on four factors measuring attitudes to having children (N = 1,404)

5.4Analysis of variance: main effects of four demographic variables on actual, expected and ideal family size (N = 1,404)

6.1Analysis of variance: effects of five demographic characteristics on importance of four areas of life (N = 1,404)

6.2Analysis of variance: effects of five demographic characteristics on satisfaction with five areas of life (N = 1,404)

6.3Analysis of variance: effects of five demographic variables on Autonomy (N = 1,404)

6.4Frequency of attendance at religious services: cross-tabulations by six demographic characteristics

7.1Factor analysis of thirteen items measuring attitudes to work–life balance and related social policies: selected items from three Varimax rotated factors (N = 1,404)

7.2Percentage distributions for items measuring attitudes to work–life balance and related social policies, grouped by factor (N = 1,404)

7.3Analysis of variance: effects of five demographic characteristics on three factors measuring attitudes to work–life balance and related social policies (N = 1,404)

7.4Correlations between attitudes to having children and attitudes to work–life balance and related social policies (N = 1,404)

8.1Summary of stepwise multiple regression of predictors of being single vs. cohabiting or being married: males only and females only

8.2Multiple regression analyses: predictors of family status – single vs. married, single vs. cohabiting and cohabiting vs. married for males only and females only

9.1Summary of stepwise multiple regression of predictors of expected family size

9.2Summary of stepwise multiple regression of predictors of ideal family size

10.1Analysis of variance: effects of six demographic characteristics on eight measures of well-being (N = 1,404)

10.2Happiness levels of those in various dating situations (N = 625)

A.1Perceived facilitators to current cohabitation: percentage responses and means of cohabiting people (N = 304 unweighted; 160 weighted)

A.2Factors perceived by cohabitees as relevant to getting married

A.3Married people’s perceived facilitators to current marriage

A.4Likelihood of having children one day: percentage responses and means by gender, age, family status, children and education (N = 1,404)

A.5Expected number of children, percentages and means by gender, age, family status, children and education (N = 1,404)

A.6Perceived facilitators and constraints to childbearing (N = 1,404)

Series editor’s foreword

Over the past 20 years, Ireland has undergone enormous social, cultural and economic change. From a poor, peripheral country on the edge of Europe with a conservative culture dominated by tradition and the Church, Ireland transformed into a global, cosmopolitan country with a dynamic economy. At the heart of the processes of change was a new kind of political economic model of development that ushered in the so-called Celtic Tiger years, accompanied by renewed optimism in the wake of the ceasefires in Northern Ireland and the peace dividend of the Good Friday Agreement. As Ireland emerged from decades of economic stagnation and The Troubles came to a peaceful end, the island became the focus of attention for countries seeking to emulate its economic and political miracles. Every other country, it seemed, wanted to be the next Tiger, modelled on Ireland’s successes. And then came the financial collapse of 2008, the bursting of the property bubble, bank bailouts, austerity plans, rising unemployment and a return to emigration. From being the paradigm case of successful economic transformation, Ireland has become an internationally important case study of what happens when an economic model goes disastrously wrong.

The Irish Society series provides a critical, interdisciplinary and in-depth analysis of Ireland that reveals the processes and forces shaping social, economic, cultural and political life, and their outcomes for communities and social groups. The books seek to understand the evolution of social, economic and spatial relations from a broad range of perspectives and explore the challenges facing Irish society in the future given present conditions and policy instruments. The series examines all aspects of Irish society including, but not limited to: social exclusion, identity, health, welfare, life cycle, family life and structures, labour and work cultures, spatial and sectoral economy, local and regional development, politics and the political system, government and governance, environment, migration and spatial planning. The series is supported by the Irish Social Sciences Platform (ISSP), an all-island platform of integrated social-science research and graduate education focusing on the social, cultural and economic transformations shaping Ireland in the twenty-first century. Funded by the Programme for Research in Third-Level Institutions, the ISSP brings together leading social-science academics from all of Ireland’s universities and other third-level institutions.

