Michael Collins and the Making of a New Ireland Vol. II

By Piaras Beaslai

Michael Collins and the Making of a New Ireland, which was first published in 1926 as two volumes, was written by Piaras Beaslai, a Major-General in the Sinn Fein army who was an intimate friend of Michael Collins and his senior in the inner councils of the most extreme section of the party.

Michael Collins (1890-1922) was an Irish revolutionary, soldier and politician who was a leading figure in the early-20th-century Irish struggle for independence. He was Chairman of the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State from January 1922 until his assassination in August 1922. Collins’ family had republican connections reaching back to the 1798 rebellion. He moved to London in 1906 and became a member of the London GAA, through which he became associated with the Irish Republican Brotherhood and the Gaelic League. He returned to Ireland in 1916 and fought in the Easter Rising. He was subsequently imprisoned in the Frongoch internment camp as a prisoner of war, but was released in December 1916.

After his release, Collins rose through the ranks of the Irish Volunteers and Sinn Féin. He became a Teachta Dála for South Cork in 1918, and was appointed Minister for Finance in the First Dáil. He was present when the Dáil convened on 21 Jan. 1919 and declared the independence of the Irish Republic. In the ensuing War of Independence, he was Director of Organisation and Adj.-Gen. for the Irish Volunteers, and Director of Intelligence of the Irish Republican Army. He gained fame as a guerrilla warfare strategist, planning and directing many successful attacks on British forces.

After the July 1921 ceasefire, Collins and Arthur Griffith were sent to London by Eamon de Valera to negotiate peace terms. A provisional government was formed under his chairmanship in early 1922 but was soon disrupted by the Irish Civil War, in which Collins was commander-in-chief of the National Army. He was shot and killed in an ambush by anti-Treaty forces on 22 Aug. 1922.

• Language: English
• Publisher: Borodino Books
• Release date: Jul 23, 2019
• ISBN: 9781789126907

Piaras Beaslai

Piaras Beaslai (1881-1965) was an Irish author, playwright, biographer and translator, who was a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, fought in the Easter Rising and served as a member of Dail Eireann. He was born Percy Frederick Beazley in Liverpool, England on February 15, 1881 to Irish Catholic parents, Patrick Langford Beazley and Nannie Hickey. His father Patrick Langford Beazley, from Killarney, County Kerry, moved to Egremont, Cumbria and was the editor of The Catholic Times newspaper for 40 years. Beaslai was educated at St. Xavier’s Jesuit College in Liverpool, where he developed his keen interest in Irish; by the time he was aged 17 his Irish proficiency was exceptional. Following graduation, he was encouraged to begin Irish poetry by Tadhg O Donnchadha. Beaslai followed his father’s footsteps into journalism when he began working for the local Wallasey News, and in 1906 he moved to Dublin. Within a year he became a freelance writer for the Irish Peasant, Irish Independent, Freeman’s Journal and Express. He was offered a permanent position with Independent Newspapers, as assistant leader writer and special reporter for the Dublin Evening Telegraph. He wrote regularly for the Freeman’s Journal, including a daily half-column in Irish. After his early introduction to Irish poetry he became involved in staging Irish-language amateur drama at the Oireachtas annual music festival. Beaslai began to write both original works and adaptations from foreign languages. One of these works, Eachtra Pheadair Schlemiel (1909), was translated from German into Irish. He continued to write poetry and between 1913-1939 also wrote many plays. He wrote two books about his comrade Michael Collins: Michael Collins and the Making of a New Ireland (2 volumes, 1926) and Michael Collins: Soldier and Statesman (1937). He won a gold medal at the Tailteann Literary Awards in 1928. Beaslai died in Dublin on June 22, 1965, aged 84.

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Text originally published in 1926 under the same title.

© Borodino Books 2018, all rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted by any means, electrical, mechanical or otherwise without the written permission of the copyright holder.

Publisher’s Note

Although in most cases we have retained the Author’s original spelling and grammar to authentically reproduce the work of the Author and the original intent of such material, some additional notes and clarifications have been added for the modern reader’s benefit.

We have also made every effort to include all maps and illustrations of the original edition the limitations of formatting do not allow of including larger maps, we will upload as many of these maps as possible.

