Quarterly Essay 71 Follow the Leader: Democracy and the Rise of the Strongman
By Laura Tingle
4/5
()
About this ebook
In this wise and timely essay, Laura Tingle argues that democratic leaders build a consensus for change, rather than bludgeon the system or turn politics into a popularity contest. They mobilise and guide, more than impose a vision. Tingle offers acute portraits – profiles in courage and cunning – of leaders ranging from Merkel and Howard to Macron and Obama. She discusses the rise of the strongman, including Donald Trump, for whom there is no map, only sentiment and power. And she analyses what has gone wrong with politics in Australia, arguing that successful leaders know what they want to do, and create the space and time to do it. After the Liberal Party’s recent episode of political madness, where does this leave the nation’s new prime minister, Scott Morrison?
“The Liberal Party has been ripped apart and our polity is the worse off for having one of its major political parties rendered largely ungovernable … Malcolm Turnbull’s fate came down to a series of judgements made not just by him, but by his colleagues, who spent much of his prime ministership failing to follow the leader and also failing in their own collective responsibility for leadership.” —Laura Tingle, Follow the Leader
Laura Tingle
Laura Tingle is political editor of the Australian Financial Review. She won the Paul Lyneham Award for Excellence in Press Gallery Journalism in 2004, and Walkley awards in 2005 and 2011. In 2010 she was shortlisted for the John Button Prize for political writing. She appears regularly on Radio National’s Late Night Live and ABC-TV’s Insiders.
Read more from Laura Tingle
In Search of Good Government: Great Expectations & Political Amnesia Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5
Related to Quarterly Essay 71 Follow the Leader
Titles in the series (93)
Quarterly Essay 5 Girt By Sea: Australia, the Refugees and the Politics of Fear Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 6 Beyond Belief: What Future for Labor? Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 12 Made in England: Australia's British Inheritance Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 1 In Denial: The Stolen Generations and the Right Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Quarterly Essay 2 Appeasing Jakarta: Australia's Complicity in the East Timor Tragedy Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 9 Beautiful Lies: Population and Environment in Australia Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 23 The History Question: Who Owns The Past? Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 17: ‘Kangaroo Court’: Family Law in Australia Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 7 Paradise Betrayed: West Papua's Struggle for Independence Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 31 Now or Never: A Sustainable Future for Australia? Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Quarterly Essay 13 Sending Them Home: Refugees and the New Politics of Indifference Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 3 The Opportunist: John Howard and the Triumph of Reaction Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 38 Power Trip: The Political Journey of Kevin Rudd Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 8 Groundswell: The Rise of the Greens Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 16 Breach of Trust: Truth, Morality and Politics Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 19 Relaxed and Comfortable: The Liberal Party's Australia Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 14 Mission Impossible: The Sheikhs, the U.S. and the Future of Iraq Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 28 Exit Right: The Unravelling of John Howard Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 20 A Time for War: Australia as a Military Power Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 24 No Fixed Address: Nomads and the Fate of the Planet Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 4 Rabbit Syndrome: Australia and America Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 35 Radical Hope: Education and Equality for Australia Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 10 Bad Company: The Cult of the CEO Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 40 Trivial Pursuit: Leadership and the End of the Reform Era Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 18 Worried Well: The Depression Epidemic and the Medicalisation of Our Sorrows Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 21 What's Left?: The Death of Social Democracy Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 36 Australian Story: Kevin Rudd and the Lucky Country Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 11 Whitefella Jump Up: The Shortest Way to Nationhood Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 15 Latham's World: The New Politics of the Outsiders Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 37 What's Right?: The Future of Conservatism in Australia Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratings
Related ebooks
Quarterly Essay 60 Political Amnesia: How We Forgot How To Govern Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 46 Great Expectations: Government, Entitlement and an Angry Nation Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsUncivil Wars: Quarterly Essay 87 Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 83 Top Blokes: The Larrikin Myth, Class and Power Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 74 The Prosperity Gospel: How Scott Morrison Won and Bill Shorten Lost Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 79 The End of Certainty: Scott Morrison and Pandemic Politics Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 82 Exit Strategy: Politics After the Pandemic Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 75 Men at Work: Australia's Parenthood Trap Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 70 Dead Right: How Neoliberalism Ate Itself and What Comes Next Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5The Good, the Bad and the Unlikely: Australia's Prime Ministers: From Barton to Albanese Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Triumph and Demise: The broken promise of a Labor generation Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Venom: Vendettas, Betrayals and the Price of Power Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsThe Surprise Party: How the Coalition Went from Chaos to Comeback Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsBad Cop: Peter Dutton's Strongman Politics; Quarterly Essay 93 Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsStop at Nothing: The Life and Adventures of Malcolm Turnbull; Quarterly