Given the marked changes in Ireland’s fortunes over the past two decades, it is important that rigorous scholarship is applied to understand the forces at work, how they have affected different people and places in uneven and unequal ways and what needs to happen to create a fairer and prosperous society. The Irish Society series provides such scholarship.

Rob Kitchin

Acknowledgements

I would like to express my appreciation to the Family Support Agency for its generous support of the research presented here. In particular, I am grateful to Aideen Mooney, Head of Research for most of the duration of the study, for her contribution to the development of the research and encouragement throughout. I also wish to thank her successor, Brian O’Byrne, who ably steered the project to completion. I am grateful to the Board of the Agency and its Chair, Michael O’Kennedy, and to Pat Bennett, CEO, for their interest in and support of the research from conception to completion. The views expressed in the book are my own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Family Support Agency.

The Steering Committee of the study included Prof James Williams, Economic and Social Research Institute; Dr Stephanie O’Keeffe, National Director, Health and Well-being, Health Services Executive (HSE); Ann-Marie O’Connor, Department of Social Protection; and Deirdre Bodkin, Department of Justice, Equality and Defence. I am most grateful to them for generously giving of their time and expertise to the study, in particular to the design of the questionnaire. I wish especially to thank Prof Williams for his advice on sampling, design and analysis, and would like to thank him and Dr O’Keeffe, as well as the anonymous reviewers, for their most useful comments on earlier drafts of research reports, which formed the basis of this book.

The fieldwork and data analyses were carried out by Behaviour and Attitudes. I especially wish to thank Ian McShane, Managing Director, and Luke Reaper, Director, as well as Dean Howlin, who expertly and efficiently executed all of the data analyses, and Louise McGrillen who oversaw the fieldwork throughout the country. We are most grateful to Aidan Punch and Marie Hogarty of the Central Statistics Office for providing advice and special runs on the Census which assisted us in the design and selection of the sample. Appreciation is also expressed to the 1,404 respondents who participated in the main study, as well as the 48 respondents who took part in the qualitative study. Without their cooperation the study would not have been possible. Their views represent the views of many others like themselves and thus their inputs were invaluable.

Several colleagues assisted in conducting pilot interviews throughout the country, which were essential in providing insights which contributed to the main study. These were Dr Florence Craven, Amanda Holzworth, Mary McCarthy, Mairead O’Sullivan and Marianna Prontera. Special thanks are due to Amanda Holzworth, who worked closely with me at all stages of the research, from literature review and questionnaire design to preparation of tables and figures. Her expertise and commitment contributed immeasurably to the study.

Following the completion of the study, I presented preliminary results at the ISQOLS Conference (International Society for Quality of Life Studies) in Venice in 2012. Liz Eckermann invited me to contribute a chapter (Fine-Davis, 2014) based on my paper, to her forthcoming book, Gender, Lifespan and Quality of Life: An International Perspective, published by Springer in 2014. Some of the figures which appeared in that chapter (Figs. 13.1-13.9) also appear in this book (Figs. 3.2-3.5, 3.7-3.9, 10.1-10.2). I wish to thank Springer for granting me permission to reproduce them here. Also following the study, I completed a book on Changing Gender Roles: Three Decades of Attitude Change, published by Routledge in 2015. In order to bring the data in that book, which primarily focused on the period 1975–2005, up to date, I included some data from the present study on current attitudes to gender roles in Chapter 10 of that book. I wish to thank Routledge for granting permission to reproduce those tables and figures here (Tables 10.2-10.4 are reproduced here as Tables 3.1-3.3; Figs 10.1-10.4 correspond to Figs 3.2, 3.9, 3.7 and 3.10 here). All of the tables and figures used in the chapters for Springer and Routledge originally appeared in my report of the study to the Family Support Agency (Fine-Davis, 2011).