MICHAEL COLLINS

AND THE MAKING OF A NEW IRELAND

by

PIARAS BÉASLAÍ

Volume II

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Contents

TABLE OF CONTENTS 4

LIST OF PLATES 5

CHAPTER I.—The Irish-American Split 6

CHAPTER II.—The Black and Tans 15

June—July, 1920 15

CHAPTER III.—The Reign of Terror 25

August—October, 1920 25

CHAPTER IV.—Bloody Sunday 39

November, 1920 39

CHAPTER V.—Still More Terror 46

November—December, 1920 46

CHAPTER VI.—English Moves for Peace 56

December, 1920 56

CHAPTER VII.—War in Dublin Streets 71

January, 1921 71

CHAPTER VIII.—Fights, Executions and Murders 85

February—March, 1921 85

CHAPTER IX.—Breaking the Terror 97

March—May, 1921 97

CHAPTER X.—End of the Terror 110

May—July, 1921 110

CHAPTER XI.—The Truce 122

July—September, 1921 122

CHAPTER XII.—Collins sent to London 134

September—October, 1921 134

CHAPTER XIII.—The Treaty 145

October—December, 1921 145

CHAPTER XIV.—The Great Disillusionment 153

December, 1921—January, 1922 153

CHAPTER XV.—After the Treaty 168

January, 1922 168

CHAPTER XVI.—Fratricidal Strife 174

January—April, 1922 174

CHAPTER XVII.—The Tragedy Deepens 189

May—August 1922 189

CHAPTER XVIII.—The End 201

August, 1922 201

APPENDIX A—The Members of the First Dáil Éireann 212

APPENDIX B—Report to Dáil Éireann from the Irish Delegation of Plenipotentiaries 215

APPENDIX C—Treaty Between Great Britain and Ireland 222

APPENDIX D—Document No. 2 228

APPENDIX E—The Voting on the Treaty 233

APPENDIX F—Financial Help of Clan-na-Gael 237

APPENDIX G—National Aid Association 238

APPENDIX H—Addenda et Corrigenda 239

REQUEST FROM THE PUBLISHER 240

LIST OF PLATES

Michael Collins Lying in State (coloured frontispiece)

A Group of Dublin Black and Tans (Auxiliaries)

Facsimile of Letter from Captain Y. Z., British Intelligence Officer

Facsimile of Threatening Letter to Michael Collins

General Richard Mulcahy

Mr. Liam Devlin’s Shop and House, 1921

Flashlight Photograph of Tom Cullen, Michael Collins and Liam Tobin

Signatories to the Treaty

Michael Collins as Commander-in-Chief of the National Army

CHAPTER I.—The Irish-American Split

IT is now necessary to turn our attention for a while from these happenings in Ireland to affairs in the United States. It is no business of mine in this book to enter into a detailed account of the circumstances which led, ultimately, to a split among Irish-Americans, but certain facts must be brought out to make our history complete—facts which had an important bearing upon subsequent events in Ireland.

The outstanding fact that confronts the reader is that this narrative of Mr. De Valera’s progress in America—practically his first serious political experience—is the narrative of the development of a split in the Irish-American ranks. He was sent out to arouse the Irish race, in America, in support of Ireland’s claim for independence. He evoked widespread interest in and enthusiasm for the Irish cause in America, and the sum of five million dollars asked for the National Loan was fully subscribed; but within eighteen months his efforts had culminated in a split, leaving two rival open organisations, and even two rival Clan-na-Gael bodies. Twelve months after his return to Ireland, he was again the cause of a split in the Irish national ranks—in the Dail, Sinn Fein, and the I.R.A.—with lamentable consequences for Ireland.

Later happenings in America and Ireland have certainly justified the shrewd prognostication of a prominent Irish-American at an early stage of the development of the differences. He said—Turn everything over to him. He will make a failure of it, but a failure is better than a split. And a split is certain unless De Valera can have his way.

The principal driving force of all Irish national organisation in the United States was, and had for over fifty years been, the Clan-na-Gael, a society which was working in co-operation with the I.R.B., of Ireland, in forwarding the cause of Irish freedom. The organ of the champions of Irish independence in America was the Gaelic American, edited by the veteran Fenian, John Devoy. The Hon. Daniel F. Cohalan, then a Justice of the Supreme Court of the State of New York, a man of high standing in American public life, was a friend and associate of Devoy’s. It will be remembered that, prior to the Paris Peace Conference, President Wilson refused to receive Judge Cohalan, as member of a deputation, to urge the claims of Ireland to independence.