Essay 34 Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5Quarterly Essay 21 What's Left?: The Death of Social Democracy Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 77 Cry Me a River: The Tragedy of the Murray–Darling Basin Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 22 Voting for Jesus: Christianity and Politics in Australia Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Men at Work: Australia's Parenthood Trap Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Quarterly Essay 55 A Rightful Place: Race, Recognition and a More Complete Commonwealth Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 40 Trivial Pursuit: Leadership and the End of the Reform Era Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsInside the Greens: The Origins and Future of the Party, the People and the Politics Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5Quarterly Essay 65 The White Queen: One Nation and the Politics of Race Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsFaction Man: Bill Shorten's Pursuit of Power Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5The Game: A Portrait of Scott Morrison Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Quarterly Essay 63 Enemy Within: American Politics in the Time of Trump Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsCredlin & Co.: How the Abbott Government Destroyed Itself Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Political Animal: The Making of Tony Abbott Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 73 Australia Fair: Listening to the Nation Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsQuarterly Essay 69 Moment of Truth: History and Australia’s Future Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratings
History & Theory For You
The Prince: Second Edition Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5The End Is Always Near: Apocalyptic Moments, from the Bronze Age Collapse to Nuclear Near Misses Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5The Art of War Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5How to Blow Up a Pipeline: Learning to Fight in a World on Fire Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Five Minds for the Future Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5A Theory of Justice: Original Edition Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Is Administrative Law Unlawful? Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/59/11 Synthetic Terror: Made in USA, 5th edition Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5The Age of Reason Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5The Age of Insecurity: Coming Together as Things Fall Apart Rating: 0 out of 5 stars0 ratingsSummary Guide: The 48 Laws of Power by Robert Greene | The Mindset Warrior Summary Guide Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5Psychopolitics: Neoliberalism and New Technologies of Power Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5The Psychology of Totalitarianism Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5The Death of Democracy: Hitler's Rise to Power and the Downfall of the Weimar Republic Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5The Origins Of Totalitarianism Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5On War: With linked Table of Contents Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5The Conservative Mind: From Burke to Eliot Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5A Student's Guide to Political Philosophy Rating: 3 out of 5 stars3/5The Peter Principle: Why Things Always Go Wrong Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5The Human Condition Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Reconstruction Updated Edition: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863-18 Rating: 5 out of 5 stars5/5The Essential Chomsky Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5The Fourth Turning Is Here: What the Seasons of History Tell Us about How and When This Crisis Will End Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Intellectuals: From Marx and Tolstoy to Sartre and Chomsky Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Antisemitism: Part One of The Origins of Totalitarianism Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5The Republic by Plato Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Hope in the Dark: Untold Histories, Wild Possibilities Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5
Reviews for Quarterly Essay 71 Follow the Leader
1 rating0 reviews
Book preview
Quarterly Essay 71 Follow the Leader - Laura Tingle
Quarterly Essay is published four times a year by Black Inc., an imprint of Schwartz Publishing Pty Ltd. Publisher: Morry Schwartz.
ISBN 9781743820599 ISSN 1832-0953
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.
No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior consent of the publishers.
Essay & correspondence © retained by the authors.
Subscriptions – 1 year print & digital (4 issues): $79.95 within Australia incl. GST. Outside Australia $119.95. 2 years print & digital (8 issues): $149.95 within Australia incl. GST. 1 year digital only: $49.95.
Payment may be made by Mastercard or Visa, or by cheque made out to Schwartz Publishing. Payment includes postage and handling.
To subscribe, fill out and post the subscription card or form inside this issue, or subscribe online:
quarterlyessay.com
subscribe@blackincbooks.com
Phone: 61 3 9486 0288
Correspondence should be addressed to:
The Editor, Quarterly Essay
Level 1, 221 Drummond Street
Carlton VIC 3053 Australia
Phone: 61 3 9486 0288 / Fax: 61 3 9011 6106
Email: quarterlyessay@blackincbooks.com
Editor: Chris Feik. Management: Caitlin Yates.
Publicity: Anna Lensky. Design: Guy Mirabella.
Assistant Editor: Kirstie Innes-Will. Production
Coordinator: Hanako Smith. Typesetting: Akiko Chan.
FOLLOW THE LEADER
Democracy and the Rise of the Strongman
Laura Tingle
CORRESPONDENCE
John McTernan, W. Max Corden, John Quiggin, Kristina Keneally, Adam Creighton, Danielle Wood, Damien Freeman, Michael Keating, Roderick Best, Richard Denniss
Contributors
London, June 2017. A leadership crisis is upon us. Having cheerfully followed my lead as we clambered over the remnants of ancient Roman civilisation at the beginning of my first Quarterly Essay, Great Expectations, and contemplated Tacitus and the fall of the Roman Empire at the beginning of my second, Political Amnesia, Tosca Ramsey, my daughter, my diva filia, has had enough as we travel on perhaps our last Excellent Girls’ Adventure abroad together. Now almost nineteen, Tosca has perfected the teenage eye-roll and barely disguised contempt. Oh. My. God,
Tosca says, as I prod helplessly at a ticket machine in the vast concourse of Waterloo Station. I can’t believe you just did that.