It was a pleasure to work with Manchester University Press. I wish in particular to thank Prof Rob Kitchin, National University of Ireland, Maynooth, Series Editor; Tony Mason and Thomas Dark, Senior Commissioning Editors; Rob Byron and Alun Richards. I am also grateful to Sarah Kendall of Out of House Publishing; to Liz Hudson of Little Red Pen; and to Judith Lavender for preparing a fine index.

Finally, I would like to express my thanks to the Sociology Department, School of Social Sciences and Philosophy, Trinity College Dublin, which hosted this research. In particular, I wish to thank Prof Daniel Faas, Head of Department, for his support and facilitation of the writing of this book. Warm appreciation is also due to Dr Gerald Morgan, Director, the Chaucer Hub, Trinity College, for his expert editorial comments and ongoing support and encouragement of my work.

The book is dedicated to my late father, Meyer Fine, and to my mother, Dinah Low Fine, who taught me what a happy family is. My mother managed to do this while skilfully balancing work and family life, and has continued to raise thought-provoking questions, rooted in her own experience, many of them during the course of the writing of this book.

Margret Fine-Davis

Trinity College Dublin

May 2016

1

Changing gender roles and family formation: overview of key issues and previous research

Rationale for study

The past several decades have witnessed major changes in gender roles and family patterns as well as a falling birth rate in Ireland and the rest of Europe. While the traditional nuclear family is now being replaced in many cases by new family forms, we do not fully understand the reasons people are making the choices they are and whether or not these choices are leading to greater well-being. Demographic research has attempted to explain the new trends in family formation, yet there has been little research on people’s attitudes to family formation and having children (Hakim 2003). Moreover, the relationship between changing gender role attitudes and behaviour and the new trends in family formation and fertility has not been adequately addressed. We shall address these questions primarily from the point of view of Ireland. However, we shall do so in the context of the international literature and trends.

Comparisons of Irish Census data from 1986 to 2006 have revealed major demographic changes which have affected the nature of the family. These include an increase in cohabitation, postponement of marriage, an increased likelihood of remaining single and delayed fertility (Lunn et al. 2009). Yet Lunn et al. point out that ‘despite the centrality of family life to people’s well-being, there has been relatively little quantitative research into the dynamics of union formation in Ireland, or into the underlying causes of changes in fertility’ (2009: 2). While census data can illustrate trends in demographic behaviour, because it does not include information on psychological states other than mental health, ‘it is not possible to relate family structures to well-being, attitudes or other psychological indicators that may be important determinants of family life’ (Lunn et al. 2009: 7). Moreover, while demographic research identifies trends, it does not identify people’s motivations for behaving the way they do or the psychological effects of their choices. Thus, while demographic analyses have contributed much to our understanding of the transitions we are undergoing in family formation and fertility, they are insufficient on their own to understand the determinants and effects of the changes in family formation which we have been witnessing in Ireland (Fahey and Russell 2001; Cousins 2006; Lunn et al. 2009) and internationally (Belka 2008). We need other kinds of data to augment the analyses of demographic data to more fully understand the phenomena we are seeing. As Belka (2008), Under-Secretary-General, and Executive Secretary, United Nations (UN) Economic Commission for Europe, stated in a paper to the UN Conference on ‘How Generations and Gender Shape Demographic Change’, ‘It is not sufficient to chart demographic changes. It is important to understand the causes of these changes.’

Background and context of present study

Since the 1960s, there have been vast social changes which have led to changing gender role attitudes and behaviour and changes in the family in Western developed societies (Inglehart and Norris 2003). These include the increasing wealth of countries and the increasing educational attainment of populations, especially of women (Esping-Andersen 2009). The 1960s saw the widespread availability of contraception through the development of the contraceptive pill, which made it possible to control fertility in many countries (though not in Ireland until the late 1970s). This, in turn, gave women more choices, including the choice to remain in education and to enter and remain in the labour force. Towards the end of the decade of the 1960s the women’s movement began, which reinforced these trends.