Mainly through the co-operation of the Clan-na-Gael, a Convention of the Irish Race in America was held in New York, on March 4, 1916. An open organisation, called the Friends of Irish Freedom, was established thereat to enlist sympathy and support in the United States for the cause of Ireland. In 1917, Dr. McCartan was sent by the I.R.B., as the envoy of Ireland, to the United States. At the Race Convention, in May, 1918, Diarmuid Lynch, whose deportation from Ireland has been mentioned in Chapter IX. of this work, was elected National Secretary of the Friends of Irish Freedom. On December 10, 1918, a great meeting in support of Self-Determination for Ireland took place in the Madison Square Garden, New York. At this Convention, Cardinal O’Connell, of Boston, made a powerful speech, which was used to great advantage in Ireland in the General Election.

The third, and by far the greatest, Irish Race Convention in America, at which more than 5,000 representative delegates assembled, was held in February, 1919, at Philadelphia. An Irish Victory Fund was inaugurated at this Convention, and its success was unprecedented. The membership of the Friends of Irish Freedom grew by scores of thousands, and, when Mr. De Valera arrived in America, June, 1919, he found there a widespread, active, and united organisation.

From the arrival of Mr. De Valera in America, he failed to pull with either John Devoy or Judge Cohalan. Of the latter he said, in one of his long letters to Arthur Griffith for the Dail Ministry, after the rift had developed:—

I labour under no misapprehension as to the relations between us. They are unfortunately only too well defined by the Judge’s attitude from the beginning. So clear were they from the first, that I was actually considering the question of whether it would not be better for our cause that I should return, or go elsewhere. Separate as one would imagine our personal interests necessarily were—separate, too, as the parts we would naturally have to play, even in the closest co-operation here, I realised early that nevertheless, and big as the country is, it was not big enough to hold the Judge and myself.

The open organisation in the field at the time was the Friends of Irish Freedom—with which the Clan-na-Gael, A.O.H., and other Irish-American associations were heartily co-operating—and practically the only funds the result of the Victory Fund Drive, With these funds, and the help of the Clan-na-Gael, huge receptions were organised for Mr. De Valera in every city he visited. He received more than royal honours. He was hailed as President of the Irish Republic, a title which had never been conferred on him at home. On account of its propagandist value, this description was allowed to pass. It was complained by some of those who organised these public receptions, that he seemed to regard them, not as testimonies of enthusiasm for the cause of Ireland, but as personal tributes to himself.

The Victory Fund, to which close on a million dollars was subscribed within six months, was prematurely closed, at the request of Mr. De Valera, to clear the way for the raising of the Irish National Loan (External). As I have mentioned, a loan of 5,000,000 dollars was asked for, and, in furtherance of this demand, a Bond Drive was started.

All went well on the surface for a time, but there was already friction between Mr. De Valera, John Devoy, and Judge Cohalan. In the beginning of 1920 matters were brought to a head, by an interview granted by Mr. De Valera to a representative of the Westminster Gazette, in which, answering objections as to the danger to England’s security of an Independent Ireland, he referred to the position of Cuba with regard to the United States, and quoted the first article of the Platt Amendment as giving a sufficient safeguard. This interview was widely quoted and commented upon. John Devoy, in the Gaelic American, criticised his Cuban analogy severely, as constituting an abandonment of the claim for an independent Ireland.

Mr. De Valera now sent Dr. MacCartan secretly to Ireland to explain his point of view to the Dail Ministry. He was particularly happy in his selection, as Dr. MacCartan was an old I.R.B. man, about whose sincere Republicanism there could be no question, and he felt he would have the confidence of Collins and other I.R.B. leaders. Dr. MacCartan arrived safely in Dublin, early in March, and stopped at Vaughan’s Hotel under an assumed name. He had a number of interviews with Griffiths and Collins, and placed his point of view before them.

At the same time De Valera wrote to Griffith:—

"It is time for plain speaking now. A deadly attempt to ruin our chances for the bonds, and for everything we came here to accomplish, is being made. If I am asked for the ulterior motives I can only guess that they are

(1) To drive me home—jealousy, envy, resentment of a rival—some devilish cause I do not know what prompts.

(2) To compel me to be a rubber stamp for somebody.

"The position I have held (I was rapidly driven to assert it or surrender) is the following:

(1) No American has the right to dictate policy to the Irish people.