She strides off to sort out our ticket purchases, gloriously unaware of the young men walking into poles and garbage bins as she passes by. Although oblivious to the path of male destruction she leaves in her wake, she is more than aware of the effect she is having on her mother: the assertion of independence; of greater knowledge of the world and what is needed to operate in it; of greater competence and capacity to lead us on the next stage of our journey. Happy to follow along on our past adventures, in this one my girl has nicked the field marshal’s baton from my knapsack and made a charge for the front.
Leadership, it turns out, is a two-way thing. Leaders kid themselves that they are setting the terms of play, even running the world. And we write and think about them in those terms. But in fact true leaders only get to lead if they have followers whom they can persuade to follow. So often it is what followers want that determines whether leaders get to emerge at all. And as we have seen in Australia in recent years, it is followers in the party – and what they think followers outside the party – want that determines whether they stay there.
I didn’t yet realise, when I was being bathed in scorn at Waterloo Station, that there was an obvious final instalment, a trilogy to complete, in the consideration of Australian expectations of government, and our failing institutional memory, that I began in 2012. That final instalment concerns political leadership in the modern world. For whatever our expectations of government, whatever the state of our institutions and institutional memory, it is leadership that helps both to settle those things, and change them.
We don’t much discuss our expectations of government, or consider the changing nature of the institutions that hold our society together, and so often we have faulty memories of what has gone before. But we do increasingly focus our frustration with our society and our politics on the human form of our leaders. We bemoan a lack of leadership. Some yearn for the good old days when we had it. Yet when we get it, we sometimes don’t recognise it, and even if we do, we seldom reward it.
People always grumble about political leaders. But there is a deeper malaise afoot now. Zoom out from the daily inanity of the domestic news cycle. Zoom out even further from the point where you shake your head in disbelief at Trumpian political developments around the world or local Liberal Party madness. Consider something a little unlikely as a sign of our leadership discontents.
Young people’s fiction these days comes in ever faster waves of franchises seeking to ride particular crazes: for wizards, zombies, vampires or the post-apocalyptic. In many of these books, TV series and films, the same themes recur: societies in which the rules have broken down, in which there are no people in positions of authority, or even formal leadership structures. These are stories built on disillusionment and a suspicion of social structure – which often acts as a threat to our heroes, who invariably are just average kids. Rugged individuals must make do, striving to stay alive, at least until the end of the book or episode.
Our young people absorb, but are also attracted to, these worlds with their broken-down societies or absent leaders. This might be no more than a reflection of the slightly maudlin phase many of us go through as teenagers. At first glance, an obsession with the post-apocalyptic would seem more understandable in those of us who grew up during the Cold War, rather than the second decade of the twenty-first century. But the disillusionment reflected in fictional domains coincides with the global return of the strongman to politics. And with these two conflicting trends comes a belated alarm that the world is not naturally tending to the Western democratic model that many of us smugly assumed had triumphed and become irresistible at the end of the Cold War.
*
In so many ways, the qualities and requirements of leadership are eternal. We have all read about the great figures of history, and that reading has shaped our views of what makes a true leader. But if I’m right about the changing expectations we have of politics – and if our institutions and institutional memory are being transformed – then there is much to say about how those human beings who have a will to influence others, and to power, rub up against the forces at play in modern politics.
This essay considers those forces, and how leaders and leadership are responding to them. It is just too easy to say our current leaders aren’t up to scratch (even if they aren’t). We need to have a more sophisticated discussion about what they might lack and how we judge what they need to give us. But instead, when our young people look back at the real world, they see a deep cynicism about political leaders but also an unhealthy obsession; and a focus not so much on what they might have achieved for their communities, but merely on their personal traits.
In Australia, for example, the recent debate about Adani’s controversial proposed coalmine in central Queensland descended at one point into a discussion of Bill Shorten’s personality and honesty, rather than the merits or risks of the massive project. It became a discussion of the different messages Shorten sent to different audiences and what this told us about his character.
Similarly, Malcolm Turnbull’s prime ministership was overwhelmingly considered in light of his personal qualities and life story, with little regard given to the circumstances that constrained or shaped his day-to-day political management, let alone that the prime ministership is but one dynamic in a larger play of political forces. Turnbull’s fractious and self-indulgent Coalition partners in the Nationals, the reckless wrecking of Tony Abbott: we just wanted the prime minister to make these things go away, or to govern as if they don’t exist, just as we expected the same thing of Julia Gillard when it came to the realities of minority government.