This period of economic and social change was accompanied by changes in the nature of the family and decreasing fertility. As a result, the traditional nuclear family is now being replaced in many cases by new family forms, including a greater prevalence of cohabitation and an increase in single-headed households. While these trends have been prevalent in some societies longer than others, notably the Scandinavian countries (Wiik et al. 2010), they are now becoming normative even in previously traditional societies such as Ireland (Drew 1998; Family Support Agency 2005; Central Statistics Office 2007; Punch 2007; Fahey and Field 2008; Lunn et al. 2009).

A review of the literature in this area reveals a set of interrelated phenomena which have been studied by demographers, sociologists and psychologists. These issues can be broadly characterised as falling under several themes or areas; however, there is often overlap and interplay between them:

•changing gender role attitudes;

•changing gender role behaviour, e.g., women’s increasing labour force participation;

•the relationship between women’s labour force participation and fertility;

•demographic changes and the emergence of new family forms;

• the effects of family policies on women’s labour force participation and fertility;

•the economic and social effects of these changes on society; and

•the psychological effects of the changing nature of the family on individuals and on society.

We shall address each of these areas in turn as they all have relevance for the issues addressed in the book.

Changing gender role attitudes: the international context

Before we can address changes in family formation, it is necessary to look at the significant changes in gender role attitudes and behaviour that have been taking place, since these form the backdrop to the demographic changes we are seeing.

Changing gender roles constitute a major trend in our societies with vast social, political and economic implications and consequences. Inglehart and Norris have observed that ‘glacial shifts are taking place that move systematically away from traditional values and toward more egalitarian sex roles’ (2003: 9). These shifts in gender roles have far-reaching implications. Esping-Andersen goes further, asserting that ‘women constitute the revolutionary force behind contemporary social and economic transformation. It is in large part the changing role of women that explains the new household structure, our altered demographic behaviour . . . and, as a consequence, the new dilemmas that the advanced societies face’ (2004: v). While these changes came somewhat later to Ireland, the process of change has been very rapid.

The heightened international awareness of the role and status of women, beginning in the late 1960s and coinciding with the beginning of the women’s movement, led to a marked increase in research devoted to studying changes in gender role attitudes and behaviour. Social scientists attempted to capture these shifts, along with related shifts in values, through attitudinal studies carried out over time. One of the earliest studies of attitude change was carried out in Finland (Haavio-Mannila 1972), though the vast majority of the research in the early period was carried out in the United States. These earlier studies captured the initial effects of the women’s movement (e.g., Mason et al. 1976; Thornton and Freedman 1979). This train of research continued in the US through the 1980s and beyond and has continued to the present day (e.g., Thornton et al. 1983; Mason and Lu 1988; Thornton and Young-DeMarco 2001; Cotter et al. 2011).

This train of research has also taken place in several European countries, including the Netherlands (e.g., van der Wal and Oudijk 1985), the UK (e.g., Hinds and Jarvis 2000; Scott 2006, 2008), and Ireland (Fine-Davis 1983a, 1988a; Fine-Davis et al. 2005; Fine-Davis 2015) as well as in Australia (van Egmond et al. 2010). Measures of gender role attitudes have been included in several cross-national surveys, including the Eurobarometre, European Values and World Values surveys and the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP), and trends in Ireland have been discussed by several authors (Wilcox 1991; Banaszak and Plutzer 1993; Whelan and Fahey 1994; Hayes et al. 2000; Treas and Widmer 2000; Inglehart and Norris 2003; O’Sullivan 2007, 2012).

The vast majority of the research cited above has found that gender role attitudes have become significantly less traditional over time, and most studies have found that attitudes to maternal employment have become more accepting (e.g., Mason and Lu 1988; Fine-Davis 1988a, 2015; Thornton and Young-DeMarco 2001; O’Sullivan 2007, 2012). Yet several of the studies have shown that men continue to hold more traditional attitudes than women (e.g., Fine-Davis 1988a, 2015; Fine-Davis et al.