(2) We are here with a definite objective. Americans, banded under the trade name (the word will not be misunderstood), Friends of Irish Freedom, ought to help us to obtain the objective, if they are truly what the name implies."

After discussing the different position of Irish-Americans and Irishmen in America, he proceeds:—

It is not, however, from fundamentals like this the trouble arises. The trouble is purely one of personalities. I cannot feel confidence enough in a certain man to let him have implicit control of tactics here, without consultation and agreement with me.

The position thus put up to Collins and Griffith was this—that we had sent our elected leader as an envoy to the United States, and that he reported that there was a conspiracy to drive him back to Ireland, based upon personal jealousy. Under the circumstances, there seemed only one possible policy—to stand loyally by our leader. Collins and Griffith did so unequivocally—to learn, to their cost, De Valera’s standard of loyalty and gratitude to them at a later date.{1}

On February 20th, 1920 Mr. De Valera addressed to Judge Cohalan the following extraordinary letter, which was delivered by hand, by Harry Boland:—

"Dear Justice Cohalan,

"After mature consideration, I have decided that to continue to ignore the articles in the ‘Gaelic American’ would result in injury to the cause I have been sent here to promote. The articles themselves are, of course, the least matter. It is the evident purpose behind them, and the general attitude of mind they reveal, that is the menace.

"I am answerable to the Irish people for the proper execution of the trust with which I have been charged, I am definitely responsible to them, and I alone am responsible. It is my obvious duty to select such instruments as may be available for the task set me. It is my duty to superintend every important step in the execution of that task. I may not blindly delegate these duties to anyone whomsoever, I cannot divest myself of my responsibilities.

"I see added force being applied, day by day, to the power end of the great lever of American public opinion, with which I hope to accomplish my purpose. I must satisfy myself as to the temper of the other end of the lever.

"The articles of the ‘Gaelic American,’ and certain incidents that have resulted from them, give me grounds for the fear that, in a moment of stress, the point of the lever would fail me. I am led to understand that these articles in the ‘Gaelic American’ have your consent and approval. Is this so?

"The Friends of Irish Freedom organisation is an association of American citizens, founded to assist the Irish people in securing the freedom the Irish people desire. By its name, and by its constitution, it is pledged to aid in securing recognition for the established Republic. I am convinced it is ready to co-operate to the full with the responsible head of the Republic, who has been sent here specially to seek that recognition.

"You are the officer of the Friends of Irish Freedom, who, de facto, wields unchallenged the executive power of that organisation. You are the officer through whom its several resources are in the main applied. You are the officer who has accepted its most important commissions, and spoken, not merely in its name, but in the name of the whole Irish race in America. It is vital that I know exactly how you stand in this matter.

"The whole question is urgent, and I expect you will find it possible to let me have a reply by Monday. To avoid all chance of miscarriage, I am having this delivered by Mr. Boland, personally.

"I remain,

"Very sincerely yours,

EAMON DE VALERA.

Judge Cohalan replied as follows:—

"Dear President De Valera,

"Your communication, dated February 20th, was handed to me by Mr. Boland on Saturday afternoon.

"I was amazed at its contents. In spite of its tone, and because of the position which you occupy, I am responding to it.

"The ‘Gaelic American’ is edited, as you know, by Mr. John Devoy, for whose opinions and convictions I entertain the highest respect. I control neither him nor them.

"That he has the right to comment upon, or discuss your public utterances, or those of any man who speaks for a cause or a people, I assume you will grant. In any event, it is recognized by all Americans as one of our fundamental liberties. We have no law of lèse-majesté here, nor, as far as I can judge, is there talk of having one in the democratic and free Ireland in which we believe.

"Into any controversy you may have with Mr. Devoy, or others, I refuse to be drawn.

"May I venture to suggest that you evidently labour under a serious misapprehension as to the relations which exist between you and me.

"I know no reason why you take the trouble to tell me that you can share your responsibility to the Irish people with no one.

"I would not let you share it with me, if you sought to do so. That is a matter between them and you.

"What I have done for the cause of the independence of the Irish people, recently and for many years past, I have done as an American, whose only allegiance is to America, and as one to whom the interest and security of my country are ever to be preferred to those of any and all other lands. What the extent and effect of that work may be will be decided by the members of the Race and by general public opinion.

"I have no appointment from you or any other spokesman for another country, nor would I under any circumstances accept one.