Consider the Nationals. John Howard had leaders Tim Fischer and John Anderson to deal with. Tony Abbott, and in the early days Malcolm Turnbull, had Warren Truss. These men were sometimes idiosyncratic, sometimes dull, but ultimately committed to the Coalition and making it work.
Self-indulgence on a grand scale is a relatively recent thing in Australian federal politics. Of course, individuals have long blundered through the narrative from Canberra, causing chaos for the government or Opposition of the day, and providing colourful copy for journalists. From Jim Cairns and his kind of love
for Junie Morosi, to Barnaby Joyce and his victimhood view of his imploding personal life, there has always been something colourful to watch in federal politics. But until the last ten years, politicians largely acted on the understanding that their individual actions ultimately had to take into account the good of the party and the survival of the government.
Not anymore.
The tearing down of Malcolm Turnbull’s prime ministership has been perhaps the most incomprehensible example of this. Turnbull was destroyed by people in the Liberal Party who, whatever they said about trying to save the government, were actually prepared to lose it to achieve their ends.
Whether or not Barnaby Joyce was a more politically effective leader of the Nationals than some of his predecessors, the untrammelled licence with which he has approached his career – and the fact there were so few signs of commitment to making the Coalition with the Liberal Party, and therefore the government, function successfully – make him the embodiment of the new self-indulgence. He was committed to havoc from the time he entered federal parliament as a senator in 2005.
Labor has had its own waves of self-indulgence, notably in the vengeful form of Kevin Rudd. Though he was himself a victim of the factions, his downfall as prime minister followed a very short period of disloyalty, which stands in stark contrast to his own relentless undermining of his colleagues. Julia Gillard as prime minister had the smallest of circles of ministers on which to rely in government, with Rudd and his colleagues constantly circling.
Once Bob Brown left the Senate, the Greens – a bit like the latter-day Nationals – did not seem to have the pragmatic understanding that the end of Labor government would limit their capacity to influence policy.
It’s not a question of feeling sorry for Turnbull or Gillard, but of understanding that a lack of internal discipline and room to manoeuvre circumscribes what leaders can do before they even get out of bed in the morning. Instead of such problems being recognised as impediments that have to be dealt with, they tend to be treated as not just the leader’s own fault, but also a sign of weakness. Thus, even as the Nationals and the conservative rump of the Liberal Party provide the daily colour and debacle of today’s episode of The Young and the Restless, the trend is still to focus on the leaders, rather than those around them. The discussion becomes a one- or two-man play under a single spotlight, instead of a chaotic musical where the whole stage is lit to reveal an all-star cast, an unruly chorus and a Wagnerian-sized orchestra. How likely is it that we will understand what is really driving events when we view them this way?
Until relatively recently, the idea of collective cabinet government set the frame for federal politics in Australia. Prime ministers may always have been first among equals, but the discussion was about how the prime minister wrangled the views of his colleagues, or led them to a particular view, as the first best exemplar of wider consensus-building. Alternatively, the narrative may have been about the tussle of a particular minister to sway his or her colleagues, or a battle among ministers for policy supremacy.
But now it is a leader who succeeds or fails alone.
Yet, in Australia at least, the evolving structures of our government – particularly the complexities of Federation – have reached a point where it is simply not possible for any one person to bring about a dramatic change in complex national policy (if it ever was), no matter how persuasive an advocate they might be, or how clever they show themselves to be at manipulating the system.
It’s not that dramatic change isn’t possible. It’s not that we ultimately don’t need someone to set a direction. It’s just that any sort of transformation requires not only that a leader master the mechanics of two levels of government and the circumstances of the day, but also that the rest of us have a clear-eyed understanding of all the factors a leader must manipulate in order to bring about that change – so that we can decide whether we will follow, and what we really think of the person leading us.
Complex change, involving several levels of government and a multitude of political interests, requires more political time and space than we seem prepared to give our leaders these days.
Francis Fukuyama wrote recently:
Liberal democracies invite popular participation and over time tend to proliferate rules that complicate decision-making. When such political systems combine with polarized or otherwise severely divided publics, the result is often political paralysis, which makes ordinary governing very difficult. India under the previous Congress Party government was a striking example of this, where infrastructure projects and needed economic reforms seemed beyond the government’s ability to deliver. Something similar occurred in Japan and Italy, which often seemed paralysed in the face of long-term economic stagnation.
One of the most prominent cases was the US, where an extensive set of constitutionally mandated checks and balances can be seen as a vetocracy,
i.e. the ability of small groups to veto action on the part of majorities. This is what has produced a yearly crisis in Congress over passing a budget, something that has not been accomplished under so-called regular order
for at least a generation, and has blocked sensible reforms of health care, immigration, and financial regulation.
This perceived weakness in