"So long, and just so long as I can continue to work thus, I shall exercise such influence and talent as I may have in the same way, and for the same ideals as in the past.

"The people of Ireland have placed themselves unequivocally upon record as favouring complete independence for their country, and, unless and until they by vote reverse that decision, I shall regard it as final, no matter what any man or set of men may say to the contrary.

"With their demand for independence I am confident all Americans will finally agree, as it is not alone just, but in line with the ideals and best interests of our country, and essential to the permanent peace of the world, that all nations and peoples should be free.

"If Ireland were to change her position, and to seek a measure of self-government that would align her in the future with England as an ally, in what I regard as the inevitable struggle for the freedom of the seas, that must shortly come between America and England, every loyal American will without hesitation take a position unreservedly upon the side of America.

"A British Monroe Doctrine, that would make Ireland the ally of England, and thus buttress the falling British Empire, so as to further oppress India and Egypt and other subject lands, would be so immoral, and so utterly at variance with the ideals and traditions of the Irish people, as to be as indefensible to them as it would be intolerable to the liberty-loving peoples of the world.

"I believe the people of Ireland were in deadly earnest in declaring for absolute independence, and no voice but that of the people themselves can convince me that they intend to take a position which will put them in hostility to America.

"Should they, however, take such a step—as a free people undoubtedly have the right to do—I know that the millions of Americans of Irish blood, who have created this great movement in favour of Ireland’s independence, which you found here upon your arrival, will once again show with practical unanimity that we are for America as against all the world.

"Are you not in great danger of making a grave mistake when you talk in your communication of selecting ‘instruments’ in this country, and of ‘levers,’ and ‘power end,’ and ‘other end of the lever,’ through which you hope to accomplish your purpose here?

"Do you really think for a moment that American public opinion will permit any citizen of another country to interfere, as you suggest, in American affairs?

"Do you think that any self-respecting American will permit himself to be used in such a manner by you?

"If so, I may assure you that you are woefully out of touch with the spirit of the country in which you are sojourning.

"You point out that I have on occasion been called upon to speak, not merely in the name of the Friends of Irish Freedom but in the name of the whole Irish Race in America, May I call your attention to the fact that it was always as an American, and for my countrymen, that I spoke?

"You might have added that at those times, as at others, I have said nothing that took from the self-respect or dignity of those whom I represented, or that left any doubt upon my hearers that I believed many millions of Americans sympathised with that demand of the people of Ireland for absolute independence, which you come here to voice.

"I respectfully suggest, in closing, that you would be well advised if you hesitate before you jeopardise or imperil that solidarity of opinion, and unity of action, among millions of American citizens, which you found here amongst us when you came, which have been the despair of England’s friends, and have already accomplished so much for America and Ireland.

"Those millions do not desire to see a return of the conditions which, under the late Mr. Redmond, made political activities in Ireland a football in English party politics.

"Yours very truly,

DANIEL F. COHALAN.

Mr. De Valera did not reply to Judge Cohalan’s letter, but he forwarded a copy to Griffith and Collins, accompanied by a voluminous commentary, in which he dealt with the Judge’s letter, paragraph by paragraph, impugning his motives, contradicting his facts, and denying his sincerity, declaring the letter was a wilful misrepresentation of my whole attitude, the production of a tricky police court lawyer. He said—I haven’t replied to the letter, because the only reply I could make would be a broadside of a kind which would make it absolutely impossible to work with the Judge in any way. This letter shows what distance petty, personal rivalries will drive men.

Considering the tone of his letter to Judge Cohalan, one wonders what kind of reply he expected. His commentary, which is too long to quote, running to many foolscap pages, has appended to it a note by Harry Boland—I consider the incident now closed.

Mr. James O’Mara had given his services in the organisation of the National Loan in America, and his great business experience, energy and method resulted in a most efficient and successful machinery being built up for the purpose. Early in March, 1920, he offered his resignation to Mr. De Valera, asking to be relieved of his duties at the earliest possible date. In reporting the resignation to Arthur Griffith, for the Ministry, Mr. De Valera stated: It is purely on private grounds. We have worked together in the greatest harmony, and his services have been invaluable. This statement was certainly misleading. Mr. O’Mara had decided differences of opinion with Mr. De Valera, and resigned because he did not feel able to continue to work with him.

Writing on the subject to Harry Boland, on April 19th, Collins says:—

What on earth is wrong with Mr. O’Mara? There always seems to be something depressing coming from the U.S.A. I cannot tell you how despondent this particular incident had made me. No doubt I am over touchy in this matter, but yet, after a pretty hard year, every little divergence tells heavily. Mr. Griffith is writing to Mr. O’Mara appealing to him to reconsider the question, as his action, if persisted in, would have a really bad effect—very much worse than the ‘Gaelic American’ difference.

In June, 1920, the approach of the National Conventions of the dominant political parties, the forerunners of the Presidential election in the United States, furnished an opportunity to advance Ireland’s claim for recognition as an independent Republic. Mr. De Valera, on this occasion, gave an extraordinary display of obstinacy and lack of political judgment. Without consulting the leaders of the Friends of Irish Freedom, with whom the Clan-na-Gael and other organisations were affiliated, he proceeded to Chicago, the seat of the Republican Convention, had demonstrations organised on a huge scale in that city, and endeavoured to build up a special organisation there, with a view to influencing the delegates to the Convention to adopt recognition of the Irish Republic by the United States as a plank of the Republican platform.

There was in Chicago a number of prominent Americans, of Irish blood or sympathies, whose political experience enabled them to understand all the whys and wherefores likely to govern the decisions of the master minds of the Republican party, who were about to draft the platform on which they hoped to elect the next President of the United States. The advice of these men Mr. De Valera treated with lofty contempt.

The following plank was approved by Mr. De Valera, and presented for adoption by the Committee on Resolutions on the 9th June, 1920:—

"Mindful of the circumstances of the birth of our own nation, we reassert the principle that all governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.

"We will support the continuance of our long-established and lawful practice of according recognition, without intervention in all cases, where people of a nation, as in Ireland, have by free vote of the people set up a Republic and chosen a government to which they yield willing obedience.

Therefore, we favour according by our government to the elected government of the Republic of Ireland, full, formal and official recognition, thus vindicating the principles for which our soldiers offered up their lives.

This proposed plank was defeated in the Committee by a vote of eleven to one.

After the De Valera plank had been defeated, the representatives of the Friends of Irish Freedom submitted for adoption, by the Committee on Resolutions, the following:—

Resolved—That this Republican Convention desires to place on record its sympathy with all oppressed peoples, and its recognition of the principle that the people of Ireland have the right to determine freely, without dictation from outside, their own governmental institutions, and their international relations with other states and peoples.

By a vote of seven to six, the Committee did adopt this as a plank of the Platform. Mr. De Valera, however, objected to it, and insisted that he wanted a plank calling for formal recognition of the Irish Republic or nothing. He certainly got the latter. The Committee withdrew its approval of the Cohalan plank, and Ireland was not referred to, directly or indirectly, in the platform of the Republican Party.

A further result of Mr. De Valera’s intransigence at Chicago was that, at the National Convention of the Democratic Party held the following month, in San Francisco, the best he could obtain in the way of a declaration was a vague and colourless plank expressing sympathy with the aspirations of the Irish people for self-government, and promising such action as may be consistent with international comity and usage—a very explicit repudiation of any move in the direction of recognising Irish Independence.

We can now reflect that the candidate selected by the Republican Convention, Warren G. Harding, was, in the November of that year (1920), elected President of the United States by an overwhelming plurality of over seven million votes, and that the platform of the party, on which he was elected, at one stage, contained a plank which recognised the principle that the people of Ireland have the right to determine freely, without dictation from outside, their own governmental institutions, and their international relations with other states and peoples. The only effect of Mr. De Valera’s intervention was to get this plank dropped.

Following the fiasco at Chicago, the rift between the friends of Ireland in America grew wider. Diarmuid Lynch, to emphasise his attitude, resigned from Dail Eireann. We in Ireland, engaged in a fierce and bloody struggle, were not in a position to study the niceties of American politics. We could only see in the whole controversy an attempt to undermine the influence of the man we had chosen as our representative. In any case it was obviously impossible for us, in the face of the enemy, to let down the man we had elected as President.

Yet, on his return from America, Mr. De Valera told Dail Eireann that there had never been any hope of getting the United States Government to recognise the Irish Republic, and never would be until the States were prepared to go to war with England. If I were President of the United States myself, he said, I could not, and I would not, recognise Ireland as a Republic. It seems a pity he did not recognise this sooner.

Writing to Collins, on January 18th, 1921, after his return to Ireland, Mr. De Valera said:—

"Though I was working directly for recognition in America, I kept in mind as our main political objective the securing of America’s influence in case she was to join a League of Nations, to securing us also a place within the League. I am more than ever convinced that this should be the chief aim of our representatives after March 4th. Recognition we will only get in case of a war with England, though, of course, we should never cease our demand for it."

As autumn approached the divergence between De Valera and Devoy increased, and the Gaelic American contained attacks on De Valera. In one of these articles Collins was described as Commander-in-Chief of the Irish Republican Army, the man responsible for all the fighting, and De Valera, being feted in American cities, was contrasted unfavourably with the man who was risking his life in Ireland. The publication of this article gave great annoyance to Collins, and he wrote to Devoy protesting against it. There was another person to whom this article gave even greater annoyance—Cathal Brugha. As Minister of Defence he regarded himself as Commander-in-Chief of the Irish Republican Army, and was bitterly angered to find this title applied to Collins. Although Collins could not be held responsible for this article, which, I can testify, vexed him greatly, Cathal Brugha never forgave him for it. During the debate on the Treaty Cathal delivered a speech which was simply a personal attack on Collins, quoting as the head and front of his offending, that he had been described in the Press as Commander-in-Chief, when he was only a subordinate.

Mr. De Valera now despatched Harry Boland to Dublin. From the time of his departure to America to his death, Harry’s ruling passion was a devoted personal attachment to De Valera. He arrived secretly in Dublin, was warmly greeted by Collins, and painted the case of De Valera in the brightest colours, and that of his critics and opponents in the blackest hues. His representations, of course, carried great weight with Collins and the other I.R.B. leaders, and he was made the bearer of a message to the Clan-na-Gael expressing the dissent of the I.R.B. from the attitude of the Gaelic American.

Soon after his return to America, Harry Boland announced publicly, that he was authorised to declare the Clan-na-Gael dissevered from the I.R.B. in Ireland. This statement was certainly inaccurate, and a clear case of exceeding his instructions. Collins was startled and annoyed when he saw the action Boland had taken. Boland also started what was called a reorganised Clan.

The quarrel had now come to a head, and De Valera started a rival organisation to the Friends of Irish Freedom, under the very long title of The American Association for the Recognition of the Irish Republic. This body rapidly attained a huge membership. Dail Eireann officially condemned the opposition to Mr. De Valera.

The case made by Devoy and Cohalan, put briefly, was that the Irish in America could only exert influence in American politics in their capacity of American citizens, to whom American interests were paramount, who sought recognition for Irish independence as something in consonance with American ideals of liberty. De Valera, on the other hand, maintained (as his letter to Cohalan shows) that the Irish in America should be welded into an organised force, entirely under his own control as President of the Irish Republic. Of course that was an illogical attitude, but the point at issue was easily misunderstood in Ireland. When Mr. De Valera said, in his letter to Griffith—No American has a right to dictate policy to the Irish people, he uttered a sentiment that found a ready response in the Dail Ministry and in Ireland generally; but it was a mere specious phrase. The question at issue was not a policy for the Irish people in Ireland, but for the Americans of Irish race, descent or sympathies. Our leaders in Ireland were directing our policy for this country without either interference or assistance from Mr. De Valera. What he claimed was a right to dictate a policy to Irish-Americans, by virtue of his office as President of the Irish Republic.

The fundamental fallacy of Mr. De Valera’s position was his failure to recognise that, as President of an Irish Government fighting for its life, his place was in Ireland, and not in America. His claim to dominate Irish-Americans with an authority derived from the people of Ireland was obviously illogical. The representative of a Government, recognised or unrecognised, in a foreign country, should be a diplomatist, and not the leader of a political party. The Acting President, Dail Ministry, members and officials, and the Volunteers, were risking their lives in making the Government of the Saorstát a reality. The place of the President was surely beside them.

After the Truce, when the Dail agreed to negotiations with England, Mr. De Valera insisted on staying at home, and sending Collins to London, declaring that the place of the President was in Ireland, to uphold the symbol of the Presidency. It is strange that that point of view did not present itself to him at any time in 1919 or 1920.

In a cablegram to John Devoy, in February, 1922, Collins admitted a misunderstanding. He said:—

"Our idea was to have some sort of a worldwide Irish federation, each separate part working through the Government, and in accordance